{"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1951\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=12","prev":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1951\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=11","next":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1951\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=13","last":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1951\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=419"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":12,"next_page":13,"prev_page":11,"total_pages":419,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":110,"total_count":4185,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c46","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Albert E. Truby, 1930/1954","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c46#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c46","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c46"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c46","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05","parent_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series IX. Photographs, 1846/1966, bulk 1870/1960","Photographs relating to Jesse W. Lazear. sites in Cuba, Charles G. Sontag, John J. Moran, Walter Reed, Albert E. Truby, Leonard Wood, A.S. Pinto, and Theobold Smith, 1895/1948"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"Albert E. Truby","title_ssm":["Albert E. Truby"],"title_tesim":["Albert E. Truby"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Albert E. Truby, 1930/1954"],"text":["Albert E. Truby, 1930/1954","Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series IX. Photographs, 1846/1966, bulk 1870/1960","Photographs relating to Jesse W. Lazear. sites in Cuba, Charles G. Sontag, John J. Moran, Walter Reed, Albert E. Truby, Leonard Wood, A.S. Pinto, and Theobold Smith, 1895/1948","box 80","folder 96","photographs","English"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series IX. Photographs, 1846/1966, bulk 1870/1960","Photographs relating to Jesse W. Lazear. sites in Cuba, Charles G. Sontag, John J. Moran, Walter Reed, Albert E. Truby, Leonard Wood, A.S. Pinto, and Theobold Smith, 1895/1948"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series IX. Photographs, 1846/1966, bulk 1870/1960","Photographs relating to Jesse W. Lazear. sites in Cuba, Charles G. Sontag, John J. Moran, Walter Reed, Albert E. Truby, Leonard Wood, A.S. Pinto, and Theobold Smith, 1895/1948"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1930/1954"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1930-1954"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":8698,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"extent_ssm":["1 page"],"extent_tesim":["1 page"],"containers_ssim":["box 80","folder 96"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"access_subjects_ssim":["photographs"],"access_subjects_ssm":["photographs"],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954],"_nest_path_":"/components#8/components#4/components#45","timestamp":"2026-09-17T13:58:02.897Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_1710.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/202324","title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998","bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["bulk 1863-1974"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"text":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710","Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever","There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      II. Henry Rose Carter\n      III. Walter Reed\n      IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      V. Maps\n      VI. Alphabetical files\n      VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      VIII. Miscellany\n      IX. Photographs\n      X. Photographic negatives\n      XI. Reprints\n      XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\n      XIII. Reed family additions\n      XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\n      XV. Laura Wood\n      XVI. Edward Hook additions","The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.","When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.","The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.","In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.","Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued thatBacillus icteroideswas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.","Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, theB. icteroidestheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of theicteroidesproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle theB. icteroidesquestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.","Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identifiedB. icteroidesin tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.","What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.Bacillus icteroidesand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.","\"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.","Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.","On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.","These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.","Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.","Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.","The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the varietyCulex fasciata(later calledStegomyia fasciata, and later stillAedes aegypti) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected?\n      When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\n      Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.","The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.","The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.","Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.Culex pungensfailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated thatCulex fasciatawas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]","A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle theBacillus icteroidesquestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow anyB. icteroides, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.","Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.","Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:","\"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"","\"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]","The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.","That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.","The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.","For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.","Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper asThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note, published immediately in theJournal of the American Medical Association. [16]","Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.","Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note,Medical News(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\n      [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\n      [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\n      [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\n      [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health AssociationIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n      [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\n      [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note,Journal of the American Medical Association36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\n      [8] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n      [9] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n      [10] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\n      [11]Culex fasciatawas reclassified shortly after the experiments asStegomyiaand later becameAedes aegypti.\n      [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\n      [13] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\n      [14] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\n      [15] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n      [16] Please see note [7].\n      [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,Experimental Yellow Fever,American MedicineII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\n      [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note),American MedicineIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.","Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.","At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.","Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.","Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.","Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.","Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in theArmy Register, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\n      [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,Walter Reed and Yellow Fever(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.","\"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.","Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]","These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on theAnophelesmosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.","The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship ofBacillus icteroidesto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.","The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.","Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.","[1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.","Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\n      [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n      [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\n      [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n      [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\n      [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\n      [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.","Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.","Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.","Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]","Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in theNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]","Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.[5]","Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man,Southern Medical Journal32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\n      [2] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n      [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n      [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\n      [5] Carter, Henry Rose.Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.","\"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.","Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.","Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.","In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,The Military Surgeon, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.","Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\n      [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\n      [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.","Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.","The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.","For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.","In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\n      [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.","Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n      Series III. Walter Reed\n      Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      Series V. Maps\n      Series VI. Alphabetical files\n      Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      Series VIII. Miscellany\n      Series IX. Photographs\n      Series X. Negatives\n      Series XI. Reprints\n      Series XIII. Reed family additions\n      Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.","Processed by:\n        Historical Collections Staff","Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.","Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.","In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.","Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.","Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.","In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.","In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.","In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.","In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.","In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\n      correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\n      genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\n      legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\n      military records relating to Jesse;\n      certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\n      obituaries;\n      copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\n      newspaper articles;\n      a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\n      and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\n      scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\n      journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n      research notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\n      and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.","In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\n      condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\n      and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\n      military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\n      Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\n      medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\n      articles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\n      and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\n      biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n      records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\n      copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n      and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,Yellow Jack.","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\n      materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\n      scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n      and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\n      autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\n      notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\n      correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\n      correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\n      newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\n      drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\n      meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\n      scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\n      and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs;\n      Cuba;\n      sites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n      and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.","Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\n      other correspondence;\n      newspaper and magazine clippings;\n      unpublished manuscripts;\n      biographical and autobiographical accounts;\n      transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.","Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\n      Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\n      a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode;\n      and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\n      the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\n      articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\n      a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\n      and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\n      diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\n      copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n      artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\n      copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\n      correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\n      articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\n      notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\n      family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\n      Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\n      the U.S.S.Maineand the Spanish-American War;\n      aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\n      scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\n      the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\n      the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n      still scenes from the movies,Yellow JackandJezebel;\n      other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\n      documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\n      and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.","Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.","The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.","Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\n      biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\n      the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\n      scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\n      and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\n      newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n      photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\n      and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.","In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\n      newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\n      correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\n      and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants;\n      correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\n      correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\n      press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\n      oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\n      photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\n      genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\n      autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\n      unpublished manuscripts;\n      artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\n      Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.","Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\n      a journal article by George Sternberg;\n      and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,Walter Reed and yellow Fever.","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.","Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\n      copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\n      and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.","Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army","Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"collection_title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["United States. Army"],"creator_ssim":["United States. Army"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Materials from the following series were donated to the University of Virginia's Alderman Library in the fall of 1966 and the summer of 1970 by Philip Showalter Hench's widow, Mary Kahler Hench, with the approval of his estate:","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n      Series III. Walter Reed\n      Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      Series V. Maps\n      Series VI. Alphabetical files\n      Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      Series VIII. Miscellany\n      Series IX. Photographs\n      Series X. Negatives\n      Series XI. Reprints","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were donated to the HAM/TMC by Philip Showalter Hench as a small part of a larger collection of materials.","Materials from Series XIII. Reed family additions were donated by various individuals to Alderman Library between 1947 and 1972. Box 139, Folder 1 contains a list that describes each of these donations in detail.","Materials from Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, in 1988 and 1989.","Materials from Series XV. Laura Wood were most likely donated to Alderman Library between 1972 and 1982.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library as a part of the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eI. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eII. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIII. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eV. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eX. Photographic negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXVI. Edward Hook additions\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization of the Collection"],"arrangement_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      II. Henry Rose Carter\n      III. Walter Reed\n      IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      V. Maps\n      VI. Alphabetical files\n      VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      VIII. Miscellany\n      IX. Photographs\n      X. Photographic negatives\n      XI. Reprints\n      XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\n      XIII. Reed family additions\n      XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\n      XV. Laura Wood\n      XVI. Edward Hook additions"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Information for the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission","Biographical Information for Walter Reed","Biographical Information for Jesse W. Lazear","Biographical Information for Henry Rose Carter","Biographical Information for Jefferson Randolph Kean","Biographical Information for Philip Showalter Hench"],"bioghist_tesim":["The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.","When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.","The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.","In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.","Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued thatBacillus icteroideswas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.","Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, theB. icteroidestheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of theicteroidesproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle theB. icteroidesquestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.","Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identifiedB. icteroidesin tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.","What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.Bacillus icteroidesand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.","\"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.","Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.","On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.","These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.","Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.","Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.","The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the varietyCulex fasciata(later calledStegomyia fasciata, and later stillAedes aegypti) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected?\n      When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\n      Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.","The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.","The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.","Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.Culex pungensfailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated thatCulex fasciatawas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]","A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle theBacillus icteroidesquestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow anyB. icteroides, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.","Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.","Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:","\"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"","\"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]","The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.","That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.","The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.","For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.","Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper asThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note, published immediately in theJournal of the American Medical Association. [16]","Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.","Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note,Medical News(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\n      [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\n      [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\n      [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\n      [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health AssociationIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n      [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\n      [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note,Journal of the American Medical Association36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\n      [8] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n      [9] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n      [10] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\n      [11]Culex fasciatawas reclassified shortly after the experiments asStegomyiaand later becameAedes aegypti.\n      [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\n      [13] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\n      [14] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\n      [15] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n      [16] Please see note [7].\n      [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,Experimental Yellow Fever,American MedicineII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\n      [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note),American MedicineIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.","Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.","At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.","Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.","Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.","Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.","Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in theArmy Register, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\n      [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,Walter Reed and Yellow Fever(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.","\"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.","Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]","These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on theAnophelesmosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.","The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship ofBacillus icteroidesto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.","The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.","Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.","[1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.","Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\n      [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n      [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\n      [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n      [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\n      [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\n      [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.","Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.","Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.","Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]","Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in theNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]","Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.[5]","Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man,Southern Medical Journal32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\n      [2] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n      [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n      [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\n      [5] Carter, Henry Rose.Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.","\"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.","Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.","Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.","In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,The Military Surgeon, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.","Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\n      [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\n      [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.","Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.","The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.","For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.","In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\n      [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries I. