{"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=360","prev":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=359","next":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=361","last":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=365"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":360,"next_page":361,"prev_page":359,"total_pages":365,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":3590,"total_count":3647,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_viu01005_c01_c01_c06","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William Allan Perkins to Anne \"Nannie\"\n Henderson (Perkins) and Henry Lowndes\n Maury, 1898/1942","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01005_c01_c01_c06#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu01005_c01_c01_c06","ref_ssm":["viu_viu01005_c01_c01_c06"],"id":"viu_viu01005_c01_c01_c06","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01005","_root_":"viu_viu01005","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01005_c01_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu01005_c01_c01","parent_ssim":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers","I. Maury and Perkins Family\n Papers","Correspondence"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu01005","viu_viu01005_c01","viu_viu01005_c01_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William Allan Perkins to Anne \"Nannie\"\n Henderson (Perkins) and Henry Lowndes\n Maury","title_ssm":["William Allan Perkins to Anne \"Nannie\"\n Henderson (Perkins) and Henry Lowndes\n Maury"],"title_tesim":["William Allan Perkins to Anne \"Nannie\"\n Henderson (Perkins) and Henry Lowndes\n Maury"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Allan Perkins to Anne \"Nannie\"\n Henderson (Perkins) and Henry Lowndes\n Maury, 1898/1942"],"text":["William Allan Perkins to Anne \"Nannie\"\n Henderson (Perkins) and Henry Lowndes\n Maury, 1898/1942","Maury and Perkins Family Papers","I. Maury and Perkins Family\n Papers","Correspondence","Box Box 1"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers","I. Maury and Perkins Family\n Papers","Correspondence"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers","I. Maury and Perkins Family\n Papers","Correspondence"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1898/1942"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1898-1942"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":8,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 1"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#0/components#5","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu01005","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01005","_root_":"viu_viu01005","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01005","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu01005.xml","title_ssm":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers"],"title_tesim":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers"],"text":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers","10492-c","ca. 550 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This material, assembled by \n Lydia Lowndes Maury Skeelsfor her books, \n One American Family: Some Maury Memories, Legends,\n and Recordsand \n Some Distaff Forbears: Perkins, Henderson, Watson,\n Price, Norris, Opie, Kelly, consists of ca. 550 items, 1767(1883-1955)1985, and\n includes original letters and papers of the \n Mauryand \n Perkinsfamilies as\n well as Mrs. Skeels' notes and copies of material from various\n repositories.","The correspondence and other material of the Maury and\n Perkins family pertain chiefly to the family of \n Eliza Norris (Watson)(1844-1936) and \n George Perkins(1846-1918) and their\n children and spouses, \n Hay Watson (Perkins)(1873-19 ) and \n George Rust Bedinger Michie(1870-19 ), \n Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins)(1874-1960) and \n Henry Lowndes Maury(1875-1959), and \n William Allan Perkins(1880-19 ) and his\n wife \n Hazlehurst Bolton(1882-19 ). There are\n also letters from \n Hortensia Hay Watson(1838-19 ), \n Eliza Maury's sister; letters from \n Nannie Jessie Maury(Mrs. \n Matthew Fontaine Maury) to her son, \n Henry Lowndes; and, a farm book of \n Egbert Reed Watson(1810-1887), \n Eliza Maury's father.","The majority of the original letters are written to \n Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins) Mauryin \n Butte, Montanafrom her family in \n Charlottesville, Virginiaand contain much\n personal news about family members and friends. One letter of\n interest, dated May 1, 1894, written to Haidee and Nannie\n Perkins from \n Bessie P. Woods, a missionary doctor's\n wife, in \n Tsing Kiang, China, describes the\n customs, language, and clothing of the people, and explains\n the needs for foreign missions. Another interesting letter,\n November 18, 1898, from \n Ellen Maury Slayden, in \n San Antonio, Texas, enlightens Nannie on\n living out west and describes the \"differences between Eastern\n and Western people.\" During 1898-1935, \n Eliza Norris (Watson)\n Perkinswrote to her daughter, Nannie, discussing\n news of family and friends in great detail, and mentioning\n events in \n Charlottesville. There are two letters in\n 1901 with news of \n Charlottesville: April 15, concerning the\n election to the Virginia Constitutional Convention; and, May\n 23, describing the city and surrounding area during a flood\n caused by heavy rainfall, mentioning such sites as the new\n iron bridge, \n Holladay House, and \n Woolen Mills. There are also several\n letters mentioning persons associated with the \n University of Virginia: November 28, 1932\n and October 16, 1933, \n John Lloyd Newcomb's tea for Lord and\n Lady Astor and his appointment as President of the University;\n February 13, 1933, \n Frank Abbott's death and \n John Staige Davis' illness; and, July 16,\n 1934, \n John W. Davis' speech at the Institute of\n Public Affairs. A December 13, 1934 letter describes her train\n trip from \n Butte, Montanato her home in \n Charlottesville.","George Perkinsalso wrote to his daughter,\n Nannie, after her marriage to \n Henry Lowndes Mauryon November 22, 1898\n and their subsequent departure to \n Butte, Montana. While he wrote personal\n letters to his daughter, he wrote more professional ones to\n his son-in-law. Many of his letters to Lowndes refer to the\n latter's legal business, especially his partnerships with \n Clayberg and Corbettand with \n Pemberton and Maury(August 25 and\n September 9, 1899), legal cases, and his being made President\n of the \n Bar Association in Butte(December 19,\n 1906). His letters offered support and advice concerning some\n of these matters. One interesting letter, December 26, 1910,\n gave a lengthy account of a distant relative's, \n Charles Alphonso Smith(1864-1924), a \n University of Virginiaprofessor,\n successful visit to \n Berlin, including a lunch with Kaiser\n Wilhelm and a visit to the palace at \n Potsdam.","Other letters of interest to Nannie from her family\n include: September 4, 1899, from her brother, \n William Allan Perkins, describing a\n fishing trip that took him across \n West Virginiaand \n Ohioto a camp near \n Sault Ste. Marie; May 9 and June 3, 1918,\n from her aunt, \n Hortensia Hay Watson, mentioning the \n University of Virginia Base Hospitaland\n occurrences during World War I.","In addition, there are travel journals, with transcripts,\n of \n Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson (Perkins)\n Mauryand \n Eliza Norris (Watson) Perkins. During\n July and August 1891, Nannie kept a journal on her travels\n from \n Charlottesvilleto various places in \n Virginiaand \n New York, and \n Washington, D.C., describing the sites\n vividly. In July 1910, \n Lizzie Perkinstravelled from \n Charlottesvilleto \n Butte, Montanato visit her daughter and\n her family, writing of the trip in a small notebook.","The research material includes Mrs. Skeels' correspondence\n and notes, biographies and genealogies, and copies of material\n from various repositories concerning the \n Maury, \n Perkins, \n Watson, \n Norris, and related families. There is much\n material pertaining to \n Matthew Fontaine Maury(1806-1873), the\n first great American oceanographer. Copies of original family\n letters, diaries, and papers have been placed in this\n series.","The material has been organized into three series: I. Maury\n and Perkins Family Papers; II. Research Material of Lydia\n Lowndes Maury Skeels; and, III. Oversize Material. Folders in\n the first two series are arranged alphabetically, and material\n within is in chronological order.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Holladay House","Woolen Mills","University of Virginia","Clayberg and Corbett","Pemberton and Maury","Bar Association in Butte","University of Virginia Base Hospital","Maury","Perkins","Watson","Norris","Lydia Lowndes Maury Skeels","Eliza Norris (Watson)","George Perkins","Hay Watson (Perkins)","George Rust Bedinger Michie","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins)","Henry Lowndes Maury","William Allan Perkins","Hazlehurst Bolton","Hortensia Hay Watson","Eliza Maury","Nannie Jessie Maury","Matthew Fontaine Maury","Henry Lowndes","Egbert Reed Watson","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins) Maury","Bessie P. Woods","Ellen Maury Slayden","Eliza Norris (Watson)\n Perkins","John Lloyd Newcomb","Frank Abbott","John Staige Davis","John W. Davis","Charles Alphonso Smith","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson (Perkins)\n Maury","Eliza Norris (Watson) Perkins","Lizzie Perkins","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Maury and Perkins Family Papers"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["10492-c"],"unitid_tesim":["10492-c"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Lydia Lowndes Maury\n Skeels"],"creator_ssim":["Lydia Lowndes Maury\n Skeels"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Lydia Lowndes Maury Skeels","Eliza Norris (Watson)","George Perkins","Hay Watson (Perkins)","George Rust Bedinger Michie","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins)","Henry Lowndes Maury","William Allan Perkins","Hazlehurst Bolton","Hortensia Hay Watson","Eliza Maury","Nannie Jessie Maury","Matthew Fontaine Maury","Henry Lowndes","Egbert Reed Watson","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins) Maury","Bessie P. Woods","Ellen Maury Slayden","Eliza Norris (Watson)\n Perkins","John Lloyd Newcomb","Frank Abbott","John Staige Davis","John W. Davis","Charles Alphonso Smith","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson (Perkins)\n Maury","Eliza Norris (Watson) Perkins","Lizzie Perkins"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Holladay House","Woolen Mills","University of Virginia","Clayberg and Corbett","Pemberton and Maury","Bar Association in Butte","University of Virginia Base Hospital"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Maury","Perkins","Watson","Norris"],"creators_ssim":["Lydia Lowndes Maury Skeels","Eliza Norris (Watson)","George Perkins","Hay Watson (Perkins)","George Rust Bedinger Michie","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins)","Henry Lowndes Maury","William Allan Perkins","Hazlehurst Bolton","Hortensia Hay Watson","Eliza Maury","Nannie Jessie Maury","Matthew Fontaine Maury","Henry Lowndes","Egbert Reed Watson","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins) Maury","Bessie P. Woods","Ellen Maury Slayden","Eliza Norris (Watson)\n Perkins","John Lloyd Newcomb","Frank Abbott","John Staige Davis","John W. Davis","Charles Alphonso Smith","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson (Perkins)\n Maury","Eliza Norris (Watson) Perkins","Lizzie Perkins","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Holladay House","Woolen Mills","University of Virginia","Clayberg and Corbett","Pemberton and Maury","Bar Association in Butte","University of Virginia Base Hospital","Maury","Perkins","Watson","Norris"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the Library by Lydia\n Lowndes Maury Skeels of Storrs, Connecticut, on July 24,\n 1987."