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries V. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries X. Negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMaterials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n      Series III. Walter Reed\n      Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      Series V. Maps\n      Series VI. Alphabetical files\n      Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      Series VIII. Miscellany\n      Series IX. Photographs\n      Series X. Negatives\n      Series XI. Reprints\n      Series XIII. Reed family additions\n      Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  "],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by:\n        Historical Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePhilip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing History"],"processinfo_tesim":["Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.","Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.","In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.","Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.","Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.","In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.","In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.","In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.","In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003elegal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecertificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eobituaries;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ejournal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eresearch notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003econdolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWalter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emedical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003erecords relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFinally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ematerials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edrafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emeeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHavana and its environs;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003esites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand military installations in the United States.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother correspondence;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper and magazine clippings;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical and autobiographical accounts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003etranscripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMemoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003einformed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ediplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emanuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephysicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003efamily members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCamp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe U.S.S.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMaine\u003c/emph\u003eand the Spanish-American War;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eaerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003estill scenes from the movies,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003eand\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJezebel\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edocuments and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench and his family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ean inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe correspondence of experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003epress clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eoral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's research notes.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea journal article by George Sternberg;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand exhibition materials.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.","In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\n      correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\n      genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\n      legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\n      military records relating to Jesse;\n      certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\n      obituaries;\n      copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\n      newspaper articles;\n      a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\n      and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\n      scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\n      journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n      research notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\n      and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.","In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\n      condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\n      and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\n      military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\n      Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\n      medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\n      articles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\n      and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\n      biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n      records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\n      copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n      and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,Yellow Jack.","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\n      materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\n      scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n      and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\n      autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\n      notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\n      correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\n      correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\n      newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\n      drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\n      meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\n      scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\n      and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs;\n      Cuba;\n      sites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n      and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.","Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\n      other correspondence;\n      newspaper and magazine clippings;\n      unpublished manuscripts;\n      biographical and autobiographical accounts;\n      transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.","Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\n      Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\n      a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode;\n      and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\n      the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\n      articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\n      a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\n      and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\n      diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\n      copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n      artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\n      copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\n      correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\n      articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\n      notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\n      family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\n      Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\n      the U.S.S.Maineand the Spanish-American War;\n      aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\n      scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\n      the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\n      the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n      still scenes from the movies,Yellow JackandJezebel;\n      other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\n      documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\n      and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.","Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.","The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.","Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\n      biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\n      the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\n      scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\n      and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\n      newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n      photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\n      and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.","In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\n      newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\n      correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\n      and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants;\n      correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\n      correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\n      press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\n      oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\n      photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\n      genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\n      autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\n      unpublished manuscripts;\n      artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\n      Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.","Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\n      a journal article by George Sternberg;\n      and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,Walter Reed and yellow Fever.","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.","Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\n      copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\n      and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Copyright Status"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_98fe81a152b4be0b7388b1814ffaf4bd\"\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army"],"names_coll_ssim":["United States. Army"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army"],"language_ssim":["Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":10452,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-09-17T13:58:02.897Z","bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ewas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003etheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eicteroides\u003c/emph\u003eproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ein tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e(later called\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e, and later still\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti\u003c/emph\u003e) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHow could a building become infected?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWhen does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOver what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex pungens\u003c/emph\u003efailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003e, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e, published immediately in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e. [16]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eBacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical News\u003c/title\u003e(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association\u003c/title\u003eIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[9] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[10] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[11]\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas reclassified shortly after the experiments as\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia\u003c/emph\u003eand later became\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti.\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[13] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[14] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[15] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[16] Please see note [7].\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eExperimental Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note)\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003eWalter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eArmy Register\u003c/title\u003e, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003eJesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAnopheles\u003c/emph\u003emosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,\u003c/title\u003e \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003eHenry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal\u003c/title\u003e, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003e[5]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eHenry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSouthern Medical Journal\u003c/title\u003e32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Carter, Henry Rose.\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003eBaltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003eJefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Military Surgeon\u003c/title\u003e, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  "]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c46"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c47","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Albert E. Truby, 1930/1954","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c47#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c47","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c47"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c47","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05","parent_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series IX. Photographs, 1846/1966, bulk 1870/1960","Photographs relating to Jesse W. Lazear. sites in Cuba, Charles G. Sontag, John J. Moran, Walter Reed, Albert E. Truby, Leonard Wood, A.S. Pinto, and Theobold Smith, 1895/1948"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"Albert E. Truby","title_ssm":["Albert E. Truby"],"title_tesim":["Albert E. Truby"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Albert E. Truby, 1930/1954"],"text":["Albert E. Truby, 1930/1954","Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series IX. Photographs, 1846/1966, bulk 1870/1960","Photographs relating to Jesse W. Lazear. sites in Cuba, Charles G. Sontag, John J. Moran, Walter Reed, Albert E. Truby, Leonard Wood, A.S. Pinto, and Theobold Smith, 1895/1948","box 80","folder 97","photographs","English"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series IX. Photographs, 1846/1966, bulk 1870/1960","Photographs relating to Jesse W. Lazear. sites in Cuba, Charles G. Sontag, John J. Moran, Walter Reed, Albert E. Truby, Leonard Wood, A.S. Pinto, and Theobold Smith, 1895/1948"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series IX. Photographs, 1846/1966, bulk 1870/1960","Photographs relating to Jesse W. Lazear. sites in Cuba, Charles G. Sontag, John J. Moran, Walter Reed, Albert E. Truby, Leonard Wood, A.S. Pinto, and Theobold Smith, 1895/1948"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1930/1954"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1930-1954"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":8699,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"extent_ssm":["1 page"],"extent_tesim":["1 page"],"containers_ssim":["box 80","folder 97"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"access_subjects_ssim":["photographs"],"access_subjects_ssm":["photographs"],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954],"_nest_path_":"/components#8/components#4/components#46","timestamp":"2026-09-17T13:58:02.897Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_1710.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/202324","title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998","bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["bulk 1863-1974"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"text":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710","Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever","There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      II. Henry Rose Carter\n      III. Walter Reed\n      IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      V. Maps\n      VI. Alphabetical files\n      VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      VIII. Miscellany\n      IX. Photographs\n      X. Photographic negatives\n      XI. Reprints\n      XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\n      XIII. Reed family additions\n      XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\n      XV. Laura Wood\n      XVI. Edward Hook additions","The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.","When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.","The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.","In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.","Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued thatBacillus icteroideswas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.","Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, theB. icteroidestheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of theicteroidesproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle theB. icteroidesquestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.","Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identifiedB. icteroidesin tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.","What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.Bacillus icteroidesand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.","\"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.","Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.","On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.","These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.","Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.","Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.","The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the varietyCulex fasciata(later calledStegomyia fasciata, and later stillAedes aegypti) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected?\n      When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\n      Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.","The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.","The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.","Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.Culex pungensfailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated thatCulex fasciatawas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]","A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle theBacillus icteroidesquestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow anyB. icteroides, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.","Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.","Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:","\"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"","\"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]","The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.","That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.","The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.","For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.","Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper asThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note, published immediately in theJournal of the American Medical Association. [16]","Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.","Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note,Medical News(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\n      [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\n      [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\n      [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\n      [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health AssociationIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n      [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\n      [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note,Journal of the American Medical Association36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\n      [8] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n      [9] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n      [10] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\n      [11]Culex fasciatawas reclassified shortly after the experiments asStegomyiaand later becameAedes aegypti.\n      [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\n      [13] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\n      [14] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\n      [15] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n      [16] Please see note [7].\n      [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,Experimental Yellow Fever,American MedicineII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\n      [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note),American MedicineIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.","Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.","At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.","Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.","Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.","Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.","Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in theArmy Register, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\n      [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,Walter Reed and Yellow Fever(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.","\"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.","Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]","These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on theAnophelesmosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.","The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship ofBacillus icteroidesto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.","The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.","Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.","[1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.","Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\n      [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n      [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\n      [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n      [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\n      [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\n      [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.","Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.","Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.","Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]","Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in theNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]","Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.[5]","Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man,Southern Medical Journal32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\n      [2] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n      [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n      [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\n      [5] Carter, Henry Rose.Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.","\"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.","Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.","Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.","In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,The Military Surgeon, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.","Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\n      [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\n      [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.","Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.","The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.","For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.","In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\n      [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.","Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n      Series III. Walter Reed\n      Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      Series V. Maps\n      Series VI. Alphabetical files\n      Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      Series VIII. Miscellany\n      Series IX. Photographs\n      Series X. Negatives\n      Series XI. Reprints\n      Series XIII. Reed family additions\n      Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.","Processed by:\n        Historical Collections Staff","Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.","Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.","In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.","Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.","Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.","In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.","In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.","In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.","In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.","In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\n      correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\n      genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\n      legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\n      military records relating to Jesse;\n      certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\n      obituaries;\n      copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\n      newspaper articles;\n      a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\n      and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\n      scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\n      journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n      research notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\n      and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.","In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\n      condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\n      and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\n      military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\n      Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\n      medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\n      articles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\n      and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\n      biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n      records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\n      copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n      and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,Yellow Jack.","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\n      materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\n      scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n      and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\n      autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\n      notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\n      correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\n      correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\n      newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\n      drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\n      meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\n      scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\n      and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs;\n      Cuba;\n      sites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n      and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.","Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\n      other correspondence;\n      newspaper and magazine clippings;\n      unpublished manuscripts;\n      biographical and autobiographical accounts;\n      transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.","Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\n      Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\n      a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode;\n      and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\n      the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\n      articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\n      a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\n      