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["ca. 550 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaury and Perkins Family\n Papers, Accession 10492-c, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Maury and Perkins Family\n Papers, Accession 10492-c, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis material, assembled by \n \u003cpersname\u003eLydia Lowndes Maury Skeels\u003c/persname\u003efor her books, \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eOne American Family: Some Maury Memories, Legends,\n and Records\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003eand \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eSome Distaff Forbears: Perkins, Henderson, Watson,\n Price, Norris, Opie, Kelly\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003e, consists of ca. 550 items, 1767(1883-1955)1985, and\n includes original letters and papers of the \n \u003cfamname normal=\"Maury family\"\u003eMaury\u003c/famname\u003eand \n \u003cfamname normal=\"Perkins family\"\u003ePerkins\u003c/famname\u003efamilies as\n well as Mrs. Skeels' notes and copies of material from various\n repositories.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence and other material of the Maury and\n Perkins family pertain chiefly to the family of \n \u003cpersname\u003eEliza Norris (Watson)\u003c/persname\u003e(1844-1936) and \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Perkins\u003c/persname\u003e(1846-1918) and their\n children and spouses, \n \u003cpersname\u003eHay Watson (Perkins)\u003c/persname\u003e(1873-19 ) and \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Rust Bedinger Michie\u003c/persname\u003e(1870-19 ), \n \u003cpersname\u003eAnne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins)\u003c/persname\u003e(1874-1960) and \n \u003cpersname\u003eHenry Lowndes Maury\u003c/persname\u003e(1875-1959), and \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Allan Perkins\u003c/persname\u003e(1880-19 ) and his\n wife \n \u003cpersname\u003eHazlehurst Bolton\u003c/persname\u003e(1882-19 ). There are\n also letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eHortensia Hay Watson\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-19 ), \n \u003cpersname\u003eEliza Maury\u003c/persname\u003e's sister; letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eNannie Jessie Maury\u003c/persname\u003e(Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eMatthew Fontaine Maury\u003c/persname\u003e) to her son, \n \u003cpersname\u003eHenry Lowndes\u003c/persname\u003e; and, a farm book of \n \u003cpersname\u003eEgbert Reed Watson\u003c/persname\u003e(1810-1887), \n \u003cpersname\u003eEliza Maury\u003c/persname\u003e's father.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe majority of the original letters are written to \n \u003cpersname normal=\"Anne Perkins Maury\"\u003eAnne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins) Maury\u003c/persname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eButte, Montana\u003c/geogname\u003efrom her family in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCharlottesville, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand contain much\n personal news about family members and friends. One letter of\n interest, dated May 1, 1894, written to Haidee and Nannie\n Perkins from \n \u003cpersname\u003eBessie P. Woods\u003c/persname\u003e, a missionary doctor's\n wife, in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eTsing Kiang, China\u003c/geogname\u003e, describes the\n customs, language, and clothing of the people, and explains\n the needs for foreign missions. Another interesting letter,\n November 18, 1898, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEllen Maury Slayden\u003c/persname\u003e, in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSan Antonio, Texas\u003c/geogname\u003e, enlightens Nannie on\n living out west and describes the \"differences between Eastern\n and Western people.\" During 1898-1935, \n \u003cpersname normal=\"Eliza Watson Perkins\"\u003eEliza Norris (Watson)\n Perkins\u003c/persname\u003ewrote to her daughter, Nannie, discussing\n news of family and friends in great detail, and mentioning\n events in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCharlottesville\u003c/geogname\u003e. There are two letters in\n 1901 with news of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCharlottesville\u003c/geogname\u003e: April 15, concerning the\n election to the Virginia Constitutional Convention; and, May\n 23, describing the city and surrounding area during a flood\n caused by heavy rainfall, mentioning such sites as the new\n iron bridge, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHolladay House\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n \u003ccorpname\u003eWoolen Mills\u003c/corpname\u003e. There are also several\n letters mentioning persons associated with the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e: November 28, 1932\n and October 16, 1933, \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Lloyd Newcomb\u003c/persname\u003e's tea for Lord and\n Lady Astor and his appointment as President of the University;\n February 13, 1933, \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrank Abbott\u003c/persname\u003e's death and \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Staige Davis\u003c/persname\u003e' illness; and, July 16,\n 1934, \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn W. Davis\u003c/persname\u003e' speech at the Institute of\n Public Affairs. A December 13, 1934 letter describes her train\n trip from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eButte, Montana\u003c/geogname\u003eto her home in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCharlottesville\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Perkins\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter,\n Nannie, after her marriage to \n \u003cpersname\u003eHenry Lowndes Maury\u003c/persname\u003eon November 22, 1898\n and their subsequent departure to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eButte, Montana\u003c/geogname\u003e. While he wrote personal\n letters to his daughter, he wrote more professional ones to\n his son-in-law. Many of his letters to Lowndes refer to the\n latter's legal business, especially his partnerships with \n \u003ccorpname\u003eClayberg and Corbett\u003c/corpname\u003eand with \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePemberton and Maury\u003c/corpname\u003e(August 25 and\n September 9, 1899), legal cases, and his being made President\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBar Association in Butte\u003c/corpname\u003e(December 19,\n 1906). His letters offered support and advice concerning some\n of these matters. One interesting letter, December 26, 1910,\n gave a lengthy account of a distant relative's, \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Alphonso Smith\u003c/persname\u003e(1864-1924), a \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003eprofessor,\n successful visit to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBerlin\u003c/geogname\u003e, including a lunch with Kaiser\n Wilhelm and a visit to the palace at \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePotsdam\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOther letters of interest to Nannie from her family\n include: September 4, 1899, from her brother, \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Allan Perkins\u003c/persname\u003e, describing a\n fishing trip that took him across \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWest Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eOhio\u003c/geogname\u003eto a camp near \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSault Ste. Marie\u003c/geogname\u003e; May 9 and June 3, 1918,\n from her aunt, \n \u003cpersname\u003eHortensia Hay Watson\u003c/persname\u003e, mentioning the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia Base Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n occurrences during World War I.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn addition, there are travel journals, with transcripts,\n of \n \u003cpersname\u003eAnne \"Nannie\" Henderson (Perkins)\n Maury\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEliza Norris (Watson) Perkins\u003c/persname\u003e. During\n July and August 1891, Nannie kept a journal on her travels\n from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCharlottesville\u003c/geogname\u003eto various places in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNew York\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWashington, D.C.\u003c/geogname\u003e, describing the sites\n vividly. In July 1910, \n \u003cpersname\u003eLizzie Perkins\u003c/persname\u003etravelled from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCharlottesville\u003c/geogname\u003eto \n \u003cgeogname\u003eButte, Montana\u003c/geogname\u003eto visit her daughter and\n her family, writing of the trip in a small notebook.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe research material includes Mrs. Skeels' correspondence\n and notes, biographies and genealogies, and copies of material\n from various repositories concerning the \n \u003cfamname\u003eMaury\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003ePerkins\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003eWatson\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003eNorris\u003c/famname\u003e, and related families. There is much\n material pertaining to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMatthew Fontaine Maury\u003c/persname\u003e(1806-1873), the\n first great American oceanographer. Copies of original family\n letters, diaries, and papers have been placed in this\n series.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe material has been organized into three series: I. Maury\n and Perkins Family Papers; II. Research Material of Lydia\n Lowndes Maury Skeels; and, III. Oversize Material. Folders in\n the first two series are arranged alphabetically, and material\n within is in chronological order.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This material, assembled by \n Lydia Lowndes Maury Skeelsfor her books, \n One American Family: Some Maury Memories, Legends,\n and Recordsand \n Some Distaff Forbears: Perkins, Henderson, Watson,\n Price, Norris, Opie, Kelly, consists of ca. 550 items, 1767(1883-1955)1985, and\n includes original letters and papers of the \n Mauryand \n Perkinsfamilies as\n well as Mrs. Skeels' notes and copies of material from various\n repositories.","The correspondence and other material of the Maury and\n Perkins family pertain chiefly to the family of \n Eliza Norris (Watson)(1844-1936) and \n George Perkins(1846-1918) and their\n children and spouses, \n Hay Watson (Perkins)(1873-19 ) and \n George Rust Bedinger Michie(1870-19 ), \n Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins)(1874-1960) and \n Henry Lowndes Maury(1875-1959), and \n William Allan Perkins(1880-19 ) and his\n wife \n Hazlehurst Bolton(1882-19 ). There are\n also letters from \n Hortensia Hay Watson(1838-19 ), \n Eliza Maury's sister; letters from \n Nannie Jessie Maury(Mrs. \n Matthew Fontaine Maury) to her son, \n Henry Lowndes; and, a farm book of \n Egbert Reed Watson(1810-1887), \n Eliza Maury's father.","The majority of the original letters are written to \n Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins) Mauryin \n Butte, Montanafrom her family in \n Charlottesville, Virginiaand contain much\n personal news about family members and friends. One letter of\n interest, dated May 1, 1894, written to Haidee and Nannie\n Perkins from \n Bessie P. Woods, a missionary doctor's\n wife, in \n Tsing Kiang, China, describes the\n customs, language, and clothing of the people, and explains\n the needs for foreign missions. Another interesting letter,\n November 18, 1898, from \n Ellen Maury Slayden, in \n San Antonio, Texas, enlightens Nannie on\n living out west and describes the \"differences between Eastern\n and Western people.\" During 1898-1935, \n Eliza Norris (Watson)\n Perkinswrote to her daughter, Nannie, discussing\n news of family and friends in great detail, and mentioning\n events in \n Charlottesville. There are two letters in\n 1901 with news of \n Charlottesville: April 15, concerning the\n election to the Virginia Constitutional Convention; and, May\n 23, describing the city and surrounding area during a flood\n caused by heavy rainfall, mentioning such sites as the new\n iron bridge, \n Holladay House, and \n Woolen Mills. There are also several\n letters mentioning persons associated with the \n University of Virginia: November 28, 1932\n and October 16, 1933, \n John Lloyd Newcomb's tea for Lord and\n Lady Astor and his appointment as President of the University;\n February 13, 1933, \n Frank Abbott's death and \n John Staige Davis' illness; and, July 16,\n 1934, \n John W. Davis' speech at the Institute of\n Public Affairs. A December 13, 1934 letter describes her train\n trip from \n Butte, Montanato her home in \n Charlottesville.","George Perkinsalso wrote to his daughter,\n Nannie, after her marriage to \n Henry Lowndes Mauryon November 22, 1898\n and their subsequent departure to \n Butte, Montana. While he wrote personal\n letters to his daughter, he wrote more professional ones to\n his son-in-law. Many of his letters to Lowndes refer to the\n latter's legal business, especially his partnerships with \n Clayberg and Corbettand with \n Pemberton and Maury(August 25 and\n September 9, 1899), legal cases, and his being made President\n of the \n Bar Association in Butte(December 19,\n 1906). His letters offered support and advice concerning some\n of these matters. One interesting letter, December 26, 1910,\n gave a lengthy account of a distant relative's, \n Charles Alphonso Smith(1864-1924), a \n University of Virginiaprofessor,\n successful visit to \n Berlin, including a lunch with Kaiser\n Wilhelm and a visit to the palace at \n Potsdam.","Other letters of interest to Nannie from her family\n include: September 4, 1899, from her brother, \n William Allan Perkins, describing a\n fishing trip that took him across \n West Virginiaand \n Ohioto a camp near \n Sault Ste. Marie; May 9 and June 3, 1918,\n from her aunt, \n Hortensia Hay Watson, mentioning the \n University of Virginia Base Hospitaland\n occurrences during World War I.","In addition, there are travel journals, with transcripts,\n of \n Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson (Perkins)\n Mauryand \n Eliza Norris (Watson) Perkins. During\n July and August 1891, Nannie kept a journal on her travels\n from \n Charlottesvilleto various places in \n Virginiaand \n New York, and \n Washington, D.C., describing the sites\n vividly. In July 1910, \n Lizzie Perkinstravelled from \n Charlottesvilleto \n Butte, Montanato visit her daughter and\n her family, writing of the trip in a small notebook.","The research material includes Mrs. Skeels' correspondence\n and notes, biographies and genealogies, and copies of material\n from various repositories concerning the \n Maury, \n Perkins, \n Watson, \n Norris, and related families. There is much\n material pertaining to \n Matthew Fontaine Maury(1806-1873), the\n first great American oceanographer. Copies of original family\n letters, diaries, and papers have been placed in this\n series.","The material has been organized into three series: I. Maury\n and Perkins Family Papers; II. Research Material of Lydia\n Lowndes Maury Skeels; and, III. Oversize Material. Folders in\n the first two series are arranged alphabetically, and material\n within is in chronological order."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Holladay House","Woolen Mills","University of Virginia","Clayberg and Corbett","Pemberton and Maury","Bar Association in Butte","University of Virginia Base Hospital"],"famname_ssim":["Maury","Perkins","Watson","Norris"],"persname_ssim":["Lydia Lowndes Maury Skeels","Eliza Norris (Watson)","George Perkins","Hay Watson (Perkins)","George Rust Bedinger Michie","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins)","Henry Lowndes Maury","William Allan Perkins","Hazlehurst Bolton","Hortensia Hay Watson","Eliza Maury","Nannie Jessie Maury","Matthew Fontaine Maury","Henry Lowndes","Egbert Reed Watson","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins) Maury","Bessie P. Woods","Ellen Maury Slayden","Eliza Norris (Watson)\n Perkins","John Lloyd Newcomb","Frank Abbott","John Staige Davis","John W. Davis","Charles Alphonso Smith","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson (Perkins)\n Maury","Eliza Norris (Watson) Perkins","Lizzie Perkins"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Holladay House","Woolen Mills","University of Virginia","Clayberg and Corbett","Pemberton and Maury","Bar Association in Butte","University of Virginia Base Hospital","Maury","Perkins","Watson","Norris","Lydia Lowndes Maury Skeels","Eliza Norris (Watson)","George Perkins","Hay Watson (Perkins)","George Rust Bedinger Michie","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins)","Henry Lowndes Maury","William Allan Perkins","Hazlehurst Bolton","Hortensia Hay Watson","Eliza Maury","Nannie Jessie Maury","Matthew Fontaine Maury","Henry Lowndes","Egbert Reed Watson","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson\n (Perkins) Maury","Bessie P. Woods","Ellen Maury Slayden","Eliza Norris (Watson)\n Perkins","John Lloyd Newcomb","Frank Abbott","John Staige Davis","John W. Davis","Charles Alphonso Smith","Anne \"Nannie\" Henderson (Perkins)\n Maury","Eliza Norris (Watson) Perkins","Lizzie Perkins"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":48,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01005_c01_c01_c06"}},{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William Arthur Maddox Papers, 1922/1933","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06_c01#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eLetters of William Arthur Maddox and Lewis Harold Clark (President of the J.L. Clark Manufacturing Company). Acc 1981.59\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06_c01","ref_ssm":["viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06_c01"],"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06_c01","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06","parent_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06","parent_ssim":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993","Box 6"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_851","viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06"],"title_filing_ssi":"William Arthur Maddox Papers","title_ssm":["William Arthur Maddox Papers"],"title_tesim":["William Arthur Maddox Papers"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Arthur Maddox Papers, 1922/1933"],"text":["William Arthur Maddox Papers, 1922/1933","University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993","Box 6","Box 6","Letters of William Arthur Maddox and Lewis Harold Clark (President of the J.L. Clark Manufacturing Company). Acc 1981.59"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993","Box 6"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993","Box 6"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1922/1933"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1922-1933"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":30,"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"collection_ssim":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993"],"containers_ssim":["Box 6"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["This collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"date_range_isim":[1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eLetters of William Arthur Maddox and Lewis Harold Clark (President of the J.L. Clark Manufacturing Company). Acc 1981.59\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Letters of William Arthur Maddox and Lewis Harold Clark (President of the J.L. Clark Manufacturing Company). Acc 1981.59"],"_nest_path_":"/components#5/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:04:03.181Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_851","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_851.xml","title_filing_ssi":"University Archives Bound Volumes Collection","title_ssm":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection"],"title_tesim":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1739-1993"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1739-1993"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1693/1993"],"normalized_title_ssm":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993"],"text":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993","UA 15","/repositories/2/resources/851","American poetry--19th century","Athletics","College of William and Mary--History--18th century","College of William and Mary--History--19th century","College of William and Mary--History--20th century","College of William and Mary--Students","College sports--United States--History--20th century","Curriculum","Lecture notes","Natural and Experimental Philosophy","President's House (Williamsburg, Va.)","Student Government","Student Plays","Textbooks","World War, 1939-1945","Class