and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\n      diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\n      copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n      artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\n      copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\n      correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\n      articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\n      notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\n      family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\n      Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\n      the U.S.S.Maineand the Spanish-American War;\n      aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\n      scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\n      the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\n      the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n      still scenes from the movies,Yellow JackandJezebel;\n      other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\n      documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\n      and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.","Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.","The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.","Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\n      biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\n      the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\n      scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\n      and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\n      newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n      photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\n      and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.","In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\n      newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\n      correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\n      and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants;\n      correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\n      correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\n      press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\n      oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\n      photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\n      genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\n      autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\n      unpublished manuscripts;\n      artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\n      Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.","Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\n      a journal article by George Sternberg;\n      and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,Walter Reed and yellow Fever.","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.","Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\n      copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\n      and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.","Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army","Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"collection_title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["United States. Army"],"creator_ssim":["United States. Army"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Materials from the following series were donated to the University of Virginia's Alderman Library in the fall of 1966 and the summer of 1970 by Philip Showalter Hench's widow, Mary Kahler Hench, with the approval of his estate:","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n      Series III. Walter Reed\n      Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      Series V. Maps\n      Series VI. Alphabetical files\n      Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      Series VIII. Miscellany\n      Series IX. Photographs\n      Series X. Negatives\n      Series XI. Reprints","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were donated to the HAM/TMC by Philip Showalter Hench as a small part of a larger collection of materials.","Materials from Series XIII. Reed family additions were donated by various individuals to Alderman Library between 1947 and 1972. Box 139, Folder 1 contains a list that describes each of these donations in detail.","Materials from Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, in 1988 and 1989.","Materials from Series XV. Laura Wood were most likely donated to Alderman Library between 1972 and 1982.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library as a part of the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eI. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eII. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIII. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eV. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eX. Photographic negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXVI. Edward Hook additions\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization of the Collection"],"arrangement_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      II. Henry Rose Carter\n      III. Walter Reed\n      IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      V. Maps\n      VI. Alphabetical files\n      VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      VIII. Miscellany\n      IX. Photographs\n      X. Photographic negatives\n      XI. Reprints\n      XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\n      XIII. Reed family additions\n      XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\n      XV. Laura Wood\n      XVI. Edward Hook additions"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Information for the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission","Biographical Information for Walter Reed","Biographical Information for Jesse W. Lazear","Biographical Information for Henry Rose Carter","Biographical Information for Jefferson Randolph Kean","Biographical Information for Philip Showalter Hench"],"bioghist_tesim":["The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.","When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.","The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.","In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.","Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued thatBacillus icteroideswas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.","Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, theB. icteroidestheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of theicteroidesproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle theB. icteroidesquestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.","Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identifiedB. icteroidesin tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.","What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.Bacillus icteroidesand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.","\"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.","Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.","On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.","These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.","Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.","Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.","The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the varietyCulex fasciata(later calledStegomyia fasciata, and later stillAedes aegypti) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected?\n      When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\n      Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.","The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.","The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.","Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.Culex pungensfailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated thatCulex fasciatawas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]","A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle theBacillus icteroidesquestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow anyB. icteroides, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.","Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.","Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:","\"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"","\"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]","The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.","That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.","The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.","For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.","Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper asThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note, published immediately in theJournal of the American Medical Association. [16]","Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.","Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note,Medical News(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\n      [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\n      [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\n      [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\n      [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health AssociationIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n      [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\n      [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note,Journal of the American Medical Association36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\n      [8] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n      [9] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n      [10] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\n      [11]Culex fasciatawas reclassified shortly after the experiments asStegomyiaand later becameAedes aegypti.\n      [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\n      [13] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\n      [14] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\n      [15] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n      [16] Please see note [7].\n      [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,Experimental Yellow Fever,American MedicineII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\n      [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note),American MedicineIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.","Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.","At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.","Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.","Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.","Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.","Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in theArmy Register, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\n      [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,Walter Reed and Yellow Fever(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.","\"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.","Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]","These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on theAnophelesmosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.","The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship ofBacillus icteroidesto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.","The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.","Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.","[1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.","Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\n      [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n      [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\n      [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n      [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\n      [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\n      [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.","Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.","Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.","Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]","Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in theNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]","Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.[5]","Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man,Southern Medical Journal32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\n      [2] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n      [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n      [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\n      [5] Carter, Henry Rose.Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.","\"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.","Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.","Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.","In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,The Military Surgeon, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.","Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\n      [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\n      [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.","Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.","The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.","For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.","In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\n      [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries I. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries V. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries X. Negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMaterials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n      Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n      Series III. Walter Reed\n      Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n      Series V. Maps\n      Series VI. Alphabetical files\n      Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n      Series VIII. Miscellany\n      Series IX. Photographs\n      Series X. Negatives\n      Series XI. Reprints\n      Series XIII. Reed family additions\n      Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  "],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by:\n        Historical Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePhilip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing History"],"processinfo_tesim":["Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.","Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.","In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.","Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.","Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.","In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.","In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.","In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.","In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003elegal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecertificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eobituaries;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ejournal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eresearch notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003econdolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWalter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emedical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003erecords relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFinally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ematerials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edrafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emeeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHavana and its environs;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003esites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand military installations in the United States.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother correspondence;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper and magazine clippings;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical and autobiographical accounts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003etranscripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMemoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003einformed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ediplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emanuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephysicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003efamily members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCamp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe U.S.S.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMaine\u003c/emph\u003eand the Spanish-American War;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eaerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003estill scenes from the movies,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003eand\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJezebel\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edocuments and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench and his family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ean inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe correspondence of experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003epress clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eoral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's research notes.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea journal article by George Sternberg;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand exhibition materials.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.","In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\n      correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\n      genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\n      legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\n      military records relating to Jesse;\n      certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\n      obituaries;\n      copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\n      newspaper articles;\n      a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\n      and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\n      scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\n      journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n      research notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\n      and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.","In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\n      condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\n      and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\n      military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\n      Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\n      medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\n      articles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\n      and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\n      biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n      records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\n      copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n      and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,Yellow Jack.","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\n      materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\n      scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n      and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\n      autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\n      notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\n      correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\n      correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\n      newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\n      drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\n      meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\n      scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\n      and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs;\n      Cuba;\n      sites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n      and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.","Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\n      other correspondence;\n      newspaper and magazine clippings;\n      unpublished manuscripts;\n      biographical and autobiographical accounts;\n      transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.","Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\n      Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\n      a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode;\n      and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\n      the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\n      articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\n      a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\n      and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\n      diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\n      copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n      artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\n      copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\n      correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\n      articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n      photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\n      notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\n      family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\n      Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\n      the U.S.S.Maineand the Spanish-American War;\n      aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\n      scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\n      the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\n      the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n      still scenes from the movies,Yellow JackandJezebel;\n      other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\n      documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\n      and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.","Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.","The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.","Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\n      biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\n      the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\n      scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\n      and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\n      newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n      photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\n      and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.","In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\n      newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n      a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\n      correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\n      and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants;\n      correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\n      correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\n      press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\n      oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n      scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\n      photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\n      genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\n      autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\n      unpublished manuscripts;\n      artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\n      Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.","Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\n      a journal article by George Sternberg;\n      and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,Walter Reed and yellow Fever.","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.","Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\n      copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\n      and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Copyright Status"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_98fe81a152b4be0b7388b1814ffaf4bd\"\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army"],"names_coll_ssim":["United States. Army"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","United States. Army"],"language_ssim":["Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":10452,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-09-17T13:58:02.897Z","bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ewas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003etheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eicteroides\u003c/emph\u003eproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ein tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e(later called\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e, and later still\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti\u003c/emph\u003e) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHow could a building become infected?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWhen does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOver what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex pungens\u003c/emph\u003efailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003e, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e, published immediately in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e. [16]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eBacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical News\u003c/title\u003e(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association\u003c/title\u003eIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[9] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[10] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[11]\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas reclassified shortly after the experiments as\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia\u003c/emph\u003eand later became\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti.\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[13] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[14] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[15] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[16] Please see note [7].\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eExperimental Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note)\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003eWalter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eArmy Register\u003c/title\u003e, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003eJesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAnopheles\u003c/emph\u003emosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,\u003c/title\u003e \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003eHenry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal\u003c/title\u003e, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003e[5]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eHenry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSouthern Medical Journal\u003c/title\u003e32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Carter, Henry Rose.\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003eBaltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003eJefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Military Surgeon\u003c/title\u003e, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  ","\u003cp\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e    ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  "]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c09_c05_c47"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628_c01","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia case file, 1943/1952","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_1628_c01#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eGregory H. Swanson compiled this case file while working on Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia (1952), which was heard in the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. It contains Swanson's correspondence, notes, briefs, research materials, and other items that document his participation in the case. The file also includes records documenting Swanson's petition to commute Jackson's sentence.