materials","Minutes","Notebooks","Plays (document genre)","Scrapbooks","This collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.","The University Archives adds material to this collection on an ongoing basis as needed.","Arranged by volume number.","George Balk was a William and Mary student from 1948-1952.","Item 1: Acc. 1981.36; Item 2: Acc. 1981.37; Item 3: Acc. 1981.38; Item 4: Acc. 1981.39; Item 5: Acc. 1981.40; Item 6: acc. 1981.41;  Item 7: Acc. 1981.42; Item 8: Acc. 1981.43; Item 9: Acc. 1981.44; Item 10: Acc. 1981.45; Item 11: Acc.1981.46; Item 12: Acc. 1981.47; Item 13: Acc. 1981.48; Item 14: Scc. 1981.49; Item 15: Acc. 1981.50; Item 16: Acc. 1981.51; Item 17: Acc. 1981.52; Item 18: Acc. 1981.53; Item 20: Acc. 1981.55; Item 21: Acc. 1981.56; Item 22: Acc. 1981.57; Item 23: Acc. 1981.58; Item 24: Acc. 1980.19; Item 25: Acc. 1981.59; Item 27: Acc.1981.60; Item 28: Acc. 1981.61; Item 29: Acc. 1981.64; Item 30: Acc. 1981.63; Item 31: Acc. 1981.64; Item 33: Acc. 1981.66; Item 35: Acc. 1980.45;  Item 37: Acc.1981.68; Item 39: Acc. 1983.19; Item 40: Acc.1983.1; Item 41: Acc.1983.2; Item 42: Acc.1983.3; Item 43: Acc.1983.4; Item 44: Acc.1983.5; Item 45: Acc. 1983.130; Item 47: Acc. 1979.28; Item 49: Acc. 1981.34; Item 50: Acc. 1983.12; Item 51: Acc. 1983.99; Item 52: Acc. 1983.114; Item 53: Acc. 1983.135; Item 54: Acc. 1983.136; Item 55: Acc. 1984.1; Item 56: Acc. 1984.2; Item 57: Acc. 1983.42; Item 58: Acc. 1984.8; Item 62: Acc. 1985.017; Item 63: Acc. 1985.018; Item 64: Acc. 1985.20; Item 65: Acc. 1985.47; Item 66: Acc. 1985.55; Item 67: Acc. 1986.31; Item 68: Acc. 1986.32; Item 69: Acc. 1986.33; Item 70: Acc. 1987.063; item 71: Acc. 1987.064; Item 72: Acc. 1987.065; Item 73: Acc. 1987.066; Item 74: Acc. 1987.82; Item 75: Acc. 1987.83; Item 76: Acc.1988.82; Item 77: Acc. 1988.97; Item 78: Acc. 1988.100; Item 79: Acc. 1989.148; Item 80: Acc.1991.48; Item 81: Acc. 1991.55; Item 82: 1992.23; Item 83: Acc.1998.82; Item 84: Acc.2006.26;","Acc.2011.371 accessioned and minimally processed by Steven Bookman, University Archives Specialist, in June 2011.","This collection contains information about the College of William and Mary from the Eighteenth Century to the present. Included in the collection are faculty lecture notes from a variety of classes, scrapbooks, research notes, correspondence, textbooks used at the College of William and Mary, minute and account books, poetry books, student notebooks, a literary manual, and various other miscellaneous bound volumes.","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. General Cooperative Committee","Society of the Alumni","William and Mary Quarterly","College of William and Mary.","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Chemistry","College of William and Mary. Dept. of English","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Government","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Home Economics","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Theatre, Speech, and Dance","College of William and Mary. William and Mary Theatre","Marshall-Wythe School of Law","Student Organizations--Dramatic Club","Student Publications--William and Mary Literary Magazine","Belk, George Washington, III","Bolling, Maurice Landon","Catron, Louis E.","Childress, Cecil Marcia","Croghan, John, 1790-1849","Dew, Thomas R. (Thomas Roderick), 1802-1846","Garrett, Robert M., 1807-1885","Griffin, James Lewis Corbin, 1814-1878","Hackley, William Randolph","Hope, James Barron, 1829-1887","Jones, Warner Throckmorton","Key, Francis Scott, 1779-1843","Koontz, Amos Ralph, 1890-1965","Maddox, William Arthur","Mercer, Hugh T.W.","Millington, John, 1779-1868","Pollard, John Garland, 1871-1937","Preston, William","Rogers, William Barton, 1804-1882","Ryland, Archie Garnett","Scarburgh, George Parker","Smith, John Augustine, 1782-1865","Taliaferro, Edwin, 1835-1867","Taliaferro, William Booth","Taliaferro, William R., Jr.","Taylor, John Herbert","Taylor, Waller","Topping, Katheryn M.","Warren, William H.","Wise, George Douglas","Wright, Ernest L.","White, Irving H. (Professor)","Madison, James, 1749-1812","English French"],"collection_title_tesim":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993"],"collection_ssim":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, 1693/1993"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["UA 15","/repositories/2/resources/851"],"unitid_tesim":["UA 15","/repositories/2/resources/851"],"repository_ssm":["College of William and Mary"],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"creator_ssm":["Belk, George Washington, III","Bolling, Maurice Landon","Catron, Louis E.","Childress, Cecil Marcia","College of William and Mary. General Cooperative Committee","Croghan, John, 1790-1849","Dew, Thomas R. (Thomas Roderick), 1802-1846","Garrett, Robert M., 1807-1885","Griffin, James Lewis Corbin, 1814-1878","Hackley, William Randolph","Hope, James Barron, 1829-1887","Jones, Warner Throckmorton","Key, Francis Scott, 1779-1843","Koontz, Amos Ralph, 1890-1965","Maddox, William Arthur","Mercer, Hugh T.W.","Millington, John, 1779-1868","Pollard, John Garland, 1871-1937","Preston, William","Rogers, William Barton, 1804-1882","Ryland, Archie Garnett","Scarburgh, George Parker","Smith, John Augustine, 1782-1865","Society of the Alumni","Taliaferro, Edwin, 1835-1867","Taliaferro, William Booth","Taliaferro, William R., Jr.","Taylor, John Herbert","Taylor, Waller","Topping, Katheryn M.","Warren, William H.","William and Mary Quarterly","Wise, George Douglas","Wright, Ernest L.","White, Irving H. (Professor)","White, Irving H. (Professor)"],"creator_ssim":["Belk, George Washington, III","Bolling, Maurice Landon","Catron, Louis E.","Childress, Cecil Marcia","College of William and Mary. General Cooperative Committee","Croghan, John, 1790-1849","Dew, Thomas R. (Thomas Roderick), 1802-1846","Garrett, Robert M., 1807-1885","Griffin, James Lewis Corbin, 1814-1878","Hackley, William Randolph","Hope, James Barron, 1829-1887","Jones, Warner Throckmorton","Key, Francis Scott, 1779-1843","Koontz, Amos Ralph, 1890-1965","Maddox, William Arthur","Mercer, Hugh T.W.","Millington, John, 1779-1868","Pollard, John Garland, 1871-1937","Preston, William","Rogers, William Barton, 1804-1882","Ryland, Archie Garnett","Scarburgh, George Parker","Smith, John Augustine, 1782-1865","Society of the Alumni","Taliaferro, Edwin, 1835-1867","Taliaferro, William Booth","Taliaferro, William R., Jr.","Taylor, John Herbert","Taylor, Waller","Topping, Katheryn M.","Warren, William H.","William and Mary Quarterly","Wise, George Douglas","Wright, Ernest L.","White, Irving H. (Professor)","White, Irving H. (Professor)"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Belk, George Washington, III","Bolling, Maurice Landon","Catron, Louis E.","Childress, Cecil Marcia","Croghan, John, 1790-1849","Dew, Thomas R. (Thomas Roderick), 1802-1846","Garrett, Robert M., 1807-1885","Griffin, James Lewis Corbin, 1814-1878","Hackley, William Randolph","Hope, James Barron, 1829-1887","Jones, Warner Throckmorton","Key, Francis Scott, 1779-1843","Koontz, Amos Ralph, 1890-1965","Maddox, William Arthur","Mercer, Hugh T.W.","Millington, John, 1779-1868","Pollard, John Garland, 1871-1937","Preston, William","Rogers, William Barton, 1804-1882","Ryland, Archie Garnett","Scarburgh, George Parker","Smith, John Augustine, 1782-1865","Taliaferro, Edwin, 1835-1867","Taliaferro, William Booth","Taliaferro, William R., Jr.","Taylor, John Herbert","Taylor, Waller","Topping, Katheryn M.","Warren, William H.","Wise, George Douglas","Wright, Ernest L.","White, Irving H. (Professor)","Madison, James, 1749-1812"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. General Cooperative Committee","Society of the Alumni","William and Mary Quarterly","College of William and Mary.","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Chemistry","College of William and Mary. Dept. of English","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Government","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Home Economics","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Theatre, Speech, and Dance","College of William and Mary. William and Mary Theatre","Marshall-Wythe School of Law","Student Organizations--Dramatic Club","Student Publications--William and Mary Literary Magazine"],"creators_ssim":["Belk, George Washington, III","Bolling, Maurice Landon","Catron, Louis E.","Childress, Cecil Marcia","Croghan, John, 1790-1849","Dew, Thomas R. (Thomas Roderick), 1802-1846","Garrett, Robert M., 1807-1885","Griffin, James Lewis Corbin, 1814-1878","Hackley, William Randolph","Hope, James Barron, 1829-1887","Jones, Warner Throckmorton","Key, Francis Scott, 1779-1843","Koontz, Amos Ralph, 1890-1965","Maddox, William Arthur","Mercer, Hugh T.W.","Millington, John, 1779-1868","Pollard, John Garland, 1871-1937","Preston, William","Rogers, William Barton, 1804-1882","Ryland, Archie Garnett","Scarburgh, George Parker","Smith, John Augustine, 1782-1865","Taliaferro, Edwin, 1835-1867","Taliaferro, William Booth","Taliaferro, William R., Jr.","Taylor, John Herbert","Taylor, Waller","Topping, Katheryn M.","Warren, William H.","Wise, George Douglas","Wright, Ernest L.","White, Irving H. (Professor)","Madison, James, 1749-1812","Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. General Cooperative Committee","Society of the Alumni","William and Mary Quarterly","College of William and Mary.","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Chemistry","College of William and Mary. Dept. of English","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Government","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Home Economics","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Theatre, Speech, and Dance","College of William and Mary. William and Mary Theatre","Marshall-Wythe School of Law","Student Organizations--Dramatic Club","Student Publications--William and Mary Literary Magazine"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Acc. 1930-115 gift was received on 12/1/1930. Acc. 1980.19 gift of Dorothy Terrill Smithey via Frankie Martens on 10/5/1979; Acc. 1981.036 purchased 4/6/1938; Acc. 1981.044 received on 12/1/1922 as accession 1922-18; Acc. 1981.045 received on 5/17/1939 as accession 1939-143; Acc. 1981.047 purchased 10/28/1940 (accession 1940-291) transferred to University Archives 4/24/1981; Acc. 1981.050 gift of Mrs. Henry Sanders prior to 4/24/1981; Acc. 1981.65 received prior to 4/24/1981; Acc. 1981.66 received prior to 4/24/1981; Acc. 1981.67 received prior to 4/24/1981; Acc. 1983.001 - Acc. 1983.005 gift of Maxwell Alexander, Jr. on 1/22/1983; Acc. 1983.17 received by the College in October 1957 and transferred to the University Archives sometime before May 1983; Acc. 1983.99 was received on 10/15/1941; Acc. 1986.031- Acc. 1986.033 gifts of John McKnight on 7/15/1986; Acc. 1988.097 gift of Mr. and Mrs. Terry Meyers on 8/2/1988; Acc. 1992.023 gift of William H. Warren during 5/1992; Acc. 2007.041 was purchased via eBay prior to 2007. Acquisition information for material received after 7/13/2009 is available by consulting a Special Collections Research Center staff member."],"access_subjects_ssim":["American poetry--19th century","Athletics","College of William and Mary--History--18th century","College of William and Mary--History--19th century","College of William and Mary--History--20th century","College of William and Mary--Students","College sports--United States--History--20th century","Curriculum","Lecture notes","Natural and Experimental Philosophy","President's House (Williamsburg, Va.)","Student Government","Student Plays","Textbooks","World War, 1939-1945","Class materials","Minutes","Notebooks","Plays (document genre)","Scrapbooks"],"access_subjects_ssm":["American poetry--19th century","Athletics","College of William and Mary--History--18th century","College of William and Mary--History--19th century","College of William and Mary--History--20th century","College of William and Mary--Students","College sports--United States--History--20th century","Curriculum","Lecture notes","Natural and Experimental Philosophy","President's House (Williamsburg, Va.)","Student Government","Student Plays","Textbooks","World War, 1939-1945","Class materials","Minutes","Notebooks","Plays (document genre)","Scrapbooks"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["8.40 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["8.40 Linear Feet"],"genreform_ssim":["Class materials","Minutes","Notebooks","Plays (document genre)","Scrapbooks"],"date_range_isim":[1693,1694,1695,1696,1697,1698,1699,1700,1701,1702,1703,1704,1705,1706,1707,1708,1709,1710,1711,1712,1713,1714,1715,1716,1717,1718,1719,1720,1721,1722,1723,1724,1725,1726,1727,1728,1729,1730,1731,1732,1733,1734,1735,1736,1737,1738,1739,1740,1741,1742,1743,1744,1745,1746,1747,1748,1749,1750,1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access:"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"accruals_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe University Archives adds material to this collection on an ongoing basis as needed.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accruals_heading_ssm":["Accruals:"],"accruals_tesim":["The University Archives adds material to this collection on an ongoing basis as needed."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eArranged by volume number.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement of Materials:"],"arrangement_tesim":["Arranged by volume number."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eGeorge Balk was a William and Mary student from 1948-1952.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Information:"],"bioghist_tesim":["George Balk was a William and Mary student from 1948-1952."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eItem 1: Acc. 1981.36; Item 2: Acc. 1981.37; Item 3: Acc. 1981.38; Item 4: Acc. 1981.39; Item 5: Acc. 1981.40; Item 6: acc. 1981.41;  Item 7: Acc. 1981.42; Item 8: Acc. 1981.43; Item 9: Acc. 1981.44; Item 10: Acc. 1981.45; Item 11: Acc.1981.46; Item 12: Acc. 1981.47; Item 13: Acc. 1981.48; Item 14: Scc. 1981.49; Item 15: Acc. 1981.50; Item 16: Acc. 1981.51; Item 17: Acc. 1981.52; Item 18: Acc. 1981.53; Item 20: Acc. 1981.55; Item 21: Acc. 1981.56; Item 22: Acc. 1981.57; Item 23: Acc. 1981.58; Item 24: Acc. 1980.19; Item 25: Acc. 1981.59; Item 27: Acc.1981.60; Item 28: Acc. 1981.61; Item 29: Acc. 1981.64; Item 30: Acc. 1981.63; Item 31: Acc. 1981.64; Item 33: Acc. 1981.66; Item 35: Acc. 1980.45;  Item 37: Acc.1981.68; Item 39: Acc. 1983.19; Item 40: Acc.1983.1; Item 41: Acc.1983.2; Item 42: Acc.1983.3; Item 43: Acc.1983.4; Item 44: Acc.1983.5; Item 45: Acc. 1983.130; Item 47: Acc. 1979.28; Item 49: Acc. 1981.34; Item 50: Acc. 1983.12; Item 51: Acc. 1983.99; Item 52: Acc. 1983.114; Item 53: Acc. 1983.135; Item 54: Acc. 1983.136; Item 55: Acc. 1984.1; Item 56: Acc. 1984.2; Item 57: Acc. 1983.42; Item 58: Acc. 1984.8; Item 62: Acc. 1985.017; Item 63: Acc. 1985.018; Item 64: Acc. 1985.20; Item 65: Acc. 1985.47; Item 66: Acc. 1985.55; Item 67: Acc. 1986.31; Item 68: Acc. 1986.32; Item 69: Acc. 1986.33; Item 70: Acc. 1987.063; item 71: Acc. 1987.064; Item 72: Acc. 1987.065; Item 73: Acc. 1987.066; Item 74: Acc. 1987.82; Item 75: Acc. 1987.83; Item 76: Acc.1988.82; Item 77: Acc. 1988.97; Item 78: Acc. 1988.100; Item 79: Acc. 1989.148; Item 80: Acc.1991.48; Item 81: Acc. 1991.55; Item 82: 1992.23; Item 83: Acc.1998.82; Item 84: Acc.2006.26;\u003c/p\u003e "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History:"],"custodhist_tesim":["Item 1: Acc. 1981.36; Item 2: Acc. 1981.37; Item 3: Acc. 1981.38; Item 4: Acc. 1981.39; Item 5: Acc. 1981.40; Item 6: acc. 1981.41;  Item 7: Acc. 1981.42; Item 8: Acc. 1981.43; Item 9: Acc. 1981.44; Item 10: Acc. 1981.45; Item 11: Acc.1981.46; Item 12: Acc. 1981.47; Item 13: Acc. 1981.48; Item 14: Scc. 1981.49; Item 15: Acc. 1981.50; Item 16: Acc. 1981.51; Item 17: Acc. 1981.52; Item 18: Acc. 1981.53; Item 20: Acc. 1981.55; Item 21: Acc. 1981.56; Item 22: Acc. 1981.57; Item 23: Acc. 1981.58; Item 24: Acc. 1980.19; Item 25: Acc. 1981.59; Item 27: Acc.1981.60; Item 28: Acc. 1981.61; Item 29: Acc. 1981.64; Item 30: Acc. 1981.63; Item 31: Acc. 1981.64; Item 33: Acc. 1981.66; Item 35: Acc. 1980.45;  Item 37: Acc.1981.68; Item 39: Acc. 1983.19; Item 40: Acc.1983.1; Item 41: Acc.1983.2; Item 42: Acc.1983.3; Item 43: Acc.1983.4; Item 44: Acc.1983.5; Item 45: Acc. 1983.130; Item 47: Acc. 1979.28; Item 49: Acc. 1981.34; Item 50: Acc. 1983.12; Item 51: Acc. 1983.99; Item 52: Acc. 1983.114; Item 53: Acc. 1983.135; Item 54: Acc. 1983.136; Item 55: Acc. 1984.1; Item 56: Acc. 1984.2; Item 57: Acc. 1983.42; Item 58: Acc. 1984.8; Item 62: Acc. 1985.017; Item 63: Acc. 1985.018; Item 64: Acc. 1985.20; Item 65: Acc. 1985.47; Item 66: Acc. 1985.55; Item 67: Acc. 1986.31; Item 68: Acc. 1986.32; Item 69: Acc. 1986.33; Item 70: Acc. 1987.063; item 71: Acc. 1987.064; Item 72: Acc. 1987.065; Item 73: Acc. 1987.066; Item 74: Acc. 1987.82; Item 75: Acc. 1987.83; Item 76: Acc.1988.82; Item 77: Acc. 1988.97; Item 78: Acc. 1988.100; Item 79: Acc. 1989.148; Item 80: Acc.1991.48; Item 81: Acc. 1991.55; Item 82: 1992.23; Item 83: Acc.1998.82; Item 84: Acc.2006.26;"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eUniversity Archives Bound Volumes Collection, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["University Archives Bound Volumes Collection, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAcc.2011.371 accessioned and minimally processed by Steven Bookman, University Archives Specialist, in June 2011.\u003c/p\u003e "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information:"],"processinfo_tesim":["Acc.2011.371 accessioned and minimally processed by Steven Bookman, University Archives Specialist, in June 2011."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains information about the College of William and Mary from the Eighteenth Century to the present. Included in the collection are faculty lecture notes from a variety of classes, scrapbooks, research notes, correspondence, textbooks used at the College of William and Mary, minute and account books, poetry books, student notebooks, a literary manual, and various other miscellaneous bound volumes.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains information about the College of William and Mary from the Eighteenth Century to the present. Included in the collection are faculty lecture notes from a variety of classes, scrapbooks, research notes, correspondence, textbooks used at the College of William and Mary, minute and account books, poetry books, student notebooks, a literary manual, and various other miscellaneous bound volumes."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use:"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. General Cooperative Committee","Society of the Alumni","William and Mary Quarterly","College of William and Mary.","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Chemistry","College of William and Mary. Dept. of English","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Government","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Home Economics","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Theatre, Speech, and Dance","College of William and Mary. William and Mary Theatre","Marshall-Wythe School of Law","Student Organizations--Dramatic Club","Student Publications--William and Mary Literary Magazine"],"names_coll_ssim":["College of William and Mary.","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Chemistry","College of William and Mary. Dept. of English","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Government","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Home Economics","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Theatre, Speech, and Dance","College of William and Mary. William and Mary Theatre","Marshall-Wythe School of Law","Student Organizations--Dramatic Club","Student Publications--William and Mary Literary Magazine","Madison, James, 1749-1812","White, Irving H. (Professor)"],"persname_ssim":["Belk, George Washington, III","Bolling, Maurice Landon","Catron, Louis E.","Childress, Cecil Marcia","Croghan, John, 1790-1849","Dew, Thomas R. (Thomas Roderick), 1802-1846","Garrett, Robert M., 1807-1885","Griffin, James Lewis Corbin, 1814-1878","Hackley, William Randolph","Hope, James Barron, 1829-1887","Jones, Warner Throckmorton","Key, Francis Scott, 1779-1843","Koontz, Amos Ralph, 1890-1965","Maddox, William Arthur","Mercer, Hugh T.W.","Millington, John, 1779-1868","Pollard, John Garland, 1871-1937","Preston, William","Rogers, William Barton, 1804-1882","Ryland, Archie Garnett","Scarburgh, George Parker","Smith, John Augustine, 1782-1865","Taliaferro, Edwin, 1835-1867","Taliaferro, William Booth","Taliaferro, William R., Jr.","Taylor, John Herbert","Taylor, Waller","Topping, Katheryn M.","Warren, William H.","Wise, George Douglas","Wright, Ernest L.","White, Irving H. (Professor)","Madison, James, 1749-1812"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. General Cooperative Committee","Society of the Alumni","William and Mary Quarterly","College of William and Mary.","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Chemistry","College of William and Mary. Dept. of English","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Government","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Home Economics","College of William and Mary. Dept. of Theatre, Speech, and Dance","College of William and Mary. William and Mary Theatre","Marshall-Wythe School of Law","Student Organizations--Dramatic Club","Student Publications--William and Mary Literary Magazine","Belk, George Washington, III","Bolling, Maurice Landon","Catron, Louis E.","Childress, Cecil Marcia","Croghan, John, 1790-1849","Dew, Thomas R. (Thomas Roderick), 1802-1846","Garrett, Robert M., 1807-1885","Griffin, James Lewis Corbin, 1814-1878","Hackley, William Randolph","Hope, James Barron, 1829-1887","Jones, Warner Throckmorton","Key, Francis Scott, 1779-1843","Koontz, Amos Ralph, 1890-1965","Maddox, William Arthur","Mercer, Hugh T.W.","Millington, John, 1779-1868","Pollard, John Garland, 1871-1937","Preston, William","Rogers, William Barton, 1804-1882","Ryland, Archie Garnett","Scarburgh, George Parker","Smith, John Augustine, 1782-1865","Taliaferro, Edwin, 1835-1867","Taliaferro, William Booth","Taliaferro, William R., Jr.","Taylor, John Herbert","Taylor, Waller","Topping, Katheryn M.","Warren, William H.","Wise, George Douglas","Wright, Ernest L.","White, Irving H. (Professor)","Madison, James, 1749-1812"],"language_ssim":["English French"],"total_component_count_is":106,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:04:03.181Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_851_c06_c01"}},{"id":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_737_c04","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William B. 