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_1628_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_4_resources_1628_c01"],"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628","parent_ssim":["Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_4_resources_1628"],"title_filing_ssi":"Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia case file","title_ssm":["Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia case file"],"title_tesim":["Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia case file"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia case file, 1943/1952"],"text":["Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia case file, 1943/1952","Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022","The case file retains Gregory Swanson's original order and arrangement of items. Archivists at the Arthur J. Morris Law Library have done this to preserve relationships between the items that might have been significant to Swanson.","On July 6, 1951, Albert Jackson, Jr., a Black man, was tried and convicted of raping a white woman in the Corporation Court of the City of Charlottesville. A jury sentenced Jackson to death.","In 1952, Gregory H. Swanson and the law firm of Hill, Martin, and Robinson represented Jackson when he appealed the decision in the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. In that case, Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia, the Court considered three questions that Jackson's lawyers had raised about the original trial: \"1. Was there sufficient credible and reliable evidence of rape to sustain a conviction? 2. Was the confession of the defendant properly admitted? 3. Were the statements of the Commonwealth Attorney prejudicial to the defendant?\"","After considering these questions, the Court of Appeals upheld the original verdict and sentence. In 1951 and 1952, civil rights activists in Virginia cited the case against Albert Jackson, Jr. as an example of how the state's judicial system typically imposed harsher sentences on Black felons when compared to white felons convicted for the same or similar crimes.","Gregory H. Swanson compiled this case file while working on Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia (1952), which was heard in the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. It contains Swanson's correspondence, notes, briefs, research materials, and other items that document his participation in the case. The file also includes records documenting Swanson's petition to commute Jackson's sentence."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1943/1952"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1943-1952"],"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":1,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":9,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions on access to the materials in this collection."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Because of the nature of this collection, copyright status varies across the materials. Copyright is assumed to be held by the original creators of the content that has not yet entered the public domain."],"date_range_isim":[1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe case file retains Gregory Swanson's original order and arrangement of items. Archivists at the Arthur J. Morris Law Library have done this to preserve relationships between the items that might have been significant to Swanson.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The case file retains Gregory Swanson's original order and arrangement of items. Archivists at the Arthur J. Morris Law Library have done this to preserve relationships between the items that might have been significant to Swanson."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOn July 6, 1951, Albert Jackson, Jr., a Black man, was tried and convicted of raping a white woman in the Corporation Court of the City of Charlottesville. A jury sentenced Jackson to death.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1952, Gregory H. Swanson and the law firm of Hill, Martin, and Robinson represented Jackson when he appealed the decision in the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. In that case, Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia, the Court considered three questions that Jackson's lawyers had raised about the original trial: \"1. Was there sufficient credible and reliable evidence of rape to sustain a conviction? 2. Was the confession of the defendant properly admitted? 3. Were the statements of the Commonwealth Attorney prejudicial to the defendant?\" \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter considering these questions, the Court of Appeals upheld the original verdict and sentence. In 1951 and 1952, civil rights activists in Virginia cited the case against Albert Jackson, Jr. as an example of how the state's judicial system typically imposed harsher sentences on Black felons when compared to white felons convicted for the same or similar crimes. \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["On July 6, 1951, Albert Jackson, Jr., a Black man, was tried and convicted of raping a white woman in the Corporation Court of the City of Charlottesville. A jury sentenced Jackson to death.","In 1952, Gregory H. Swanson and the law firm of Hill, Martin, and Robinson represented Jackson when he appealed the decision in the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. In that case, Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia, the Court considered three questions that Jackson's lawyers had raised about the original trial: \"1. Was there sufficient credible and reliable evidence of rape to sustain a conviction? 2. Was the confession of the defendant properly admitted? 3. Were the statements of the Commonwealth Attorney prejudicial to the defendant?\"","After considering these questions, the Court of Appeals upheld the original verdict and sentence. In 1951 and 1952, civil rights activists in Virginia cited the case against Albert Jackson, Jr. as an example of how the state's judicial system typically imposed harsher sentences on Black felons when compared to white felons convicted for the same or similar crimes."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eGregory H. Swanson compiled this case file while working on Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia (1952), which was heard in the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. It contains Swanson's correspondence, notes, briefs, research materials, and other items that document his participation in the case. The file also includes records documenting Swanson's petition to commute Jackson's sentence.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Gregory H. Swanson compiled this case file while working on Albert Jackson, Jr. v. Commonwealth of Virginia (1952), which was heard in the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. It contains Swanson's correspondence, notes, briefs, research materials, and other items that document his participation in the case. The file also includes records documenting Swanson's petition to commute Jackson's sentence."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:27.406Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1628","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_1628.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/196002","title_ssm":["Gregory H. Swanson papers"],"title_tesim":["Gregory H. Swanson papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1948-2022"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1948-2022"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1948/2022"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022"],"text":["Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022","MSS.2024.01","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/1628","lawyers","Civil rights","Civil rights -- Virginia","Discrimination in capital punishment","There are no restrictions on access to the materials in this collection.","Gregory Hayes Swanson (1924-1992) was a US lawyer who primarily practiced civil rights and tax law. In 1950, Swanson became the first Black student at the University of Virginia, successfully suing in federal court for admission after being denied entry because of his race.","Swanson was born in Danville, Virginia, on May 1, 1924, the son of Pearl Ann Adams and Benjamin James Swanson. In 1941, he graduated from John M. Langston High School, and four years later, he received an AB degree from Howard University, majoring in political science. In 1948, Swanson received an LLB degree from the Howard University School of Law.","Gregory Swanson began practicing law soon after graduating from Howard University. In 1948, he accepted a position with the firm Hill, Martin, and Robinson in Richmond, Virginia, and two years later, he opened a private practice in Martinsville, Virginia.","In November 1949, Swanson applied to the LLM degree program at the University of Virginia School of Law. The Law School initially approved his application, but the University's Board of Visitors overruled the School and denied Swanson's admission because he was Black. With the support of Hill, Martin, and Robinson and the Virginia Chapter of the NAACP, Swanson filed a complaint against the University of Virginia in federal court. In 1950, the court ordered the University to admit Swanson, and he enrolled that fall. Swanson faced a harsh climate of racial prejudice at the University of Virginia but endeavored to participate in the University community and push the institution to be more inclusive.","After attending the University of Virginia for one year, Swanson returned to private practice in Martinsville. In 1957, he opened a law practice in Alexandria, Virginia. Then, in 1961, Swanson accepted a position at the Internal Revenue Service, where he remained until his retirement in 1984.","Gregory H. Swanson died in 1992. He was survived by his wife of thirty-seven years, Betty Oliver Swanson, and his two daughters, Karen M. Swanson and Camille C. Swanson.","This collection contains one part of Gregory H. Swanson's professional papers. They primarily document his thoughts on civil rights and his work in this area during the 1950s. The collection also includes Swanson's class photograph from the Howard University School of Law and several posthumous awards given to his daughter, Karen Swanson.","In 2024, the University of Virginia Law Library processed into its collection, MSS-2024-02, a copy of a Virginia General Assembly joint resolution commemorating Swanson's life and legacy.","Around 1980, another part of Gregory Swanson's papers was donated to Howard University's Moorland-Spingarn Research Center. Those materials were processed into Collection 100: Gregory H. Swanson papers.","Because of the nature of this collection, copyright status varies across the materials. Copyright is assumed to be held by the original creators of the content that has not yet entered the public domain.","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022"],"collection_ssim":["Gregory H. Swanson papers, 1948/2022"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS.2024.01","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/1628"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS.2024.01","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/1628"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"creators_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"access_terms_ssm":["Because of the nature of this collection, copyright status varies across the materials. 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In 1950, Swanson became the first Black student at the University of Virginia, successfully suing in federal court for admission after being denied entry because of his race.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSwanson was born in Danville, Virginia, on May 1, 1924, the son of Pearl Ann Adams and Benjamin James Swanson. In 1941, he graduated from John M. Langston High School, and four years later, he received an AB degree from Howard University, majoring in political science. In 1948, Swanson received an LLB degree from the Howard University School of Law.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGregory Swanson began practicing law soon after graduating from Howard University. In 1948, he accepted a position with the firm Hill, Martin, and Robinson in Richmond, Virginia, and two years later, he opened a private practice in Martinsville, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn November 1949, Swanson applied to the LLM degree program at the University of Virginia School of Law. The Law School initially approved his application, but the University's Board of Visitors overruled the School and denied Swanson's admission because he was Black. With the support of Hill, Martin, and Robinson and the Virginia Chapter of the NAACP, Swanson filed a complaint against the University of Virginia in federal court. In 1950, the court ordered the University to admit Swanson, and he enrolled that fall. Swanson faced a harsh climate of racial prejudice at the University of Virginia but endeavored to participate in the University community and push the institution to be more inclusive.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter attending the University of Virginia for one year, Swanson returned to private practice in Martinsville. In 1957, he opened a law practice in Alexandria, Virginia. Then, in 1961, Swanson accepted a position at the Internal Revenue Service, where he remained until his retirement in 1984.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGregory H. Swanson died in 1992. He was survived by his wife of thirty-seven years, Betty Oliver Swanson, and his two daughters, Karen M. Swanson and Camille C. Swanson.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Gregory Hayes Swanson (1924-1992) was a US lawyer who primarily practiced civil rights and tax law. In 1950, Swanson became the first Black student at the University of Virginia, successfully suing in federal court for admission after being denied entry because of his race.","Swanson was born in Danville, Virginia, on May 1, 1924, the son of Pearl Ann Adams and Benjamin James Swanson. In 1941, he graduated from John M. Langston High School, and four years later, he received an AB degree from Howard University, majoring in political science. In 1948, Swanson received an LLB degree from the Howard University School of Law.","Gregory Swanson began practicing law soon after graduating from Howard University. In 1948, he accepted a position with the firm Hill, Martin, and Robinson in Richmond, Virginia, and two years later, he opened a private practice in Martinsville, Virginia.","In November 1949, Swanson applied to the LLM degree program at the University of Virginia School of Law. The Law School initially approved his application, but the University's Board of Visitors overruled the School and denied Swanson's admission because he was Black. With the support of Hill, Martin, and Robinson and the Virginia Chapter of the NAACP, Swanson filed a complaint against the University of Virginia in federal court. In 1950, the court ordered the University to admit Swanson, and he enrolled that fall. Swanson faced a harsh climate of racial prejudice at the University of Virginia but endeavored to participate in the University community and push the institution to be more inclusive.","After attending the University of Virginia for one year, Swanson returned to private practice in Martinsville. In 1957, he opened a law practice in Alexandria, Virginia. Then, in 1961, Swanson accepted a position at the Internal Revenue Service, where he remained until his retirement in 1984.","Gregory H. Swanson died in 1992. He was survived by his wife of thirty-seven years, Betty Oliver Swanson, and his two daughters, Karen M. Swanson and Camille C. Swanson."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains one part of Gregory H. Swanson's professional papers. They primarily document his thoughts on civil rights and his work in this area during the 1950s. The collection also includes Swanson's class photograph from the Howard University School of Law and several posthumous awards given to his daughter, Karen Swanson.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 2024, the University of Virginia Law Library processed into its collection, MSS-2024-02, a copy of a Virginia General Assembly joint resolution commemorating Swanson's life and legacy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAround 1980, another part of Gregory Swanson's papers was donated to Howard University's Moorland-Spingarn Research Center. Those materials were processed into Collection 100: Gregory H. Swanson papers.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains one part of Gregory H. Swanson's professional papers. They primarily document his thoughts on civil rights and his work in this area during the 1950s. The collection also includes Swanson's class photograph from the Howard University School of Law and several posthumous awards given to his daughter, Karen Swanson.","In 2024, the University of Virginia Law Library processed into its collection, MSS-2024-02, a copy of a Virginia General Assembly joint resolution commemorating Swanson's life and legacy.","Around 1980, another part of Gregory Swanson's papers was donated to Howard University's Moorland-Spingarn Research Center. Those materials were processed into Collection 100: Gregory H. Swanson papers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBecause of the nature of this collection, copyright status varies across the materials. Copyright is assumed to be held by the original creators of the content that has not yet entered the public domain.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Because of the nature of this collection, copyright status varies across the materials. Copyright is assumed to be held by the original creators of the content that has not yet entered the public domain."],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"names_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":65,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:27.406Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_1628_c01"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_250_c02","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Albert R. Gallatin papers Addition 2: Oversize newspaper clippings and lithographs of Albert R. 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Gallatin papers"],"title_tesim":["Albert R. Gallatin papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1795-1828"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1795-1828"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1795/1828"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Albert R. Gallatin papers, 1795/1828"],"text":["Albert R. Gallatin papers, 1795/1828","MSS 15968","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/250","letters (correspondence)","The collection is open for research use.","Albert Gallatin papers (1795-1828; 0.1 cubic feet)  contains an oversize tableau chronologique, unnumbered pages of correspondence concerning the Baron de Gallatin, 1777; letter from Albert Gallatin to David Lenox, Washington D.C. January 4, 1808; letter  from Albert Gallatin to Johnathan Bu[?], Washington D.C. September 7, 1808; letter from Albert Gallatin to Thomas Worthington, New Geneva, PA September 10, 1823; letter from John Ferguson to Albert Gallatin, \"Head of Sassafras,\" February 9, 1828 [with] letter from Albert Gallatin to James Gallatin, New York, March 4, 1828; letter from Albert Gallatin to unnamed recipient, [October 21, 1828]; U.S. Treasury Dept. receipt, November 10, 1801, signed by Albert Gallatin; Promissory note payable to Albert Gallatin, Philadelphia, July 14, 1795, signed by Robert Morris; Deed from Trinity Church, New York to Albert R. Gallatin for family burial plot, lot 828, May 1, 1885; contract between Isaac Hopper and Albert R. Gallatin for construction of a burial vault in Trinity Church Cemetary, New York, May 19, 1885; and two miscellaneous Gallatin related items","Twenty Cashier of the National Bank checks, all signed by Albert Gallatin and written to various individuals, including Samual Adams and James Gallatin -- 8 prints of Gallatin family crest, some printed on heavy cardstock and dated in pencil, \"1584,\" \"1707,\" and \"1776\" -- 1 sheet of Albert Gallatin commemorative stamps (4), and accompanying material including a program for the First Day of Issue Ceremony in Gallatin, Missouri, January 30, 1967 -- 1 handwritten genealogy ledger, on laid paper, bound in 4to --  1 program, Commissioning Ceremony, United States Coast Guard, Cutter Gallatin, May 19, 1969, U.S. Coast Guard Base, New York -- newspaper supplement to the Gallatin Democrat and North Missourian, \"Albert Gallatin Stamp Dedication, Gallatin, Missouri, January 30, 1967 --1 Gallatin National Bank of the City of New York certificate of shares (blank) -- Program of exercises, unveiling of Albert Gallatin statue, October 15, 1947, includes 1 8x10 inch black and white glossy photograph of the statue at the unveiling -- 1 autograph letter on Treasury Department letterhead, dated January 17, 1888, and signed by Robert L. Miller -- 1 facsimile of Gallatin family tree -- 1 bound (hand sewn) book of engraved portraits including George Washington, Samual Adams, and Albert Gallatin -- 13 miscellaneous items including newspaper clippings and engravings.","Items relating to the Albert Gallatin commemorative postal stamp, and the unveiling of the Albert Gallatin statue in Gallatin, Mississippi.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Albert R. Gallatin papers, 1795/1828"],"collection_ssim":["Albert R. 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Gallatin papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAlbert Gallatin papers (1795-1828; 0.1 cubic feet)  contains an oversize tableau chronologique, unnumbered pages of correspondence concerning the Baron de Gallatin, 1777; letter from Albert Gallatin to David Lenox, Washington D.C. January 4, 1808; letter  from Albert Gallatin to Johnathan Bu[?], Washington D.C. September 7, 1808; letter from Albert Gallatin to Thomas Worthington, New Geneva, PA September 10, 1823; letter from John Ferguson to Albert Gallatin, \"Head of Sassafras,\" February 9, 1828 [with] letter from Albert Gallatin to James Gallatin, New York, March 4, 1828; letter from Albert Gallatin to unnamed recipient, [October 21, 1828]; U.S. Treasury Dept. receipt, November 10, 1801, signed by Albert Gallatin; Promissory note payable to Albert Gallatin, Philadelphia, July 14, 1795, signed by Robert Morris; Deed from Trinity Church, New York to Albert R. Gallatin for family burial plot, lot 828, May 1, 1885; contract between Isaac Hopper and Albert R. 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Miller -- 1 facsimile of Gallatin family tree -- 1 bound (hand sewn) book of engraved portraits including George Washington, Samual Adams, and Albert Gallatin -- 13 miscellaneous items including newspaper clippings and engravings.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems relating to the Albert Gallatin commemorative postal stamp, and the unveiling of the Albert Gallatin statue in Gallatin, Mississippi.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Albert Gallatin papers (1795-1828; 0.1 cubic feet)  contains an oversize tableau chronologique, unnumbered pages of correspondence concerning the Baron de Gallatin, 1777; letter from Albert Gallatin to David Lenox, Washington D.C. January 4, 1808; letter  from Albert Gallatin to Johnathan Bu[?], Washington D.C. September 7, 1808; letter from Albert Gallatin to Thomas Worthington, New Geneva, PA September 10, 1823; letter from John Ferguson to Albert Gallatin, \"Head of Sassafras,\" February 9, 1828 [with] letter from Albert Gallatin to James Gallatin, New York, March 4, 1828; letter from Albert Gallatin to unnamed recipient, [October 21, 1828]; U.S. Treasury Dept. receipt, November 10, 1801, signed by Albert Gallatin; Promissory note payable to Albert Gallatin, Philadelphia, July 14, 1795, signed by Robert Morris; Deed from Trinity Church, New York to Albert R. Gallatin for family burial plot, lot 828, May 1, 1885; contract between Isaac Hopper and Albert R. 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Miller -- 1 facsimile of Gallatin family tree -- 1 bound (hand sewn) book of engraved portraits including George Washington, Samual Adams, and Albert Gallatin -- 13 miscellaneous items including newspaper clippings and engravings.","Items relating to the Albert Gallatin commemorative postal stamp, and the unveiling of the Albert Gallatin statue in Gallatin, Mississippi."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":2,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:58.310Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_250_c02"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109_c939","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"ALCOHOL: CORRESPONDENCE, 1941/1954","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_109_c939#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109_c939","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_109_c939"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109_c939","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109","parent_ssim":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_109"],"title_filing_ssi":"ALCOHOL: CORRESPONDENCE","title_ssm":["ALCOHOL: CORRESPONDENCE"],"title_tesim":["ALCOHOL: CORRESPONDENCE"],"normalized_title_ssm":["ALCOHOL: CORRESPONDENCE, 1941/1954"],"text":["ALCOHOL: CORRESPONDENCE, 1941/1954","University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990","TL, TLS (2)","box 20","folder 031"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1941/1954"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1941 - 1954"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":939,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990"],"physdesc_tesim":["TL, TLS (2)"],"containers_ssim":["box 20","folder 031"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"date_range_isim":[1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954],"_nest_path_":"/components#938","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:50.644Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_109","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_109.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/132724","title_ssm":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records"],"title_tesim":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1892-1990"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1892-1990"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1892/1990"],"normalized_title_ssm":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990"],"text":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990","MS.7","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/109","The collection comprises 61 boxes of archival material.","There are no restrictions.","Processed by:\n        Historical Collections Staff\n      \n      \n        Funding:\n        Web version of the finding aid was funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.","The Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) papers are composed of 61 boxes of archival material, including photographs and manuscripts. The HEDO collection documents the history of the University of Virginia Hospital, its physical grounds, its staff, its policies, and operating procedures with some records that go back to 1919. One of the most important aspects of this collection are the Minutes of the Executive Committee of the UVa Hospital, which date back to 1920. The HEDO collection also boasts the minutes from many of the Hospital Committees set up to monitor particular issues germane to hospital administration. Among the hospital committees whose minutes are included in the HEDO collection are the Preventorium Committee, the Civil Rights Committee, the Infections Committee, the Accreditation Advisory Committee, the Clinical Staff Committee, the Administrative Staff Committee, the Medical Advisory Committee, and the Governor's Committee on Nursing. Documents from the Joint Commission on Accreditation of Hospitals covering the 1950s through the 1980s, as well as the American College of Surgeons Hospital Standardization Scoring Report for 1948, are included.\n\n\nOther highlights of the HEDO collection include statistical records of the number of patients admitted to the UVa Hospital every year, the number of operations performed each year, as well as rates for various medical services. The HEDO Collection contains a wealth of information on the University of Virginia Hospital, from the mundane (e.g. the menus for the hospital's cafeteria), to the sublime (including policy statements on controversial issues such as sterilization, abortion, and civil rights).","There are no restrictions.","The Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) Records are composed of 61 boxes of archival material, including photographs and manuscripts.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990"],"collection_ssim":["University of Virginia Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) records, 1892/1990"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.7","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/109"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.7","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/109"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["The collection comprises 61 boxes of archival material."],"extent_ssm":["25.4 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["25.4 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eFunding:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eWeb version of the finding aid was funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e\n  "],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by:\n        Historical Collections Staff\n      \n      \n        Funding:\n        Web version of the finding aid was funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eHospital Executive Director's Office Records (HEDO), MS-7, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Hospital Executive Director's Office Records (HEDO), MS-7, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) papers are composed of 61 boxes of archival material, including photographs and manuscripts. The HEDO collection documents the history of the University of Virginia Hospital, its physical grounds, its staff, its policies, and operating procedures with some records that go back to 1919. One of the most important aspects of this collection are the Minutes of the Executive Committee of the UVa Hospital, which date back to 1920. The HEDO collection also boasts the minutes from many of the Hospital Committees set up to monitor particular issues germane to hospital administration. Among the hospital committees whose minutes are included in the HEDO collection are the Preventorium Committee, the Civil Rights Committee, the Infections Committee, the Accreditation Advisory Committee, the Clinical Staff Committee, the Administrative Staff Committee, the Medical Advisory Committee, and the Governor's Committee on Nursing. 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The HEDO collection documents the history of the University of Virginia Hospital, its physical grounds, its staff, its policies, and operating procedures with some records that go back to 1919. One of the most important aspects of this collection are the Minutes of the Executive Committee of the UVa Hospital, which date back to 1920. The HEDO collection also boasts the minutes from many of the Hospital Committees set up to monitor particular issues germane to hospital administration. Among the hospital committees whose minutes are included in the HEDO collection are the Preventorium Committee, the Civil Rights Committee, the Infections Committee, the Accreditation Advisory Committee, the Clinical Staff Committee, the Administrative Staff Committee, the Medical Advisory Committee, and the Governor's Committee on Nursing. Documents from the Joint Commission on Accreditation of Hospitals covering the 1950s through the 1980s, as well as the American College of Surgeons Hospital Standardization Scoring Report for 1948, are included.\n\n\nOther highlights of the HEDO collection include statistical records of the number of patients admitted to the UVa Hospital every year, the number of operations performed each year, as well as rates for various medical services. The HEDO Collection contains a wealth of information on the University of Virginia Hospital, from the mundane (e.g. the menus for the hospital's cafeteria), to the sublime (including policy statements on controversial issues such as sterilization, abortion, and civil rights)."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_050d4ccc306403ce9393c96038b4355f\"\u003eThe Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) Records are composed of 61 boxes of archival material, including photographs and manuscripts.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["The Hospital Executive Director's Office (HEDO) Records are composed of 61 boxes of archival material, including photographs and manuscripts."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1606,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:50.644Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_109_c939"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Alderman family papers, 1779/1961","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_24#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_24.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/24","title_ssm":["Alderman family papers"],"title_tesim":["Alderman family 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Library"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 document box (215 items)"],"extent_tesim":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 document box (215 items)"],"date_range_isim":[1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":15,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:58.310Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_24.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/24","title_ssm":["Alderman family papers"],"title_tesim":["Alderman family papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1779-1961"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1779-1961"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1779/1961"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Alderman family papers, 1779/1961"],"text":["Alderman family papers, 1779/1961","MSS14818","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/24","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Alderman family papers, 1779/1961"],"collection_ssim":["Alderman family papers, 1779/1961"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS14818","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/24"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS14818","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/24"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 document box (215 items)"],"extent_tesim":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 document box (215 items)"],"date_range_isim":[1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":15,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:58.310Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_24"}},{"id":"viu_viu01290_c01_c128","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Alexander Clinton Zabriskie, 1946/1959","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01290_c01_c128#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu01290_c01_c128","ref_ssm":["viu_viu01290_c01_c128"],"id":"viu_viu01290_c01_c128","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01290","_root_":"viu_viu01290","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01290_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu01290_c01","parent_ssim":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995","Alphabetical/Topical \n 1935-1995"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu01290","viu_viu01290_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Alexander Clinton Zabriskie","title_ssm":["Alexander Clinton Zabriskie"],"title_tesim":["Alexander Clinton Zabriskie"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Alexander Clinton Zabriskie, 1946/1959"],"text":["Alexander Clinton Zabriskie, 1946/1959","Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995","Alphabetical/Topical \n 1935-1995","Box 12"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995","Alphabetical/Topical \n 1935-1995"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995","Alphabetical/Topical \n 1935-1995"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1946/1959"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1946-1959"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":129,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995"],"containers_ssim":["Box 12"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is without restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#127","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:40.321Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu01290","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01290","_root_":"viu_viu01290","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01290","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu01290.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995"],"title_tesim":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995"],"text":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995","11206","There are ca.\n         10,800 items.","The collection is without restrictions.","James Lawrence Basil Williams (March 1, 1914- ) was born in\n         Colonial Beach, Virginia to Hiram Walter Basil and Clara\n         (Denmead) Williams. He obtained his undergraduate and graduate\n         education at Randolph-Macon Academy, Randolph-Macon College,\n         and the University of Virginia. He later studied at the\n         University of Minnesota, the Virginia Theological Seminary,\n         Frederick Wilhelm University in Bonn, Germany, American\n         University, American Bible Institute in Kansas City, Missouri,\n         and New York University. Williams was minister-in-charge at\n         Immanuel Church-on-the-Hill, Virginia Theological Seminary, in\n         Alexandria, Virginia, 1947- 1953; minister of Henry Stimson\n         Chapel in Bad Godesberg, Germany, 1953-1954; rector at\n         Cunningham Chapel Parish in Millwood, Virginia, 1954-1958,\n         Grace Parish, Oklahoma, 1958, St. Basil Church in Tahlequah,\n         Oklahoma, Bethesda by-the-Sea in Palm Beach, Florida;\n         associate rector at St. Thomas Church in New York City, Church\n         of Holy Spirit in Nice, France; and founder and dean of the\n         American Center for Theological Studies in Boyce, Virginia,\n         1958--.","Other activities and memberships included thoroughbred\n         bloodstock agent, Stallion Service, Inc.; chairman, White\n         House Conference Committee on Aging, Oklahoma, 1960; member,\n         Bishop and Council Diocese of Oklahoma, Ecumenical Commission,\n         Episcopal Church, 1960; board member, Overseas Mission\n         Society, Bethel Memorial Association, James Monroe Birthplace\n         Association; served from ensign to lieutenant commander in the\n         United States Naval Reserve, 1941-1947; member, Society of\n         Cincinnati, Sons of the Revolution, Society of Colonial Wars,\n         Order Lafayette, Chaplain Flag Institute, Welsh-American\n         Society, Society of the Descendants of Colonial Clergy,\n         Brecknock Society, National Trust Historical Preservation,\n         Virginia Breeders Association, Sertoma, Ruritan, American\n         Legion, Phi Delta Theta, Alpha Kappa Psi, and Sigma Upsilon.\n         Williams was also a member of the following clubs: Chevy\n         Chase; Metropolitan; Army-Navy-Country (Boyce, Virginia); and,\n         American (Nice, France). Authored works include \n         An Economic and Social Survey of\n         Westmoreland County, Virginia, 1935; \n         Minister without Portfolio,\n         1954; \n         Contemporary Virginia, and \n         Williams of Upshot in Virginia,\n         1613-1976. He also produced two television documentaries, \n         This World and the Nextand \n         A Dead Certainty. [ \n         Who's Who in the South and\n         Southeast, 1973-1974 edition, F208.W64].","Lawrence Williams married Jean Rowell McCardell (October 1,\n         1905 ? January 16, 1977) on September 13, 1941, and had\n         children Judith Lawrence Barcroft Williams, who married Wisner\n         Washam, and Ian Rowell Denmead Williams, who married Debora\n         Anne Wornom. Grandchildren are Amy Lawrence Washam, Ian Miller\n         Washam, Aubrey Lee Williams, and Ashton Boyce Denmead\n         Williams. Jean Rowell McCardell Williams was the daughter of\n         Wilfred S. McCardell and Annabelle Rowell. Jean Williams was a\n         direct descendant of Captain Peter Humrickhouse of the\n         Philadelphia Regiment who served in the Revolution and as a\n         special aide to General George Washington. She was a\n         granddaughter of Ambrose E. Rowell of Falls Church and was the\n         first granddaughter of the Princeton University Class of 1877.\n         Mrs. Williams was educated at Western High School and Wilson\n         Teachers College in Washington and the University of Maryland.\n         She was active in social service organizations. In the 1930s,\n         she served as chairman of the curriculum committee and\n         textbook committees of the District of Columbia school system\n         and was a demonstration teacher at Brightwood School. She also\n         served as a fashion consultant in New York and a wedding\n         consultant for the Old Tailored Woman shop on Fifth Street.\n         After her marriage to Reverend Williams, she became active in\n         church social work and helped her husband establish new\n         parishes, including Episcopal parishes in Millwood, Virginia\n         and among Indians in Muskogee, Oklahoma. She was also active\n         in church work in Alexandria; Bonn, Germany; Palm Beach,\n         Florida; Nice, France; Rome, Italy; London, England, and\n         Geneva, Switzerland. While in France, she founded the Woman?s\n         Club of the Riviera and was named Woman of the Year in 1970 by\n         the organization. In 1970, Princess Grace of Monaco presented\n         her with a medallion honoring her hospitality work with\n         American Servicemen in the Sixth Fleet and with tourists and\n         international students there. [obituaries, 1977, in\n         collection]","Jean Williams passed away in January 1977; Lawrence\n         Williams was remarried to Griselda Higginson Hewitt Cunningham\n         (January 6, 1915 ? September 30, 1994) on August 27, 1977. She\n         had a daughter, Camilla Cooper Hewitt. Griselda Williams was\n         the daughter of international banker, Francis Lee Higginson\n         and Mehitable Coolidge Sargent. She was the great, great,\n         great granddaughter of Thomas Jefferson and a descendant of\n         Pocahontas. She was educated at the Winsor School in Boston\n         and subsequently studied in Paris and at Columbia University\n         in New York. During her first marriage to Abram Hewitt, she\n         became involved in the thoroughbred horse industry and was\n         later active in the shorthorn cattle business at their\n         plantation, \"Montana Hall\" in White Post, Virginia. She was\n         especially active in the work of 4-H Clubs and was honored by\n         the Virginia Polytechnic Institute for her work and support.\n         She served as a member of the 4-H Center near Front Royal,\n         Virginia, and was board member of the Grafton School for\n         students with special needs, as well as a charter member of\n         the Friends of Blandy, Virginia State Arboretum. Her\n         philanthropies centered on education for minorities,\n         particularly African-Americans and Native Americans. She was\n         also a member of the Chilton Club in Boston and of the Royal\n         Society of Saint George. A lifelong Episcopalian, Mrs.\n         Williams assisted her husband as chaplain to Sicily, being\n         active in the Anglican communities of Palermo and Taormina; in\n         Oslo, Norway and at Gustavia, Saint Barthelemy in the\n         Antilles. [memorials, 1994, in collection]","This collection consists of ca. 10,800 items, ca.\n         1895-1995, pertaining to James Lawrence Basil Williams, his\n         religious career, and his family. Included are correspondence,\n         papers, printed material, photographs, manuscripts, diplomas,\n         and memorabilia. There is substantial material concerning\n         Williams' clerical activities at various American churches and\n         parishes as well as overseas. The majority of this material\n         may be found under \"Bethesda by-the-Sea\" and \"Church?\"; there\n         is also related religious material under \"American Center for\n         Theological Studies,\" \"Diocese of Virginia,\" \"Ordination?\" and\n         other specific categories in the \"Alphabetical/Topical\"\n         series. There are papers related to religious associations and\n         congregations and historical societies, Williams' naval\n         career, and the Williams' family home, \"Upshot,\" Boyce,\n         Virginia. Prominent correspondents in \"Autographs\" include\n         Lloyd Millard Bentsen; Harry Flood Byrd; Harry Flood Byrd,\n         Jr.; Hubert Horatio Humphrey; Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.;\n         Frederick William Neve; Prince Louis H. M. Bertrand Rainier\n         III; Princess Grace of Monaco; Harry S. Truman; and, Thornton\n         (Niven) Wilder. There is also a letter, May 20, 1937, from\n         Cordell Hull, concerning \"Alexis Sommaripa.\"","Represented among the \"Family Correspondence and Papers\"\n         are Judith Barcroft Williams Washam (July 6, 1942--), her\n         husband Wisner M. Washam, and their children, Amy Lawrence and\n         Ian Miller; Ian Rowell Denmead Williams, his wife Deborah Anne\n         (Wornom), and their children Anne McCardell, and Ashton Boyce\n         Denmead. Papers of Judith Barcroft and Wisner Washam pertain\n         chiefly to personal matters but also refer to her acting\n         career in theatre and daytime television, and his writing\n         career in daytime television, including \n         All My Childrenand \n         Guiding Light. Among the family\n         papers, there are personal letters, schools papers, printed\n         material, children's drawings and photographs. There are also\n         papers of Williams' parents, Hiram Walter Basil Williams and\n         Clara Lipscomb (Denmead), including correspondence and printed\n         material. In addition to some photographs contained in\n         individuals' folders, there is a separate folder of\n         photographs at the end of the series.","Other series in this collection are: \"Papers of Jean Rowell\n         McCardell Williams\" and \"Papers of Griselda Higginson Hewitt\n         Cunningham Williams.\" Jean Williams' papers consist chiefly of\n         correspondence with Lawrence Williams. There is also material\n         concerning her illness and death. Griselda Williams' papers\n         include letters to her father while studying in Paris, France\n         and traveling abroad, papers from her marriages to Abram\n         Hewitt and Robert N. Cunningham, and papers re her marriage to\n         Lawrence Williams and her death. There are correspondence,\n         papers, legal papers, printed material, and photographs\n         concerning Jean Williams and Griselda Williams.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","This collection consists of ca.\n         10,800 items, ca. 1895-1995, pertaining to James Lawrence\n         Basil Williams, his religious career, and his family. Included\n         are correspondence, papers, printed material, photographs,\n         manuscripts, diplomas, and memorabilia. There is substantial\n         material concerning Williams' clerical activities at various\n         American churches and parishes as well as overseas. The\n         majority of this material may be found under \"Bethesda\n         by-the-Sea\" and \"Church?\"; there is also related religious\n         material under \"American Center for Theological Studies,\"\n         \"Diocese of Virginia,\" \"Ordination?\" and other specific\n         categories in the \"Alphabetical/Topical\" series. There are\n         papers related to religious associations and congregations and\n         historical societies, Williams' naval career, and the\n         Williams' family home, \"Upshot,\" Boyce, Virginia. Prominent\n         correspondents in \"Autographs\" include Lloyd Millard Bentsen;\n         Harry Flood Byrd; Harry Flood Byrd, Jr.; Hubert Horatio\n         Humphrey; Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.; Frederick William Neve;\n         Prince Louis H. M. Bertrand Rainier III; Princess Grace of\n         Monaco; Harry S. Truman; and, Thornton (Niven) Wilder. There\n         is also a letter, May 20, 1937, from Cordell Hull, concerning\n         \"Alexis Sommaripa.\"","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of James Lawrence Basil Williams \n ca.\n 1895-1995"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["11206"],"unitid_tesim":["11206"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was made a gift to the Library by James\n            Lawrence Basil Williams of \"Huntlands,\" Middleburg,\n            Virginia, on September 20, 1995. There are no\n            restrictions."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["There are ca.\n         10,800 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is without restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is without restrictions."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames Lawrence Basil Williams (March 1, 1914- ) was born in\n         Colonial Beach, Virginia to Hiram Walter Basil and Clara\n         (Denmead) Williams. He obtained his undergraduate and graduate\n         education at Randolph-Macon Academy, Randolph-Macon College,\n         and the University of Virginia. He later studied at the\n         University of Minnesota, the Virginia Theological Seminary,\n         Frederick Wilhelm University in Bonn, Germany, American\n         University, American Bible Institute in Kansas City, Missouri,\n         and New York University. Williams was minister-in-charge at\n         Immanuel Church-on-the-Hill, Virginia Theological Seminary, in\n         Alexandria, Virginia, 1947- 1953; minister of Henry Stimson\n         Chapel in Bad Godesberg, Germany, 1953-1954; rector at\n         Cunningham Chapel Parish in Millwood, Virginia, 1954-1958,\n         Grace Parish, Oklahoma, 1958, St. Basil Church in Tahlequah,\n         Oklahoma, Bethesda by-the-Sea in Palm Beach, Florida;\n         associate rector at St. Thomas Church in New York City, Church\n         of Holy Spirit in Nice, France; and founder and dean of the\n         American Center for Theological Studies in Boyce, Virginia,\n         1958--.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOther activities and memberships included thoroughbred\n         bloodstock agent, Stallion Service, Inc.; chairman, White\n         House Conference Committee on Aging, Oklahoma, 1960; member,\n         Bishop and Council Diocese of Oklahoma, Ecumenical Commission,\n         Episcopal Church, 1960; board member, Overseas Mission\n         Society, Bethel Memorial Association, James Monroe Birthplace\n         Association; served from ensign to lieutenant commander in the\n         United States Naval Reserve, 1941-1947; member, Society of\n         Cincinnati, Sons of the Revolution, Society of Colonial Wars,\n         Order Lafayette, Chaplain Flag Institute, Welsh-American\n         Society, Society of the Descendants of Colonial Clergy,\n         Brecknock Society, National Trust Historical Preservation,\n         Virginia Breeders Association, Sertoma, Ruritan, American\n         Legion, Phi Delta Theta, Alpha Kappa Psi, and Sigma Upsilon.\n         Williams was also a member of the following clubs: Chevy\n         Chase; Metropolitan; Army-Navy-Country (Boyce, Virginia); and,\n         American (Nice, France). Authored works include \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAn Economic and Social Survey of\n         Westmoreland County, Virginia\u003c/title\u003e, 1935; \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eMinister without Portfolio\u003c/title\u003e,\n         1954; \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eContemporary Virginia\u003c/title\u003e, and \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eWilliams of Upshot in Virginia\u003c/title\u003e,\n         1613-1976. He also produced two television documentaries, \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThis World and the Next\u003c/title\u003eand \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eA Dead Certainty\u003c/title\u003e. [ \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eWho's Who in the South and\n         Southeast\u003c/title\u003e, 1973-1974 edition, F208.W64].\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLawrence Williams married Jean Rowell McCardell (October 1,\n         1905 ? January 16, 1977) on September 13, 1941, and had\n         children Judith Lawrence Barcroft Williams, who married Wisner\n         Washam, and Ian Rowell Denmead Williams, who married Debora\n         Anne Wornom. Grandchildren are Amy Lawrence Washam, Ian Miller\n         Washam, Aubrey Lee Williams, and Ashton Boyce Denmead\n         Williams. Jean Rowell McCardell Williams was the daughter of\n         Wilfred S. McCardell and Annabelle Rowell. Jean Williams was a\n         direct descendant of Captain Peter Humrickhouse of the\n         Philadelphia Regiment who served in the Revolution and as a\n         special aide to General George Washington. She was a\n         granddaughter of Ambrose E. Rowell of Falls Church and was the\n         first granddaughter of the Princeton University Class of 1877.\n         Mrs. Williams was educated at Western High School and Wilson\n         Teachers College in Washington and the University of Maryland.\n         She was active in social service organizations. In the 1930s,\n         she served as chairman of the curriculum committee and\n         textbook committees of the District of Columbia school system\n         and was a demonstration teacher at Brightwood School. She also\n         served as a fashion consultant in New York and a wedding\n         consultant for the Old Tailored Woman shop on Fifth Street.\n         After her marriage to Reverend Williams, she became active in\n         church social work and helped her husband establish new\n         parishes, including Episcopal parishes in Millwood, Virginia\n         and among Indians in Muskogee, Oklahoma. She was also active\n         in church work in Alexandria; Bonn, Germany; Palm Beach,\n         Florida; Nice, France; Rome, Italy; London, England, and\n         Geneva, Switzerland. While in France, she founded the Woman?s\n         Club of the Riviera and was named Woman of the Year in 1970 by\n         the organization. In 1970, Princess Grace of Monaco presented\n         her with a medallion honoring her hospitality work with\n         American Servicemen in the Sixth Fleet and with tourists and\n         international students there. [obituaries, 1977, in\n         collection]\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eJean Williams passed away in January 1977; Lawrence\n         Williams was remarried to Griselda Higginson Hewitt Cunningham\n         (January 6, 1915 ? September 30, 1994) on August 27, 1977. She\n         had a daughter, Camilla Cooper Hewitt. Griselda Williams was\n         the daughter of international banker, Francis Lee Higginson\n         and Mehitable Coolidge Sargent. She was the great, great,\n         great granddaughter of Thomas Jefferson and a descendant of\n         Pocahontas. She was educated at the Winsor School in Boston\n         and subsequently studied in Paris and at Columbia University\n         in New York. During her first marriage to Abram Hewitt, she\n         became involved in the thoroughbred horse industry and was\n         later active in the shorthorn cattle business at their\n         plantation, \"Montana Hall\" in White Post, Virginia. She was\n         especially active in the work of 4-H Clubs and was honored by\n         the Virginia Polytechnic Institute for her work and support.\n         She served as a member of the 4-H Center near Front Royal,\n         Virginia, and was board member of the Grafton School for\n         students with special needs, as well as a charter member of\n         the Friends of Blandy, Virginia State Arboretum. Her\n         philanthropies centered on education for minorities,\n         particularly African-Americans and Native Americans. She was\n         also a member of the Chilton Club in Boston and of the Royal\n         Society of Saint George. A lifelong Episcopalian, Mrs.\n         Williams assisted her husband as chaplain to Sicily, being\n         active in the Anglican communities of Palermo and Taormina; in\n         Oslo, Norway and at Gustavia, Saint Barthelemy in the\n         Antilles. [memorials, 1994, in collection]\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Lawrence Basil Williams (March 1, 1914- ) was born in\n         Colonial Beach, Virginia to Hiram Walter Basil and Clara\n         (Denmead) Williams. He obtained his undergraduate and graduate\n         education at Randolph-Macon Academy, Randolph-Macon College,\n         and the University of Virginia. He later studied at the\n         University of Minnesota, the Virginia Theological Seminary,\n         Frederick Wilhelm University in Bonn, Germany, American\n         University, American Bible Institute in Kansas City, Missouri,\n         and New York University. Williams was minister-in-charge at\n         Immanuel Church-on-the-Hill, Virginia Theological Seminary, in\n         Alexandria, Virginia, 1947- 1953; minister of Henry Stimson\n         Chapel in Bad Godesberg, Germany, 1953-1954; rector at\n         Cunningham Chapel Parish in Millwood, Virginia, 1954-1958,\n         Grace Parish, Oklahoma, 1958, St. Basil Church in Tahlequah,\n         Oklahoma, Bethesda by-the-Sea in Palm Beach, Florida;\n         associate rector at St. Thomas Church in New York City, Church\n         of Holy Spirit in Nice, France; and founder and dean of the\n         American Center for Theological Studies in Boyce, Virginia,\n         1958--.","Other activities and memberships included thoroughbred\n         bloodstock agent, Stallion Service, Inc.; chairman, White\n         House Conference Committee on Aging, Oklahoma, 1960; member,\n         Bishop and Council Diocese of Oklahoma, Ecumenical Commission,\n         Episcopal Church, 1960; board member, Overseas Mission\n         Society, Bethel Memorial Association, James Monroe Birthplace\n         Association; served from ensign to lieutenant commander in the\n         United States Naval Reserve, 1941-1947; member, Society of\n         Cincinnati, Sons of the Revolution, Society of Colonial Wars,\n         Order Lafayette, Chaplain Flag Institute, Welsh-American\n         Society, Society of the Descendants of Colonial Clergy,\n         Brecknock Society, National Trust Historical Preservation,\n         Virginia Breeders Association, Sertoma, Ruritan, American\n         Legion, Phi Delta Theta, Alpha Kappa Psi, and Sigma Upsilon.