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(William Berton), 1909-?","Virginia Military Institute—Cadet life—1930-1939","Virginia Military Institute—Class of 1932","Virginia Military Institute—Scrapbooks","English"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["VMI cadet scrapbook collection, 1915/1936"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["VMI cadet scrapbook collection, 1915/1936"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1928/1932"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1928-1932"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":4,"repository_ssim":["Virginia Military Institute Archives"],"collection_ssim":["VMI cadet scrapbook collection, 1915/1936"],"creator_ssim":["Walshe, William B. (William Berton), 1909-?"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"persname_ssim":["Walshe, William B. (William Berton), 1909-?"],"names_ssim":["Walshe, William B. (William Berton), 1909-?"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Virginia Military Institute—Cadet life—1930-1939","Virginia Military Institute—Class of 1932","Virginia Military Institute—Scrapbooks"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Virginia Military Institute—Cadet life—1930-1939","Virginia Military Institute—Class of 1932","Virginia Military Institute—Scrapbooks"],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1928,1929,1930,1931,1932],"_nest_path_":"/components#3","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:37:30.860Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_737","ead_ssi":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_737","_root_":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_737","_nest_parent_":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_737","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VMI/repositories_3_resources_737.xml","title_ssm":["VMI cadet scrapbook collection"],"title_tesim":["VMI cadet scrapbook collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1915-1936"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1915-1936"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1915/1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["VMI cadet scrapbook collection, 1915/1936"],"text":["VMI cadet scrapbook collection, 1915/1936","MS.0500","/repositories/3/resources/737","Virginia Military Institute—Scrapbooks","Virginia Military Institute -- Cadet life -- 20th century","Prior to 2011, cadet scrapbooks were cataloged individually. 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These scapbooks can be found \u003ca href=\"https://archivesspace.vmi.edu/subjects/829\"\u003ehere\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Prior to 2011, cadet scrapbooks were cataloged individually. These scapbooks can be found here."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of VMI cadet scrapbooks that feature photographs, memorabilia, and other items that document cadet life.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of VMI cadet scrapbooks that feature photographs, memorabilia, and other items that document cadet life."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_fea773961294103f6ecab73172b00ae0\"\u003eManuscripts stacks\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"physloc_tesim":["Manuscripts stacks"],"corpname_ssim":["Virginia Military Institute Archives"],"persname_ssim":["Engleby, George B. (George Bennett)","McMullen, Edmund J. (Edmund Jeffords)","White, Wyndham K. (Wyndham Kemp), ?-1985","Walshe, William B. (William Berton), 1909-?","Adams, John N., Jr. (John Newton)","Beverley, Alexander C. (Alexander Carter)","Downey, William T. (William Thomas), 1910-1978"],"names_ssim":["Virginia Military Institute Archives","Engleby, George B. (George Bennett)","McMullen, Edmund J. (Edmund Jeffords)","White, Wyndham K. (Wyndham Kemp), ?-1985","Walshe, William B. (William Berton), 1909-?","Adams, John N., Jr. (John Newton)","Beverley, Alexander C. (Alexander Carter)","Downey, William T. (William Thomas), 1910-1978"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":7,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:37:30.860Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vilxv_repositories_3_resources_737_c04"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c03_c31","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William Edwin Rudge - correspondence with\n owner of large New York printing company, 1922/1930","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c03_c31#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c03_c31","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c03_c31"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c03_c31","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c03","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company\n Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"William Edwin Rudge - correspondence with\n owner of large New York printing company","title_ssm":["William Edwin Rudge - correspondence with\n owner of large New York printing company"],"title_tesim":["William Edwin Rudge - correspondence with\n owner of large New York printing company"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Edwin Rudge - correspondence with\n owner of large New York printing company, 1922/1930"],"text":["William Edwin Rudge - correspondence with\n owner of large New York printing company, 1922/1930","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company\n Papers","(3 folders)","box Box 72"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company\n Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company\n Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1922/1930"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1922 -1930"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":1954,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"physdesc_tesim":["(3 folders)"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 72"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#30","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items.","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c03_c31"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02_c36","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William G. McAdoo (3 items), 1926/1931","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02_c36#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02_c36","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02_c36"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02_c36","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02","parent_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 2. Rare Signatures, 1884/1950"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"William G. McAdoo (3 items)","title_ssm":["William G. McAdoo (3 items)"],"title_tesim":["William G. McAdoo (3 items)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William G. McAdoo (3 items), 1926/1931"],"text":["William G. McAdoo (3 items), 1926/1931","Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 2. Rare Signatures, 1884/1950","Box 3","Folder 2"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 2. Rare Signatures, 1884/1950"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 2. Rare Signatures, 1884/1950"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1926/1931"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1926, 1928, 1931"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":59,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"containers_ssim":["Box 3","Folder 2"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#35","timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:07:36.696Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_1202.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/195570","title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"title_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1884-2018"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1884-2018"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1884/2018"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"text":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202","Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors","The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","William Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia. Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16. He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893. He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs. He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917. He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force. After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette. He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children: William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray. Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.","William Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia. He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia. He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924. He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children: William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.","Source: West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.","William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr. He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools. After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950. Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952. They have one daughter, Susan Carroll. He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958. He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee. In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature. After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987. The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International. He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee. Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.","Source: State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.","Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University.","Source: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000.","Scrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette. There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III. The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.","The initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for: general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts. For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","Rare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include: Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.","The addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for: biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize. For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","The addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company. The author's name does not appear in this book. Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.","The addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office.","The addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items.","The addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","English\n."],"collection_title_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"collection_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"places_ssim":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"creator_ssm":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creator_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Pearson, Drew."],"creators_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew."],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Multiple gifts of Chilton, Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early, 1992 April 9, 2001 July 24, 2004 November 16, 2018 April 4, 2018 July 24, and 2018 November 29."],"access_subjects_ssim":["World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors"],"access_subjects_ssm":["World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["18.75 Linear Feet 18 ft. 9 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document case, 2 1/2 in.); (8 records cartons, 15 in. each); (3 records carton, 17 in. each); (4 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 in.); (1 clamshell box, 3 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["18.75 Linear Feet 18 ft. 9 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document case, 2 1/2 in.); (8 records cartons, 15 in. each); (3 records carton, 17 in. each); (4 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 in.); (1 clamshell box, 3 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\n\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting \u003ca href=\"https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ethe West Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department.\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia. Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16. He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893. He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs. He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917. He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force. After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette. He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children: William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray. Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilliam Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia. He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia. He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924. He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children: William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource: West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nWilliam Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr. He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools. After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950. Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952. They have one daughter, Susan Carroll. He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958. He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee. In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature. After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987. The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International. He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee. Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource: State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nElizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource: \"\u003ca href=\"http://wvutoday-archive.wvu.edu/n/2000/05/01/2862.html\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eCharleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\u003c/a\u003e\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000. \u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["William Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia. Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16. He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893. He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs. He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917. He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force. After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette. He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children: William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray. Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.","William Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia. He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia. He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924. He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children: William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.","Source: West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.","William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr. He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools. After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950. Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952. They have one daughter, Susan Carroll. He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958. He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee. In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature. After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987. The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International. He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee. Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.","Source: State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.","Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University.","Source: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, A\u0026amp;M 3020, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, A\u0026M 3020, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eScrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette. There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III. The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for: general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts. For details see inventory in control folder at the library.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eRare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include: Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for: biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize. For details see inventory in control folder at the library.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company. The author's name does not appear in this book. Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette. There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III. The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.","The initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for: general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts. For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","Rare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include: Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.","The addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for: biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize. For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","The addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company. The author's name does not appear in this book. Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.","The addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office.","The addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items.","The addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_4833b10941e14ac77c2df571c3b6fe38\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"famname_ssim":["Pearson, Drew."],"names_coll_ssim":["Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, Betty"],"persname_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"language_ssim":["English\n."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":461,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:07:36.696Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c02_c36"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c421","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing, 1924/1932","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c421#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c421","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c421"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c421","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing","title_ssm":["William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing"],"title_tesim":["William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing, 1924/1932"],"text":["William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing, 1924/1932","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 135"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1924/1932"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1924 -1932"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":422,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 135"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#420","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items.","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c421"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c83","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books, 1928/1932","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c83#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c83","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c83"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c83","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William H. Robinson - correspondence,\n catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books","title_ssm":["William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books"],"title_tesim":["William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books, 1928/1932"],"text":["William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books, 1928/1932","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 44"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1928/1932"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1928 -1932"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":84,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 44"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1928,1929,1930,1931,1932],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#82","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items.","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c83"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c732","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health, 