\n         Williams was also a member of the following clubs: Chevy\n         Chase; Metropolitan; Army-Navy-Country (Boyce, Virginia); and,\n         American (Nice, France). Authored works include \n         An Economic and Social Survey of\n         Westmoreland County, Virginia, 1935; \n         Minister without Portfolio,\n         1954; \n         Contemporary Virginia, and \n         Williams of Upshot in Virginia,\n         1613-1976. He also produced two television documentaries, \n         This World and the Nextand \n         A Dead Certainty. [ \n         Who's Who in the South and\n         Southeast, 1973-1974 edition, F208.W64].","Lawrence Williams married Jean Rowell McCardell (October 1,\n         1905 ? January 16, 1977) on September 13, 1941, and had\n         children Judith Lawrence Barcroft Williams, who married Wisner\n         Washam, and Ian Rowell Denmead Williams, who married Debora\n         Anne Wornom. Grandchildren are Amy Lawrence Washam, Ian Miller\n         Washam, Aubrey Lee Williams, and Ashton Boyce Denmead\n         Williams. Jean Rowell McCardell Williams was the daughter of\n         Wilfred S. McCardell and Annabelle Rowell. Jean Williams was a\n         direct descendant of Captain Peter Humrickhouse of the\n         Philadelphia Regiment who served in the Revolution and as a\n         special aide to General George Washington. She was a\n         granddaughter of Ambrose E. Rowell of Falls Church and was the\n         first granddaughter of the Princeton University Class of 1877.\n         Mrs. Williams was educated at Western High School and Wilson\n         Teachers College in Washington and the University of Maryland.\n         She was active in social service organizations. In the 1930s,\n         she served as chairman of the curriculum committee and\n         textbook committees of the District of Columbia school system\n         and was a demonstration teacher at Brightwood School. She also\n         served as a fashion consultant in New York and a wedding\n         consultant for the Old Tailored Woman shop on Fifth Street.\n         After her marriage to Reverend Williams, she became active in\n         church social work and helped her husband establish new\n         parishes, including Episcopal parishes in Millwood, Virginia\n         and among Indians in Muskogee, Oklahoma. She was also active\n         in church work in Alexandria; Bonn, Germany; Palm Beach,\n         Florida; Nice, France; Rome, Italy; London, England, and\n         Geneva, Switzerland. While in France, she founded the Woman?s\n         Club of the Riviera and was named Woman of the Year in 1970 by\n         the organization. In 1970, Princess Grace of Monaco presented\n         her with a medallion honoring her hospitality work with\n         American Servicemen in the Sixth Fleet and with tourists and\n         international students there. [obituaries, 1977, in\n         collection]","Jean Williams passed away in January 1977; Lawrence\n         Williams was remarried to Griselda Higginson Hewitt Cunningham\n         (January 6, 1915 ? September 30, 1994) on August 27, 1977. She\n         had a daughter, Camilla Cooper Hewitt. Griselda Williams was\n         the daughter of international banker, Francis Lee Higginson\n         and Mehitable Coolidge Sargent. She was the great, great,\n         great granddaughter of Thomas Jefferson and a descendant of\n         Pocahontas. She was educated at the Winsor School in Boston\n         and subsequently studied in Paris and at Columbia University\n         in New York. During her first marriage to Abram Hewitt, she\n         became involved in the thoroughbred horse industry and was\n         later active in the shorthorn cattle business at their\n         plantation, \"Montana Hall\" in White Post, Virginia. She was\n         especially active in the work of 4-H Clubs and was honored by\n         the Virginia Polytechnic Institute for her work and support.\n         She served as a member of the 4-H Center near Front Royal,\n         Virginia, and was board member of the Grafton School for\n         students with special needs, as well as a charter member of\n         the Friends of Blandy, Virginia State Arboretum. Her\n         philanthropies centered on education for minorities,\n         particularly African-Americans and Native Americans. She was\n         also a member of the Chilton Club in Boston and of the Royal\n         Society of Saint George. A lifelong Episcopalian, Mrs.\n         Williams assisted her husband as chaplain to Sicily, being\n         active in the Anglican communities of Palermo and Taormina; in\n         Oslo, Norway and at Gustavia, Saint Barthelemy in the\n         Antilles. [memorials, 1994, in collection]"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames Lawrence Basil William Papers, 1895-1995,\n            Accession #11206, Special Collections Dept., University of\n            Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["James Lawrence Basil William Papers, 1895-1995,\n            Accession #11206, Special Collections Dept., University of\n            Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. 10,800 items, ca.\n         1895-1995, pertaining to James Lawrence Basil Williams, his\n         religious career, and his family. Included are correspondence,\n         papers, printed material, photographs, manuscripts, diplomas,\n         and memorabilia. There is substantial material concerning\n         Williams' clerical activities at various American churches and\n         parishes as well as overseas. The majority of this material\n         may be found under \"Bethesda by-the-Sea\" and \"Church?\"; there\n         is also related religious material under \"American Center for\n         Theological Studies,\" \"Diocese of Virginia,\" \"Ordination?\" and\n         other specific categories in the \"Alphabetical/Topical\"\n         series. There are papers related to religious associations and\n         congregations and historical societies, Williams' naval\n         career, and the Williams' family home, \"Upshot,\" Boyce,\n         Virginia. Prominent correspondents in \"Autographs\" include\n         Lloyd Millard Bentsen; Harry Flood Byrd; Harry Flood Byrd,\n         Jr.; Hubert Horatio Humphrey; Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.;\n         Frederick William Neve; Prince Louis H. M. Bertrand Rainier\n         III; Princess Grace of Monaco; Harry S. Truman; and, Thornton\n         (Niven) Wilder. There is also a letter, May 20, 1937, from\n         Cordell Hull, concerning \"Alexis Sommaripa.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eRepresented among the \"Family Correspondence and Papers\"\n         are Judith Barcroft Williams Washam (July 6, 1942--), her\n         husband Wisner M. Washam, and their children, Amy Lawrence and\n         Ian Miller; Ian Rowell Denmead Williams, his wife Deborah Anne\n         (Wornom), and their children Anne McCardell, and Ashton Boyce\n         Denmead. Papers of Judith Barcroft and Wisner Washam pertain\n         chiefly to personal matters but also refer to her acting\n         career in theatre and daytime television, and his writing\n         career in daytime television, including \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAll My Children\u003c/title\u003eand \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eGuiding Light\u003c/title\u003e. Among the family\n         papers, there are personal letters, schools papers, printed\n         material, children's drawings and photographs. There are also\n         papers of Williams' parents, Hiram Walter Basil Williams and\n         Clara Lipscomb (Denmead), including correspondence and printed\n         material. In addition to some photographs contained in\n         individuals' folders, there is a separate folder of\n         photographs at the end of the series.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOther series in this collection are: \"Papers of Jean Rowell\n         McCardell Williams\" and \"Papers of Griselda Higginson Hewitt\n         Cunningham Williams.\" Jean Williams' papers consist chiefly of\n         correspondence with Lawrence Williams. There is also material\n         concerning her illness and death. Griselda Williams' papers\n         include letters to her father while studying in Paris, France\n         and traveling abroad, papers from her marriages to Abram\n         Hewitt and Robert N. Cunningham, and papers re her marriage to\n         Lawrence Williams and her death. There are correspondence,\n         papers, legal papers, printed material, and photographs\n         concerning Jean Williams and Griselda Williams.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 10,800 items, ca.\n         1895-1995, pertaining to James Lawrence Basil Williams, his\n         religious career, and his family. Included are correspondence,\n         papers, printed material, photographs, manuscripts, diplomas,\n         and memorabilia. There is substantial material concerning\n         Williams' clerical activities at various American churches and\n         parishes as well as overseas. The majority of this material\n         may be found under \"Bethesda by-the-Sea\" and \"Church?\"; there\n         is also related religious material under \"American Center for\n         Theological Studies,\" \"Diocese of Virginia,\" \"Ordination?\" and\n         other specific categories in the \"Alphabetical/Topical\"\n         series. There are papers related to religious associations and\n         congregations and historical societies, Williams' naval\n         career, and the Williams' family home, \"Upshot,\" Boyce,\n         Virginia. Prominent correspondents in \"Autographs\" include\n         Lloyd Millard Bentsen; Harry Flood Byrd; Harry Flood Byrd,\n         Jr.; Hubert Horatio Humphrey; Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.;\n         Frederick William Neve; Prince Louis H. M. Bertrand Rainier\n         III; Princess Grace of Monaco; Harry S. Truman; and, Thornton\n         (Niven) Wilder. There is also a letter, May 20, 1937, from\n         Cordell Hull, concerning \"Alexis Sommaripa.\"","Represented among the \"Family Correspondence and Papers\"\n         are Judith Barcroft Williams Washam (July 6, 1942--), her\n         husband Wisner M. Washam, and their children, Amy Lawrence and\n         Ian Miller; Ian Rowell Denmead Williams, his wife Deborah Anne\n         (Wornom), and their children Anne McCardell, and Ashton Boyce\n         Denmead. Papers of Judith Barcroft and Wisner Washam pertain\n         chiefly to personal matters but also refer to her acting\n         career in theatre and daytime television, and his writing\n         career in daytime television, including \n         All My Childrenand \n         Guiding Light. Among the family\n         papers, there are personal letters, schools papers, printed\n         material, children's drawings and photographs. There are also\n         papers of Williams' parents, Hiram Walter Basil Williams and\n         Clara Lipscomb (Denmead), including correspondence and printed\n         material. In addition to some photographs contained in\n         individuals' folders, there is a separate folder of\n         photographs at the end of the series.","Other series in this collection are: \"Papers of Jean Rowell\n         McCardell Williams\" and \"Papers of Griselda Higginson Hewitt\n         Cunningham Williams.\" Jean Williams' papers consist chiefly of\n         correspondence with Lawrence Williams. There is also material\n         concerning her illness and death. Griselda Williams' papers\n         include letters to her father while studying in Paris, France\n         and traveling abroad, papers from her marriages to Abram\n         Hewitt and Robert N. Cunningham, and papers re her marriage to\n         Lawrence Williams and her death. There are correspondence,\n         papers, legal papers, printed material, and photographs\n         concerning Jean Williams and Griselda Williams."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThis collection consists of ca.\n         10,800 items, ca. 1895-1995, pertaining to James Lawrence\n         Basil Williams, his religious career, and his family. Included\n         are correspondence, papers, printed material, photographs,\n         manuscripts, diplomas, and memorabilia. There is substantial\n         material concerning Williams' clerical activities at various\n         American churches and parishes as well as overseas. The\n         majority of this material may be found under \"Bethesda\n         by-the-Sea\" and \"Church?\"; there is also related religious\n         material under \"American Center for Theological Studies,\"\n         \"Diocese of Virginia,\" \"Ordination?\" and other specific\n         categories in the \"Alphabetical/Topical\" series. There are\n         papers related to religious associations and congregations and\n         historical societies, Williams' naval career, and the\n         Williams' family home, \"Upshot,\" Boyce, Virginia. Prominent\n         correspondents in \"Autographs\" include Lloyd Millard Bentsen;\n         Harry Flood Byrd; Harry Flood Byrd, Jr.; Hubert Horatio\n         Humphrey; Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.; Frederick William Neve;\n         Prince Louis H. M. Bertrand Rainier III; Princess Grace of\n         Monaco; Harry S. Truman; and, Thornton (Niven) Wilder. There\n         is also a letter, May 20, 1937, from Cordell Hull, concerning\n         \"Alexis Sommaripa.\"\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["This collection consists of ca.\n         10,800 items, ca. 1895-1995, pertaining to James Lawrence\n         Basil Williams, his religious career, and his family. Included\n         are correspondence, papers, printed material, photographs,\n         manuscripts, diplomas, and memorabilia. There is substantial\n         material concerning Williams' clerical activities at various\n         American churches and parishes as well as overseas. The\n         majority of this material may be found under \"Bethesda\n         by-the-Sea\" and \"Church?\"; there is also related religious\n         material under \"American Center for Theological Studies,\"\n         \"Diocese of Virginia,\" \"Ordination?\" and other specific\n         categories in the \"Alphabetical/Topical\" series. There are\n         papers related to religious associations and congregations and\n         historical societies, Williams' naval career, and the\n         Williams' family home, \"Upshot,\" Boyce, Virginia. Prominent\n         correspondents in \"Autographs\" include Lloyd Millard Bentsen;\n         Harry Flood Byrd; Harry Flood Byrd, Jr.; Hubert Horatio\n         Humphrey; Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.; Frederick William Neve;\n         Prince Louis H. M. Bertrand Rainier III; Princess Grace of\n         Monaco; Harry S. Truman; and, Thornton (Niven) Wilder. There\n         is also a letter, May 20, 1937, from Cordell Hull, concerning\n         \"Alexis Sommaripa.\""],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":186,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:40.321Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01290_c01_c128"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1397","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Alexander G. Gilliam collection of University of Virginia history papers, 1921/2019","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1397#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains essays and papers related to the history of the University of Virginia compiled by Alexander G. \"Sandy\" Gilliam, a University of Virginia alumnus, administrator, and historian. The content dates range from 1921 to 2019. Correspondence and greeting cards between Gilliam and University administrators, historians, and alums are present, as are forty special interest essays written by Gilliam on obscure University of Virginia historical subject matter. The essays discuss historical maps of the University, University Presidents, road nomenclature, secret societies, the history of buildings, the Rotunda, the Lawn, University faculty, and the evolution of student life. Also included are programs from University dinners, building grand openings, groundbreaking ceremonies, Final Exercises, dedications, funerals, on-Grounds weddings, and other events collected by Gilliam.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1397#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1397","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1397","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1397","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1397","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1397.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/148744","title_filing_ssi":"Gilliam, Alexander G. collection of University of Virginia history papers","title_ssm":["Alexander G. Gilliam collection of University of Virginia history papers"],"title_tesim":["Alexander G. Gilliam collection of University of Virginia history papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1921-2019"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1921-2019"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1921/2019"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Alexander G. Gilliam collection of University of Virginia history papers, 1921/2019"],"text":["Alexander G. Gilliam collection of University of Virginia history papers, 1921/2019","MSS 15240","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1397","Good","This collection is minimally processed and open for research.","Alexander G. \"Sandy\" Gilliam Jr. (1933–2024) was a University of Virginia alumnus, administrator, and historian. Gilliam was born on May 4, 1933, and graduated from the University of Virginia in 1955 with a degree in history. After his time as a student at Virginia, he served in the United States Army before joining the Foreign Service and later the State Department, where he worked in counterintelligence and diplomatic assignments in Israel, Africa, and the Middle East. His work involved studying cultures, politics, international protocol, and languages, including Arabic.","In 1975, Gilliam returned to the University of Virginia and began a career that lasted more than four decades. He served as Secretary to the Board of Visitors for 18 years, advising and guiding the University's governing body. He also worked as a special assistant to four University presidents, helping to shape institutional policy. Eventually, Gilliam was named University Historian, a role in which he documented and interpreted the University's traditions and history through a series of special interest essays and publications.","Gilliam descended from a long line of University of Virginia alums and remained deeply tied to the institution throughout his life. Gilliam died on June 8, 2024, at the age of 91.","References","Hill and Wood Funeral Service. 2024. \"Alexander 'Sandy' G. Gilliam Jr. Obituary.\" Hill and Wood Funeral Home. June 2024. https://www.hillandwood.com/obituaries/Alexander-Sandy-G-Gilliam-Jr?obId=31804417","University of Virginia. 2024. \"In Memoriam: UVA Storyteller, Dignitary Sandy Gilliam Will Be Greatly Missed.\" UVA Today. June 10, 2024. https://news.virginia.edu/content/memoriam-uva-storyteller-dignitary-sandy-gilliam-will-be-greatly-missed","Virginia Magazine. 2015. \"Tinker, Tale Teller, Soldier Seven.\" Virginia Magazine: The University of Virginia Alumni Association. Fall 2015. https://uvamagazine.org/articles/tinker_tale_teller_soldier_seven","I-C-U-P poster cataloged as Broadside 2008 .I38; Founder's Day poster cataloged as Poster 1981 .U58","This collection contains essays and papers related to the history of the University of Virginia compiled by Alexander G. \"Sandy\" Gilliam, a University of Virginia alumnus, administrator, and historian. The content dates range from 1921 to 2019. Correspondence and greeting cards between Gilliam and University administrators, historians, and alums are present, as are forty special interest essays written by Gilliam on obscure University of Virginia historical subject matter. The essays discuss historical maps of the University, University Presidents, road nomenclature, secret societies, the history of buildings, the Rotunda, the Lawn, University faculty, and the evolution of student life. Also included are programs from University dinners, building grand openings, groundbreaking ceremonies, Final Exercises, dedications, funerals, on-Grounds weddings, and other events collected by Gilliam.","This collection contains some in-copyright material. Visit our Permissions and Publishing page for more information about use of Special Collections materials. The library can provide copyright information upon request, but users are responsible for making their own determination about lawful use of collections materials.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Virginia Foundation for the Humanities","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Alexander G. Gilliam collection of University of Virginia history papers, 1921/2019"],"collection_ssim":["Alexander G. 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The library can provide copyright information upon request, but users are responsible for making their own determination about lawful use of collections materials."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was a transfer from Sandy Gilliam, University Historian, to the Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia on July 22, 2011, various dates over 2012-2016, and July 18, 2019."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["Good"],"extent_ssm":["1.64 Cubic Feet One cubic-foot box, one letter-sized file box, one half-width letter-sized file box, one small oversized folder"],"extent_tesim":["1.64 Cubic Feet One cubic-foot box, one letter-sized file box, one half-width letter-sized file box, one small oversized folder"],"date_range_isim":[1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018,2019],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is minimally processed and open for research.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is minimally processed and open for research."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAlexander G. \"Sandy\" Gilliam Jr. (1933–2024) was a University of Virginia alumnus, administrator, and historian. 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Correspondence and greeting cards between Gilliam and University administrators, historians, and alums are present, as are forty special interest essays written by Gilliam on obscure University of Virginia historical subject matter. The essays discuss historical maps of the University, University Presidents, road nomenclature, secret societies, the history of buildings, the Rotunda, the Lawn, University faculty, and the evolution of student life. Also included are programs from University dinners, building grand openings, groundbreaking ceremonies, Final Exercises, dedications, funerals, on-Grounds weddings, and other events collected by Gilliam.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Content Description"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains essays and papers related to the history of the University of Virginia compiled by Alexander G. \"Sandy\" Gilliam, a University of Virginia alumnus, administrator, and historian. The content dates range from 1921 to 2019. 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Travis, 1950/1953","Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","Case Files, 1874/1955","1950's","box MSS 79-6, Box 118"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","Case Files, 1874/1955","1950's"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","Case Files, 1874/1955","1950's"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1950/1953"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1950-1953"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":975,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959"],"containers_ssim":["box MSS 79-6, Box 118"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Some of these files are restricted."],"date_range_isim":[1950,1951,1952,1953],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#8/components#1","timestamp":"2026-09-17T13:57:56.004Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_66.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/106865","title_ssm":["Duke family law firm papers"],"title_tesim":["Duke family law firm papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1820 - 1959"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1820 - 1959"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1820/1959"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959"],"text":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","MSS.79.6","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/66","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","practice of law -- Virginia","lawyers -- Virginia","Some of these files are restricted.","The papers are organized into 8 series: 1st-6th series concern the law practice; 7th series, the insurance business; and the 8th, family business.","Series I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.","Series II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.","Series III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874, but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many, but not all, of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.","Series IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).","Series V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc., and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.","Series VI. General office correspondendence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason, certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.","Series VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr., was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.","Series VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records, dating from the 1880's, provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives.","Richard Thomas Walker Duke, son of Richard and Maria Walker Duke, was born 6 June 1822 in Charlottesville, Virginia, where he spent his childhood. After attending private schools, he entered Virginia Military Institute and finished second in the class of 1845. Upon graduating he taught school in Lewisburg, Virginia (now West Virginia), but returned to Charlottesville when his father died in 1849, and began studying law at the University. In 1850, he started his own law practice, and over the next ten years built a law office, was chosen one of Charlottesville's first aldermen, served briefly as mayor, and became commonwealth's attorney. He married Elizabeth Scott Eskridge of Staunton, and they had two sons, William and R. T. W. Jr. (Tom), and a daughter, Mary, all of whom lived to adulthood; two other children died in childhood.","As colonel of the 48th Regiment of the Virginia Volunteers, R. T. W. Duke took an active role in the Civil War. In 1864, he resigned his commission because of a dispute with a superior officer, but re-enlisted thirty days later. He surrendered with his troops at Silas Creek in 1865, and returned to his law practice and position as commonwealth's attorney. From that time on, Duke was known as \"the Colonel,\" and in honor of his service in the recent war, the local camp for the Sons of Confederate Veterans was named for him.","In 1863 Duke bought Sunnyside, a 70-acre tract of land northeast of Charlottesville (on which the Law School is now located), and farmed this property until his death. He was chosen secretary/treasurer of the board of trustees of the Samuel Miller Fund, established in 1869. In 1870, Duke assumed the fifth district's Congressional seat for two terms as a member of the Conservative party. Lobbying for a strong South throughout his term, Duke actively opposed the 14th Amendment. R. T. W. Duke died after a lingering illness in the summer of 1898.","William R. Duke, born in 1849, possessed his father's farming instincts and commitment to political involvement. Together they farmed and resided at Sunnyside, whose ownership William shared with his brother Tom after their father's death. Although William studied law at Virginia, and in 1883 joined his father's law practice, he devoted more energy to farming and such groups as the Virginia Cattlemen's Association. In 1897 he was elected delegate to the Virginia General Assembly. Like his father, William was also involved in local affairs, serving, for example, as clerk of the Miller Fund board of trustees for many years. William died in 1929 and was survived by his sons, William (Billy) and Camman.","Since he was born in 1853, Richard Thomas Walker Duke Jr. (Tom) witnessed the Civil War during his impressionable boyhood years and later wrote about those experiences. A gifted writer and student of languages, Tom studied classics, French, German, and English literature when he entered the University of Virginia in 1870. He was awarded the Thomas Jefferson Prize for the best essay in 1872, and then turned his attention to the study of law in 1873-74. It is likely that he later read law for a time in his father's office before passing the bar. Although the practice of law became his career, Duke wrote prose and poetry the rest of his life, and was published in the New York Herald and such magazines as Century, Lippincott's, and Illustrated American.","Throughout his long career, Tom was active in town, University, and state affairs. Among the organizations in which he held office were the Masons, Zeta Psi fraternity, the Sons of the American Revolution, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, the Miller Board, the UVA Alumni Association, and the state Democratic Committee. He served from 1886 to 1901 as judge of the Corporation Court (now called the Circuit Court), as commonwealth's attorney from 1916 to 1920, and as a member of the Committee to Revise the Virginia Code in 1908. In addition, he sat on the boards of a variety of corporations, including the Charlottesville Ice Company, the First National Bank, and a number of Kentucky and West Virginia coal development companies in which his family had invested. From 1907 to 1910, Tom edited the Virginia Law Journal.","Tom Duke married Edith Ridgeway Slaughter in 1884, and they produced six children, of whom five grew to maturity: Mary, R. T. W. III (Walker), John Flavel Slaughter (Jack), William Eskridge, and Helen Risdon. He built a spacious home for his family at 616 Park Street. A frequent traveller because of his practice, Duke also travelled for pleasure. As the children grew up, Edith often accompanied him to New York or Washington to shop, visit friends and attend plays, or she took journeys alone to visit children and other relatives. All the Duke children, as they reached their teens, attended boarding school, and all received at least some college education. Edith Duke died suddenly in 1921, and two years later, Tom married Maymee Richardson Slaughter, his wife's sister-in-law from Lynchburg. In March of 1926 Tom died at the age of 76.","Walker, after a few years in the Navy, joined the Army and became a career officer. Jack served in the Army during World War I, and then began a career in business. In 1917, Eskridge took a law degree at Virginia and joined his father's practice. He was plagued by ill-health throughout his career, and soon after their father's death, his sister Mary, a former social worker, began assisting in the law office. Helen, a librarian, worked in New York and Norfolk for a year or so before moving back to the family home. Eskridge and his wife, Lucy Lee, had three children, of whom two, William Eskridge Jr. (Bill) and Lucy Marshall, grew to adulthood. Jack died in 1933; Eskridge, in 1959; Walker, in 1960; Mary, in 1966; and Helen, in 1984.","The Charlottesville law practice established by R. T. W. Duke in 1850 remained in the family for two succeeding generations. After studying law with John B. Minor at the University of Virginia, Duke practiced alone until 1858, when he built his office at 20 Court House Square and took James D. Jones as a partner. Another lawyer, Louis G. Hanckel, joined the firm in the early seventies and handled insurance business. When Tom finished his legal studies in 1874, he assisted his father, whose partner by then was Stephen V. Southall. In the 1880's the firm was called Duke \u0026 Duke, William having joined his father shortly before Tom became judge.","The early work of the firm was limited to real estate, debt collection, and probate work, with an occasional criminal case. In addition, there was ample time for all three lawyers to pursue their assorted outside interests. At the office each man wrote his own letters, Tom switching to a Remington typewriter in 1889, before the days when they could hire a stenographer. The Dukes handled property rentals for some of their clients, the wealthiest and best known of whom was Jefferson Levy, owner of Monticello, the Opera House, and a great deal of other property in town.","With the combination of \"the Colonel's\" death, the social and economic changes in town around the turn of the century, and the energetic leadership of Tom, the workload of the practice increased and became more diverse. Loan and bond operations were added to the civil and criminal work and property management. Around 1917, Eskridge and Clarence E. Gentry joined the firm, now called Duke, Duke and Gentry. The law office was torn down in 1922, and the firm moved to a building shared with other lawyers at the corner of Fifth and Jefferson Streets. The practice flourished, and the Dukes often hired Virginia law students or graduates as clerks or associates, including Elizabeth Tompkins (the first female graduate of the Law School), Bernard Chamberlain, Anna Dinwiddie, and John Yancy.","It has not been determined whether the Dukes sold insurance after Hanckel left, but some time after Eskridge joined the firm in the late teens, the Insurance Agency was established. The title was changed to the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville in 1923, when W. F. Carter Jr. as agent. After Carter misappropriated funds, he was relieved of his job, the agency was incorporated, and the Dukes' interest in the business was eventually bought out by William B. Murphy.","Eskridge carried on the law practice with the assistance of Mary and an occasional associate. In 1937, he wrote that his firm \"is regional and local counsel for a number of insurance companies, Virginia counsel for the Pike Coal Company, and does a general legal business, specializing in insurance, real estate, corporation and probate law, also maintains a collection department.\" With his failing health in the late forties, the practice dwindled until 1955, when Duke and Duke closed a little over a hundred years after it began.","The Duke law firm papers include correspondence, case files, legal, insuarance, and financial records, as well as ledgers. The files provide extensive documentation of a small-town family practice. Since the insurance business and the Dukes's family business affairs were handled in the same office as the law practice, these files had remained with the legal files. The family correspondence found with these papers was transferred to Special Collections in Alderman Library.","The Duke papers were transferred from the first Duke office to the second Duke office, finally to their third office on Park Street, where they apparently were shifted more than once. Things were unavoidably jumbled, but the order within the cartons, the types of file boxes and folders, and the dates made it possible to reconstruct the original filing arrangements.","This collection is rich in source material for scholars of legal, social, or local history. The first area of research focuses on the changes in the character of this small-town law practice from the post-Civil War to the post-World War II periods. There are well-documented accounts in the shifts in the type of legal work the law firm handled, the daily office operations over the years, the economic vicissitudes of the practice, and the attitudes of three generations of lawyers. There is information on the political, economic, and social conditions of the Charlottesville area during the time span of the Dukes' law practice.","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Duke family","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1822-1898","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1853-1926","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959"],"collection_ssim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS.79.6","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/66"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS.79.6","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/66"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"geogname_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"places_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"creator_ssm":["Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1822-1898","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1853-1926","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959"],"creator_ssim":["Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1822-1898","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1853-1926","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1822-1898","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1853-1926","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Duke family"],"creators_ssim":["Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1822-1898","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1853-1926","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Duke family"],"acqinfo_ssim":["The collection was a gift of Helen R. Duke in 1979.","The addendum to the papers of the Duke \u0026 Duke law firm was donated by William E. Duke and Lucy D. Kinne to the Law Library in October of 1985 after the death of Helen Duke, donor of the original gift."],"access_subjects_ssim":["practice of law -- Virginia","lawyers -- Virginia"],"access_subjects_ssm":["practice of law -- Virginia","lawyers -- Virginia"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["108.5  Linear Feet 232 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["108.5  Linear Feet 232 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome of these files are restricted.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Some of these files are restricted."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers are organized into 8 series: 1st-6th series concern the law practice; 7th series, the insurance business; and the 8th, family business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874, but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many, but not all, of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc., and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VI. General office correspondendence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason, certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr., was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records, dating from the 1880's, provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The papers are organized into 8 series: 1st-6th series concern the law practice; 7th series, the insurance business; and the 8th, family business.","Series I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.","Series II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.","Series III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874, but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many, but not all, of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.","Series IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).","Series V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc., and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.","Series VI. General office correspondendence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason, certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.","Series VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr., was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.","Series VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records, dating from the 1880's, provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eRichard Thomas Walker Duke, son of Richard and Maria Walker Duke, was born 6 June 1822 in Charlottesville, Virginia, where he spent his childhood. After attending private schools, he entered Virginia Military Institute and finished second in the class of 1845. Upon graduating he taught school in Lewisburg, Virginia (now West Virginia), but returned to Charlottesville when his father died in 1849, and began studying law at the University. In 1850, he started his own law practice, and over the next ten years built a law office, was chosen one of Charlottesville's first aldermen, served briefly as mayor, and became commonwealth's attorney. He married Elizabeth Scott Eskridge of Staunton, and they had two sons, William and R. T. W. Jr. (Tom), and a daughter, Mary, all of whom lived to adulthood; two other children died in childhood.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs colonel of the 48th Regiment of the Virginia Volunteers, R. T. W. Duke took an active role in the Civil War. In 1864, he resigned his commission because of a dispute with a superior officer, but re-enlisted thirty days later. He surrendered with his troops at Silas Creek in 1865, and returned to his law practice and position as commonwealth's attorney. From that time on, Duke was known as \"the Colonel,\" and in honor of his service in the recent war, the local camp for the Sons of Confederate Veterans was named for him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1863 Duke bought Sunnyside, a 70-acre tract of land northeast of Charlottesville (on which the Law School is now located), and farmed this property until his death. He was chosen secretary/treasurer of the board of trustees of the Samuel Miller Fund, established in 1869. In 1870, Duke assumed the fifth district's Congressional seat for two terms as a member of the Conservative party. Lobbying for a strong South throughout his term, Duke actively opposed the 14th Amendment. R. T. W. Duke died after a lingering illness in the summer of 1898.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilliam R. Duke, born in 1849, possessed his father's farming instincts and commitment to political involvement. Together they farmed and resided at Sunnyside, whose ownership William shared with his brother Tom after their father's death. Although William studied law at Virginia, and in 1883 joined his father's law practice, he devoted more energy to farming and such groups as the Virginia Cattlemen's Association. In 1897 he was elected delegate to the Virginia General Assembly. Like his father, William was also involved in local affairs, serving, for example, as clerk of the Miller Fund board of trustees for many years. William died in 1929 and was survived by his sons, William (Billy) and Camman.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSince he was born in 1853, Richard Thomas Walker Duke Jr. (Tom) witnessed the Civil War during his impressionable boyhood years and later wrote about those experiences. A gifted writer and student of languages, Tom studied classics, French, German, and English literature when he entered the University of Virginia in 1870. He was awarded the Thomas Jefferson Prize for the best essay in 1872, and then turned his attention to the study of law in 1873-74. It is likely that he later read law for a time in his father's office before passing the bar. Although the practice of law became his career, Duke wrote prose and poetry the rest of his life, and was published in the New York Herald and such magazines as Century, Lippincott's, and Illustrated American.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThroughout his long career, Tom was active in town, University, and state affairs. Among the organizations in which he held office were the Masons, Zeta Psi fraternity, the Sons of the American Revolution, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, the Miller Board, the UVA Alumni Association, and the state Democratic Committee. He served from 1886 to 1901 as judge of the Corporation Court (now called the Circuit Court), as commonwealth's attorney from 1916 to 1920, and as a member of the Committee to Revise the Virginia Code in 1908. In addition, he sat on the boards of a variety of corporations, including the Charlottesville Ice Company, the First National Bank, and a number of Kentucky and West Virginia coal development companies in which his family had invested. From 1907 to 1910, Tom edited the Virginia Law Journal.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTom Duke married Edith Ridgeway Slaughter in 1884, and they produced six children, of whom five grew to maturity: Mary, R. T. W. III (Walker), John Flavel Slaughter (Jack), William Eskridge, and Helen Risdon. He built a spacious home for his family at 616 Park Street. A frequent traveller because of his practice, Duke also travelled for pleasure. As the children grew up, Edith often accompanied him to New York or Washington to shop, visit friends and attend plays, or she took journeys alone to visit children and other relatives. All the Duke children, as they reached their teens, attended boarding school, and all received at least some college education. Edith Duke died suddenly in 1921, and two years later, Tom married Maymee Richardson Slaughter, his wife's sister-in-law from Lynchburg. In March of 1926 Tom died at the age of 76.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWalker, after a few years in the Navy, joined the Army and became a career officer. Jack served in the Army during World War I, and then began a career in business. In 1917, Eskridge took a law degree at Virginia and joined his father's practice. He was plagued by ill-health throughout his career, and soon after their father's death, his sister Mary, a former social worker, began assisting in the law office. Helen, a librarian, worked in New York and Norfolk for a year or so before moving back to the family home. Eskridge and his wife, Lucy Lee, had three children, of whom two, William Eskridge Jr. (Bill) and Lucy Marshall, grew to adulthood. Jack died in 1933; Eskridge, in 1959; Walker, in 1960; Mary, in 1966; and Helen, in 1984.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Charlottesville law practice established by R. T. W. Duke in 1850 remained in the family for two succeeding generations. After studying law with John B. Minor at the University of Virginia, Duke practiced alone until 1858, when he built his office at 20 Court House Square and took James D. Jones as a partner. Another lawyer, Louis G. Hanckel, joined the firm in the early seventies and handled insurance business. When Tom finished his legal studies in 1874, he assisted his father, whose partner by then was Stephen V. Southall. In the 1880's the firm was called Duke \u0026amp; Duke, William having joined his father shortly before Tom became judge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe early work of the firm was limited to real estate, debt collection, and probate work, with an occasional criminal case. In addition, there was ample time for all three lawyers to pursue their assorted outside interests. At the office each man wrote his own letters, Tom switching to a Remington typewriter in 1889, before the days when they could hire a stenographer. The Dukes handled property rentals for some of their clients, the wealthiest and best known of whom was Jefferson Levy, owner of Monticello, the Opera House, and a great deal of other property in town.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWith the combination of \"the Colonel's\" death, the social and economic changes in town around the turn of the century, and the energetic leadership of Tom, the workload of the practice increased and became more diverse. Loan and bond operations were added to the civil and criminal work and property management. Around 1917, Eskridge and Clarence E. Gentry joined the firm, now called Duke, Duke and Gentry. The law office was torn down in 1922, and the firm moved to a building shared with other lawyers at the corner of Fifth and Jefferson Streets. The practice flourished, and the Dukes often hired Virginia law students or graduates as clerks or associates, including Elizabeth Tompkins (the first female graduate of the Law School), Bernard Chamberlain, Anna Dinwiddie, and John Yancy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIt has not been determined whether the Dukes sold insurance after Hanckel left, but some time after Eskridge joined the firm in the late teens, the Insurance Agency was established. The title was changed to the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville in 1923, when W. F. Carter Jr. as agent. After Carter misappropriated funds, he was relieved of his job, the agency was incorporated, and the Dukes' interest in the business was eventually bought out by William B. Murphy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEskridge carried on the law practice with the assistance of Mary and an occasional associate. In 1937, he wrote that his firm \"is regional and local counsel for a number of insurance companies, Virginia counsel for the Pike Coal Company, and does a general legal business, specializing in insurance, real estate, corporation and probate law, also maintains a collection department.\" With his failing health in the late forties, the practice dwindled until 1955, when Duke and Duke closed a little over a hundred years after it began.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Richard Thomas Walker Duke, son of Richard and Maria Walker Duke, was born 6 June 1822 in Charlottesville, Virginia, where he spent his childhood. After attending private schools, he entered Virginia Military Institute and finished second in the class of 1845. Upon graduating he taught school in Lewisburg, Virginia (now West Virginia), but returned to Charlottesville when his father died in 1849, and began studying law at the University. In 1850, he started his own law practice, and over the next ten years built a law office, was chosen one of Charlottesville's first aldermen, served briefly as mayor, and became commonwealth's attorney. He married Elizabeth Scott Eskridge of Staunton, and they had two sons, William and R. T. W. Jr. (Tom), and a daughter, Mary, all of whom lived to adulthood; two other children died in childhood.","As colonel of the 48th Regiment of the Virginia Volunteers, R. T. W. Duke took an active role in the Civil War. In 1864, he resigned his commission because of a dispute with a superior officer, but re-enlisted thirty days later. He surrendered with his troops at Silas Creek in 1865, and returned to his law practice and position as commonwealth's attorney. From that time on, Duke was known as \"the Colonel,\" and in honor of his service in the recent war, the local camp for the Sons of Confederate Veterans was named for him.","In 1863 Duke bought Sunnyside, a 70-acre tract of land northeast of Charlottesville (on which the Law School is now located), and farmed this property until his death. He was chosen secretary/treasurer of the board of trustees of the Samuel Miller Fund, established in 1869. In 1870, Duke assumed the fifth district's Congressional seat for two terms as a member of the Conservative party. Lobbying for a strong South throughout his term, Duke actively opposed the 14th Amendment. R. T. W. Duke died after a lingering illness in the summer of 1898.","William R. Duke, born in 1849, possessed his father's farming instincts and commitment to political involvement. Together they farmed and resided at Sunnyside, whose ownership William shared with his brother Tom after their father's death. Although William studied law at Virginia, and in 1883 joined his father's law practice, he devoted more energy to farming and such groups as the Virginia Cattlemen's Association. In 1897 he was elected delegate to the Virginia General Assembly. Like his father, William was also involved in local affairs, serving, for example, as clerk of the Miller Fund board of trustees for many years. William died in 1929 and was survived by his sons, William (Billy) and Camman.","Since he was born in 1853, Richard Thomas Walker Duke Jr. (Tom) witnessed the Civil War during his impressionable boyhood years and later wrote about those experiences. A gifted writer and student of languages, Tom studied classics, French, German, and English literature when he entered the University of Virginia in 1870. He was awarded the Thomas Jefferson Prize for the best essay in 1872, and then turned his attention to the study of law in 1873-74. It is likely that he later read law for a time in his father's office before passing the bar. Although the practice of law became his career, Duke wrote prose and poetry the rest of his life, and was published in the New York Herald and such magazines as Century, Lippincott's, and Illustrated American.","Throughout his long career, Tom was active in town, University, and state affairs. Among the organizations in which he held office were the Masons, Zeta Psi fraternity, the Sons of the American Revolution, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, the Miller Board, the UVA Alumni Association, and the state Democratic Committee. He served from 1886 to 1901 as judge of the Corporation Court (now called the Circuit Court), as commonwealth's attorney from 1916 to 1920, and as a member of the Committee to Revise the Virginia Code in 1908. In addition, he sat on the boards of a variety of corporations, including the Charlottesville Ice Company, the First National Bank, and a number of Kentucky and West Virginia coal development companies in which his family had invested. From 1907 to 1910, Tom edited the Virginia Law Journal.","Tom Duke married Edith Ridgeway Slaughter in 1884, and they produced six children, of whom five grew to maturity: Mary, R. T. W. III (Walker), John Flavel Slaughter (Jack), William Eskridge, and Helen Risdon. He built a spacious home for his family at 616 Park Street. A frequent traveller because of his practice, Duke also travelled for pleasure. As the children grew up, Edith often accompanied him to New York or Washington to shop, visit friends and attend plays, or she took journeys alone to visit children and other relatives. All the Duke children, as they reached their teens, attended boarding school, and all received at least some college education. Edith Duke died suddenly in 1921, and two years later, Tom married Maymee Richardson Slaughter, his wife's sister-in-law from Lynchburg. In March of 1926 Tom died at the age of 76.","Walker, after a few years in the Navy, joined the Army and became a career officer. Jack served in the Army during World War I, and then began a career in business. In 1917, Eskridge took a law degree at Virginia and joined his father's practice. He was plagued by ill-health throughout his career, and soon after their father's death, his sister Mary, a former social worker, began assisting in the law office. Helen, a librarian, worked in New York and Norfolk for a year or so before moving back to the family home. Eskridge and his wife, Lucy Lee, had three children, of whom two, William Eskridge Jr. (Bill) and Lucy Marshall, grew to adulthood. Jack died in 1933; Eskridge, in 1959; Walker, in 1960; Mary, in 1966; and Helen, in 1984.","The Charlottesville law practice established by R. T. W. Duke in 1850 remained in the family for two succeeding generations. After studying law with John B. Minor at the University of Virginia, Duke practiced alone until 1858, when he built his office at 20 Court House Square and took James D. Jones as a partner. Another lawyer, Louis G. Hanckel, joined the firm in the early seventies and handled insurance business. When Tom finished his legal studies in 1874, he assisted his father, whose partner by then was Stephen V. Southall. In the 1880's the firm was called Duke \u0026 Duke, William having joined his father shortly before Tom became judge.","The early work of the firm was limited to real estate, debt collection, and probate work, with an occasional criminal case. In addition, there was ample time for all three lawyers to pursue their assorted outside interests. At the office each man wrote his own letters, Tom switching to a Remington typewriter in 1889, before the days when they could hire a stenographer. The Dukes handled property rentals for some of their clients, the wealthiest and best known of whom was Jefferson Levy, owner of Monticello, the Opera House, and a great deal of other property in town.","With the combination of \"the Colonel's\" death, the social and economic changes in town around the turn of the century, and the energetic leadership of Tom, the workload of the practice increased and became more diverse. Loan and bond operations were added to the civil and criminal work and property management. Around 1917, Eskridge and Clarence E. Gentry joined the firm, now called Duke, Duke and Gentry. The law office was torn down in 1922, and the firm moved to a building shared with other lawyers at the corner of Fifth and Jefferson Streets. The practice flourished, and the Dukes often hired Virginia law students or graduates as clerks or associates, including Elizabeth Tompkins (the first female graduate of the Law School), Bernard Chamberlain, Anna Dinwiddie, and John Yancy.","It has not been determined whether the Dukes sold insurance after Hanckel left, but some time after Eskridge joined the firm in the late teens, the Insurance Agency was established. The title was changed to the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville in 1923, when W. F. Carter Jr. as agent. After Carter misappropriated funds, he was relieved of his job, the agency was incorporated, and the Dukes' interest in the business was eventually bought out by William B. Murphy.","Eskridge carried on the law practice with the assistance of Mary and an occasional associate. In 1937, he wrote that his firm \"is regional and local counsel for a number of insurance companies, Virginia counsel for the Pike Coal Company, and does a general legal business, specializing in insurance, real estate, corporation and probate law, also maintains a collection department.\" With his failing health in the late forties, the practice dwindled until 1955, when Duke and Duke closed a little over a hundred years after it began."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Duke law firm papers include correspondence, case files, legal, insuarance, and financial records, as well as ledgers. The files provide extensive documentation of a small-town family practice. Since the insurance business and the Dukes's family business affairs were handled in the same office as the law practice, these files had remained with the legal files. The family correspondence found with these papers was transferred to Special Collections in Alderman Library. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Duke papers were transferred from the first Duke office to the second Duke office, finally to their third office on Park Street, where they apparently were shifted more than once. Things were unavoidably jumbled, but the order within the cartons, the types of file boxes and folders, and the dates made it possible to reconstruct the original filing arrangements.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection is rich in source material for scholars of legal, social, or local history. The first area of research focuses on the changes in the character of this small-town law practice from the post-Civil War to the post-World War II periods. There are well-documented accounts in the shifts in the type of legal work the law firm handled, the daily office operations over the years, the economic vicissitudes of the practice, and the attitudes of three generations of lawyers. There is information on the political, economic, and social conditions of the Charlottesville area during the time span of the Dukes' law practice.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Duke law firm papers include correspondence, case files, legal, insuarance, and financial records, as well as ledgers. The files provide extensive documentation of a small-town family practice. Since the insurance business and the Dukes's family business affairs were handled in the same office as the law practice, these files had remained with the legal files. The family correspondence found with these papers was transferred to Special Collections in Alderman Library.","The Duke papers were transferred from the first Duke office to the second Duke office, finally to their third office on Park Street, where they apparently were shifted more than once. Things were unavoidably jumbled, but the order within the cartons, the types of file boxes and folders, and the dates made it possible to reconstruct the original filing arrangements.","This collection is rich in source material for scholars of legal, social, or local history. The first area of research focuses on the changes in the character of this small-town law practice from the post-Civil War to the post-World War II periods. There are well-documented accounts in the shifts in the type of legal work the law firm handled, the daily office operations over the years, the economic vicissitudes of the practice, and the attitudes of three generations of lawyers. There is information on the political, economic, and social conditions of the Charlottesville area during the time span of the Dukes' law practice."],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"famname_ssim":["Duke family"],"names_coll_ssim":["Duke family","Duke, William R., 1849-1929","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1822-1898","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1853-1926"],"persname_ssim":["Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1822-1898","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1853-1926","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929"],"names_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Duke family","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1822-1898","Duke, R. T. W. (Richard Thomas Walker), 1853-1926","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":1908,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-09-17T13:57:56.004Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c03_c09_c02"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102_c57","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Alexandria, Barcroft, and Washington Transit Co. v. U.S.-Correspondence, 1951","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_102_c57#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102_c57","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_4_resources_102_c57"],"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102_c57","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102","parent_ssim":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_4_resources_102"],"title_filing_ssi":"Alexandria, Barcroft, and Washington Transit Co. v. U.S.-Correspondence","title_ssm":["Alexandria, Barcroft, and Washington Transit Co. v. U.S.-Correspondence"],"title_tesim":["Alexandria, Barcroft, and Washington Transit Co. v. U.S.-Correspondence"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Alexandria, Barcroft, and Washington Transit Co. v. U.S.-Correspondence, 1951"],"text":["Alexandria, Barcroft, and Washington Transit Co. v. U.S.-Correspondence, 1951","Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965","box 7"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1951"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1951"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":227,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965"],"containers_ssim":["box 7"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"date_range_isim":[1951],"_nest_path_":"/components#56","timestamp":"2026-09-19T00:05:22.363Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_102","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_102.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/132814","title_ssm":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers"],"title_tesim":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1902-1965"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1902-1965"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1902/1965"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965"],"text":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965","MSS.78.2","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/102","Circuit courts -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment -- United States","Law  -- Study and teaching","School integration -- Virginia","School integration -- Massive resistance movement","University of Virginia. School of Law -- History","There are no restrictions.","Armistead Mason Dobie was born 15 April 1881 to Mary Kearns Cooke and Richard Augustus Dobie of Norfolk, Virginia. Armistead entered the University of Virginia and earned three degrees in rapid succession: BA in 1901, MA in 1902, and LLB in 1904. He left Charlottesville to practice law in St. Louis, Missouri, but returned to his alma mater in 1907 to teach law and to re-establish the close ties with the University which he would maintain the rest of his life. When Dobie joined the faculty, he assumed the teaching duties of Dean William M. Lile, who was temporarily absent due to ill health. Lile returned, and Dobie remained on the faculty, becoming a full professor in 1909.","World War I claimed Dobie's service in 1917. He was commissioned a captain in the US Army and became an aide to General Adelbert Cronkhite, with whom he went to France. Before the war was over, Dobie was promoted to major and was made assistant to the chief of staff of the 80th Infantry Division. He was recommended for the Distinguished Service Order (DSO), and the French honored him by making him an Officier of the Order of Academic Palms.","After the war was over, Dobie returned to Charlottesville, but instead of teaching, he served for a year as the executive director of the University's drive for the Centennial Endowment Fund. The following year, Dobie went to Harvard Law School and began work on an SJD. In the summer of 1922, Dobie studied at Columbia's graduate school of jurisprudence, returning to Charlottesville in time to begin the fall term.","At the time Dobie joined the faculty, the Law School program increased from a mandatory two to three years. Dobie taught three required courses --criminal law, federal procedure, and probate and administration- - and six electives --Roman law, master and servant, carriers and bailments, code pleading, public officers, and taxation and tax titles. Upon his return from Harvard, Dobie began employing the case method. Young faculty members followed Dobie's lead. With Dean Lile's retirement in 1932, Dobie was appointed dean of the Law School and served in that position until 1939, although ill health in 1936 caused him to relinquish the dean's duties for year or so.","Armistead Dobie wrote a definitive work on the law of bailments and carriers, a widely respected casebook, and several treatises on federal jurisdiction and procedure, and numerous articles for the Virginia, Harvard, and Yale law reviews. In the mid-1930's he was appointed special assistant to the US Attorney General, and served for over twenty years. He also served as legal advisor to the Conflict of Laws Section of the American Law Institute, and was appointed by the US Supreme Court to a committee of fourteen to make procedure in federal districts courts uniform nationwide.","In May of 1939, President Franklin D. Roosevelt offered Dobie the newly created judgeship on the US District Court for the Western District of Virginia, with the promise that he might move to the Fourth Circuit when vacancy occurred. Dobie accepted. True to his word, Roosevelt appointed him to the Fourth Circuit Court only six months later.","From early in 1940 until the first of February 1956, Armistead Dobie served on the Fourth Circuit Court with Senior Judges John J. Parker and Morris A. Soper. Dobie heard almost 1400 cases during his sixteen years on the Circuit Court bench, and wrote over 450 opinions; he dissented from his colleagues on six occasions, and was upheld by the Supreme Court in four of those opinions.","The most historically significant cases Dobie heard were those involving school segregation. The decisions he helped reach on these cases reflected his firm belief that African Americans should have facilities as nearly equal to whites as possible, and his reluctance or disinclination to go against the segregation pattern established by Plessy v. Ferguson.","Judge Dobie officially retired from the bench on the first of February 1956 in poor health. After many months of complete rest, he recovered somewhat, and on 18 July 1958, he married a long-time Charlottesville friend, Rita Elizabeth McKenny. He lived out the rest of his life at their home in Charlottesville, dying at 81 on 8 August 1962.","The papers of Armistead M. Dobie span the years 1902 to 1963, with the bulk of the material covering 1939 to 1956, the years of Dobie's judgeship. The first three boxes contain general correspondence, which is primarily of biographical interest, although there are some items, especially the 1939 letters from President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and senators Carter Glass and Harry F. Byrd, that have historical value. The correspondence with Judges John J. Parker and Morris A. Soper in the general files, as well as in the court materials, yield very little information about the cases the three were considering. Other correspondents who wrote Dobie one or two letters of interest were Felix Frankfurter, Stanley Reed, Roscoe Pound, Samuel Williston, Manton Davis, and many former University classmates and students. The general correspondence files were kept alphabetically by correspondent's name or, occasionally, by subject, and within the alphabetical division the correspondence is arranged chronologically. Following the correspondence are four notebooks of mimeographed \"textbooks\" from Dobie's graduate studies at Harvard and teaching at Virginia in the 1920s.","Boxes four and five contain drafts of speeches arranged alphabetically by title or subject. Boxes six through fifteen contain court materials that include records, briefs, and correspondence for a small percentage of the cases Dobie heard. There are few notes and drafts or copies of the opinions he wrote. There are several folders on the Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward for both the 1951 and 1955 hearings; also of interest is Judge Waties Waring's dissenting opinion on the Davis \"sister\" case, Briggs v. Elliott. The cases are arranged chronologically, and are followed by a box containing the dockets for the Fourth Circuit from 1948 to 1956.","Box fifteen also contains notebooks regarding the work of the US Supreme Court Advisory Committee on Rules of Civil Procedure, and of a committee studying the jury system.","There are no restrictions.","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","United States. Court of Appeals (4th Circuit)","United States. Supreme Court. Advisory Committee on Rules of Civil Procedure","Dobie, Armistead M. (Armistead Mason), 1881-1962","Byrd, Harry F. (Harry Flood), 1887-1966","Glass, Carter, 1858-1946","Parker, John J., 1885-1958","Roosevelt, Franklin D., 1882-1945","Soper, Morris A., 1873-1963","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965"],"collection_ssim":["Armistead Mason Dobie papers, 1902/1965"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS.78.2","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/102"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS.78.2","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/102"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Dobie, Armistead M. (Armistead Mason), 1881-1962"],"creator_ssim":["Dobie, Armistead M. (Armistead Mason), 1881-1962"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Dobie, Armistead M. (Armistead Mason), 1881-1962","Byrd, Harry F. (Harry Flood), 1887-1966","Glass, Carter, 1858-1946","Parker, John J., 1885-1958","Roosevelt, Franklin D., 1882-1945","Soper, Morris A., 1873-1963"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","United States. Court of Appeals (4th Circuit)","United States. Supreme Court. Advisory Committee on Rules of Civil Procedure"],"creators_ssim":["Dobie, Armistead M. (Armistead Mason), 1881-1962","Byrd, Harry F. (Harry Flood), 1887-1966","Glass, Carter, 1858-1946","Parker, John J., 1885-1958","Roosevelt, Franklin D., 1882-1945","Soper, Morris A., 1873-1963","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","United States. Court of Appeals (4th Circuit)","United States. Supreme Court. Advisory Committee on Rules of Civil Procedure"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Armistead Mason Dobie donated these papers prior to 16 December 1977."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Circuit courts -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment -- United States","Law  -- Study and teaching","School integration -- Virginia","School integration -- Massive resistance movement","University of Virginia. School of Law -- History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Circuit courts -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment -- United States","Law  -- Study and teaching","School integration -- Virginia","School integration -- Massive resistance movement","University of Virginia. School of Law -- History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["6 Linear Feet 15 boxes (6 linear ft.)"],"extent_tesim":["6 Linear Feet 15 boxes (6 linear ft.)"],"date_range_isim":[1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eArmistead Mason Dobie was born 15 April 1881 to Mary Kearns Cooke and Richard Augustus Dobie of Norfolk, Virginia. Armistead entered the University of Virginia and earned three degrees in rapid succession: BA in 1901, MA in 1902, and LLB in 1904. He left Charlottesville to practice law in St. Louis, Missouri, but returned to his alma mater in 1907 to teach law and to re-establish the close ties with the University which he would maintain the rest of his life. When Dobie joined the faculty, he assumed the teaching duties of Dean William M. Lile, who was temporarily absent due to ill health. Lile returned, and Dobie remained on the faculty, becoming a full professor in 1909.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  World War I claimed Dobie's service in 1917. He was commissioned a captain in the US Army and became an aide to General Adelbert Cronkhite, with whom he went to France. Before the war was over, Dobie was promoted to major and was made assistant to the chief of staff of the 80th Infantry Division. He was recommended for the Distinguished Service Order (DSO), and the French honored him by making him an Officier of the Order of Academic Palms.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  After the war was over, Dobie returned to Charlottesville, but instead of teaching, he served for a year as the executive director of the University's drive for the Centennial Endowment Fund. The following year, Dobie went to Harvard Law School and began work on an SJD. In the summer of 1922, Dobie studied at Columbia's graduate school of jurisprudence, returning to Charlottesville in time to begin the fall term.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  At the time Dobie joined the faculty, the Law School program increased from a mandatory two to three years. Dobie taught three required courses --criminal law, federal procedure, and probate and administration- - and six electives --Roman law, master and servant, carriers and bailments, code pleading, public officers, and taxation and tax titles. Upon his return from Harvard, Dobie began employing the case method. Young faculty members followed Dobie's lead. With Dean Lile's retirement in 1932, Dobie was appointed dean of the Law School and served in that position until 1939, although ill health in 1936 caused him to relinquish the dean's duties for year or so.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  Armistead Dobie wrote a definitive work on the law of bailments and carriers, a widely respected casebook, and several treatises on federal jurisdiction and procedure, and numerous articles for the Virginia, Harvard, and Yale law reviews. In the mid-1930's he was appointed special assistant to the US Attorney General, and served for over twenty years. He also served as legal advisor to the Conflict of Laws Section of the American Law Institute, and was appointed by the US Supreme Court to a committee of fourteen to make procedure in federal districts courts uniform nationwide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  In May of 1939, President Franklin D. Roosevelt offered Dobie the newly created judgeship on the US District Court for the Western District of Virginia, with the promise that he might move to the Fourth Circuit when vacancy occurred. Dobie accepted. True to his word, Roosevelt appointed him to the Fourth Circuit Court only six months later.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  From early in 1940 until the first of February 1956, Armistead Dobie served on the Fourth Circuit Court with Senior Judges John J. Parker and Morris A. Soper. Dobie heard almost 1400 cases during his sixteen years on the Circuit Court bench, and wrote over 450 opinions; he dissented from his colleagues on six occasions, and was upheld by the Supreme Court in four of those opinions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  The most historically significant cases Dobie heard were those involving school segregation. The decisions he helped reach on these cases reflected his firm belief that African Americans should have facilities as nearly equal to whites as possible, and his reluctance or disinclination to go against the segregation pattern established by \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003ePlessy v. Ferguson\u003c/emph\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  Judge Dobie officially retired from the bench on the first of February 1956 in poor health. After many months of complete rest, he recovered somewhat, and on 18 July 1958, he married a long-time Charlottesville friend, Rita Elizabeth McKenny. He lived out the rest of his life at their home in Charlottesville, dying at 81 on 8 August 1962.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Armistead Mason Dobie was born 15 April 1881 to Mary Kearns Cooke and Richard Augustus Dobie of Norfolk, Virginia. Armistead entered the University of Virginia and earned three degrees in rapid succession: BA in 1901, MA in 1902, and LLB in 1904. He left Charlottesville to practice law in St. Louis, Missouri, but returned to his alma mater in 1907 to teach law and to re-establish the close ties with the University which he would maintain the rest of his life. When Dobie joined the faculty, he assumed the teaching duties of Dean William M. Lile, who was temporarily absent due to ill health. Lile returned, and Dobie remained on the faculty, becoming a full professor in 1909.","World War I claimed Dobie's service in 1917. He was commissioned a captain in the US Army and became an aide to General Adelbert Cronkhite, with whom he went to France. Before the war was over, Dobie was promoted to major and was made assistant to the chief of staff of the 80th Infantry Division. He was recommended for the Distinguished Service Order (DSO), and the French honored him by making him an Officier of the Order of Academic Palms.","After the war was over, Dobie returned to Charlottesville, but instead of teaching, he served for a year as the executive director of the University's drive for the Centennial Endowment Fund. The following year, Dobie went to Harvard Law School and began work on an SJD. In the summer of 1922, Dobie studied at Columbia's graduate school of jurisprudence, returning to Charlottesville in time to begin the fall term.","At the time Dobie joined the faculty, the Law School program increased from a mandatory two to three years. Dobie taught three required courses --criminal law, federal procedure, and probate and administration- - and six electives --Roman law, master and servant, carriers and bailments, code pleading, public officers, and taxation and tax titles. Upon his return from Harvard, Dobie began employing the case method. Young faculty members followed Dobie's lead. With Dean Lile's retirement in 1932, Dobie was appointed dean of the Law School and served in that position until 1939, although ill health in 1936 caused him to relinquish the dean's duties for year or so.","Armistead Dobie wrote a definitive work on the law of bailments and carriers, a widely respected casebook, and several treatises on federal jurisdiction and procedure, and numerous articles for the Virginia, Harvard, and Yale law reviews. In the mid-1930's he was appointed special assistant to the US Attorney General, and served for over twenty years. He also served as legal advisor to the Conflict of Laws Section of the American Law Institute, and was appointed by the US Supreme Court to a committee of fourteen to make procedure in federal districts courts uniform nationwide.","In May of 1939, President Franklin D. Roosevelt offered Dobie the newly created judgeship on the US District Court for the Western District of Virginia, with the promise that he might move to the Fourth Circuit when vacancy occurred. Dobie accepted. True to his word, Roosevelt appointed him to the Fourth Circuit Court only six months later.","From early in 1940 until the first of February 1956, Armistead Dobie served on the Fourth Circuit Court with Senior Judges John J. Parker and Morris A. Soper. Dobie heard almost 1400 cases during his sixteen years on the Circuit Court bench, and wrote over 450 opinions; he dissented from his colleagues on six occasions, and was upheld by the Supreme Court in four of those opinions.","The most historically significant cases Dobie heard were those involving school segregation. The decisions he helped reach on these cases reflected his firm belief that African Americans should have facilities as nearly equal to whites as possible, and his reluctance or disinclination to go against the segregation pattern established by Plessy v. Ferguson.","Judge Dobie officially retired from the bench on the first of February 1956 in poor health. After many months of complete rest, he recovered somewhat, and on 18 July 1958, he married a long-time Charlottesville friend, Rita Elizabeth McKenny. He lived out the rest of his life at their home in Charlottesville, dying at 81 on 8 August 1962."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers of Armistead M. Dobie span the years 1902 to 1963, with the bulk of the material covering 1939 to 1956, the years of Dobie's judgeship. The first three boxes contain general correspondence, which is primarily of biographical interest, although there are some items, especially the 1939 letters from President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and senators Carter Glass and Harry F. Byrd, that have historical value. The correspondence with Judges John J. Parker and Morris A. Soper in the general files, as well as in the court materials, yield very little information about the cases the three were considering. Other correspondents who wrote Dobie one or two letters of interest were Felix Frankfurter, Stanley Reed, Roscoe Pound, Samuel Williston, Manton Davis, and many former University classmates and students. The general correspondence files were kept alphabetically by correspondent's name or, occasionally, by subject, and within the alphabetical division the correspondence is arranged chronologically. Following the correspondence are four notebooks of mimeographed \"textbooks\" from Dobie's graduate studies at Harvard and teaching at Virginia in the 1920s.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  Boxes four and five contain drafts of speeches arranged alphabetically by title or subject. Boxes six through fifteen contain court materials that include records, briefs, and correspondence for a small percentage of the cases Dobie heard. There are few notes and drafts or copies of the opinions he wrote. There are several folders on the \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDavis v. County School Board of Prince Edward\u003c/emph\u003e for both the 1951 and 1955 hearings; also of interest is Judge Waties Waring's dissenting opinion on the Davis \"sister\" case, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBriggs v. Elliott\u003c/emph\u003e. The cases are arranged chronologically, and are followed by a box containing the dockets for the Fourth Circuit from 1948 to 1956.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  Box fifteen also contains notebooks regarding the work of the US Supreme Court Advisory Committee on Rules of Civil Procedure, and of a committee studying the jury system.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The papers of Armistead M. Dobie span the years 1902 to 1963, with the bulk of the material covering 1939 to 1956, the years of Dobie's judgeship. The first three boxes contain general correspondence, which is primarily of biographical interest, although there are some items, especially the 1939 letters from President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and senators Carter Glass and Harry F. Byrd, that have historical value. The correspondence with Judges John J. Parker and Morris A. Soper in the general files, as well as in the court materials, yield very little information about the cases the three were considering. Other correspondents who wrote Dobie one or two letters of interest were Felix Frankfurter, Stanley Reed, Roscoe Pound, Samuel Williston, Manton Davis, and many former University classmates and students. The general correspondence files were kept alphabetically by correspondent's name or, occasionally, by subject, and within the alphabetical division the correspondence is arranged chronologically. Following the correspondence are four notebooks of mimeographed \"textbooks\" from Dobie's graduate studies at Harvard and teaching at Virginia in the 1920s.","Boxes four and five contain drafts of speeches arranged alphabetically by title or subject. Boxes six through fifteen contain court materials that include records, briefs, and correspondence for a small percentage of the cases Dobie heard. There are few notes and drafts or copies of the opinions he wrote. There are several folders on the Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward for both the 1951 and 1955 hearings; also of interest is Judge Waties Waring's dissenting opinion on the Davis \"sister\" case, Briggs v. Elliott. The cases are arranged chronologically, and are followed by a box containing the dockets for the Fourth Circuit from 1948 to 1956.","Box fifteen also contains notebooks regarding the work of the US Supreme Court Advisory Committee on Rules of Civil Procedure, and of a committee studying the jury system."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","United States. Court of Appeals (4th Circuit)","United States. Supreme Court. 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