1924/1934","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c732#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c732","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c732"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c732","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health","title_ssm":["William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health"],"title_tesim":["William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health, 1924/1934"],"text":["William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health, 1924/1934","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 208"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1924/1934"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1924 -1934"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":733,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 208"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#731","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items.","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c732"}},{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01_c266","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall, 1926/1930","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01_c266#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eBlueprints for Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall (Tyler Hall as of 1997) at the College of William and Mary. Sheet 1 Foundation Plan; Sheet 2 First Floor Plan; Sheet 3 Second Floor Plan; Sheet 4 Third Floor Plan; Sheet 5 Roof Plan; Sheet 6 Sections AA, BB, CC; Sheet 7 South (Campus) and East and West Elevations; Sheet 8 West Elevation, Rear (North) Elevation, and Dormer Details; Sheet 9 Details for Vestibule, Corridor \u0026amp; Doors, Sections BB and CC; Sheet 10 Entrance Details; Sheets 11-13 Mechanical layouts for First, Second and Third floors; Sheets M1-M3 Utility Plans for First, Second, and Third Floors; Sheet M4 Reasearch Labs, 2nd \u0026amp; 3rd Floors; Sheet M5 Physical and Organic Chemistry Labs; Sheet M6 Microscopy. Architect: Charles M. Robinson. Sheets: 19. Dimensions: 22.25\"x 30.5\". Pinned, last page loose. Condition: Fair with frayed edges and wear; black ink notations on front. Acc. 2010.653.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01_c266#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01_c266","ref_ssm":["viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01_c266"],"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01_c266","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01","parent_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01","parent_ssim":["Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003","Series 1: Blueprints and Other Drawings, 1900"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_1709","viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall","title_ssm":["Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall"],"title_tesim":["Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall, 1926/1930"],"text":["Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall, 1926/1930","Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003","Series 1: Blueprints and Other Drawings, 1900","Blueprints for Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall (Tyler Hall as of 1997) at the College of William and Mary. Sheet 1 Foundation Plan; Sheet 2 First Floor Plan; Sheet 3 Second Floor Plan; Sheet 4 Third Floor Plan; Sheet 5 Roof Plan; Sheet 6 Sections AA, BB, CC; Sheet 7 South (Campus) and East and West Elevations; Sheet 8 West Elevation, Rear (North) Elevation, and Dormer Details; Sheet 9 Details for Vestibule, Corridor \u0026 Doors, Sections BB and CC; Sheet 10 Entrance Details; Sheets 11-13 Mechanical layouts for First, Second and Third floors; Sheets M1-M3 Utility Plans for First, Second, and Third Floors; Sheet M4 Reasearch Labs, 2nd \u0026 3rd Floors; Sheet M5 Physical and Organic Chemistry Labs; Sheet M6 Microscopy. Architect: Charles M. Robinson.  Sheets: 19.  Dimensions:  22.25\"x 30.5\".  Pinned, last page loose. Condition: Fair with frayed edges and wear; black ink notations on front.  Acc. 2010.653."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003","Series 1: Blueprints and Other Drawings, 1900"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003","Series 1: Blueprints and Other Drawings, 1900"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1926/1930"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["March 1926; revised April 13, 1930"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":267,"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"collection_ssim":["Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"date_range_isim":[1926,1927,1928,1929,1930],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBlueprints for Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall (Tyler Hall as of 1997) at the College of William and Mary. Sheet 1 Foundation Plan; Sheet 2 First Floor Plan; Sheet 3 Second Floor Plan; Sheet 4 Third Floor Plan; Sheet 5 Roof Plan; Sheet 6 Sections AA, BB, CC; Sheet 7 South (Campus) and East and West Elevations; Sheet 8 West Elevation, Rear (North) Elevation, and Dormer Details; Sheet 9 Details for Vestibule, Corridor \u0026amp; Doors, Sections BB and CC; Sheet 10 Entrance Details; Sheets 11-13 Mechanical layouts for First, Second and Third floors; Sheets M1-M3 Utility Plans for First, Second, and Third Floors; Sheet M4 Reasearch Labs, 2nd \u0026amp; 3rd Floors; Sheet M5 Physical and Organic Chemistry Labs; Sheet M6 Microscopy. Architect: Charles M. Robinson.  Sheets: 19.  Dimensions:  22.25\"x 30.5\".  Pinned, last page loose. Condition: Fair with frayed edges and wear; black ink notations on front.  Acc. 2010.653.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Blueprints for Williams Barton Rogers Memorial Science Hall (Tyler Hall as of 1997) at the College of William and Mary. Sheet 1 Foundation Plan; Sheet 2 First Floor Plan; Sheet 3 Second Floor Plan; Sheet 4 Third Floor Plan; Sheet 5 Roof Plan; Sheet 6 Sections AA, BB, CC; Sheet 7 South (Campus) and East and West Elevations; Sheet 8 West Elevation, Rear (North) Elevation, and Dormer Details; Sheet 9 Details for Vestibule, Corridor \u0026 Doors, Sections BB and CC; Sheet 10 Entrance Details; Sheets 11-13 Mechanical layouts for First, Second and Third floors; Sheets M1-M3 Utility Plans for First, Second, and Third Floors; Sheet M4 Reasearch Labs, 2nd \u0026 3rd Floors; Sheet M5 Physical and Organic Chemistry Labs; Sheet M6 Microscopy. Architect: Charles M. Robinson.  Sheets: 19.  Dimensions:  22.25\"x 30.5\".  Pinned, last page loose. Condition: Fair with frayed edges and wear; black ink notations on front.  Acc. 2010.653."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#265","timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:00:49.313Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_1709","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_1709.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Facilities Management Records","title_ssm":["Facilities Management Records"],"title_tesim":["Facilities Management Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1678, 1900-2003"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1678, 1900-2003"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1678/2003"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003"],"text":["Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003","UA 29","/repositories/2/resources/1709","Buildings and Grounds","Wren Building (Williamsburg, Va.)","Blueprints (reprographic copies)","Design drawings","Drawings and graphics","Flags","The collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.","are expected on an ongoing basis from this office and other sources.","Arranged by series.","The mission of the Deparment of Facilities Management is to create and maintain an environment that facilitates accomplishment of the College's academic and research programs. As of 2007, Robert P. Dillman was Associate Vice President Facilities Management. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: .","A portion of this collection was previously part of the University Archives Publications Collection.","Acc. 1988.09 is housed in the SCRC's offsite storage facility and advance notice is required to use these materials. Contact a staff member for details.","The collection includes a number of accessions and groups of records directly from the Office of Facilities Management including publications, administrative records, blueprints, and other documents as well as blueprints and other architectural drawings that come under the administrative responsibility of the office, but may have been transferred from miscellaneous sources.","Acc. 2008.212 was accessioned as part of the backlog in manuscripts in May 2010 and was transferred to this collection in June 2010.","Plans and blueprints that were previously part of the University Archives Subject File Collection were transferred to this collection in November 2010.","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. Facilities Management Department","Office of the Vice President for Administration","College of William and Mary.","Eastern State Hospital (Va.)","Robinson, Charles M.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003"],"collection_ssim":["Facilities Management Records, 1678/2003"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["UA 29","/repositories/2/resources/1709"],"unitid_tesim":["UA 29","/repositories/2/resources/1709"],"repository_ssm":["College of William and Mary"],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"creator_ssm":["College of William and Mary. Facilities Management Department","Office of the Vice President for Administration","Robinson, Charles M."],"creator_ssim":["College of William and Mary. Facilities Management Department","Office of the Vice President for Administration","Robinson, Charles M."],"creator_persname_ssim":["Robinson, Charles M."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. Facilities Management Department","Office of the Vice President for Administration","College of William and Mary.","Eastern State Hospital (Va.)"],"creators_ssim":["Robinson, Charles M.","Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. Facilities Management Department","Office of the Vice President for Administration","College of William and Mary.","Eastern State Hospital (Va.)"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Buildings and Grounds","Wren Building (Williamsburg, Va.)","Blueprints (reprographic copies)","Design drawings","Drawings and graphics","Flags"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Buildings and Grounds","Wren Building (Williamsburg, Va.)","Blueprints (reprographic copies)","Design drawings","Drawings and graphics","Flags"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["19.00 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["19.00 Linear Feet"],"genreform_ssim":["Blueprints (reprographic copies)","Design drawings","Drawings and graphics","Flags"],"date_range_isim":[1678,1679,1680,1681,1682,1683,1684,1685,1686,1687,1688,1689,1690,1691,1692,1693,1694,1695,1696,1697,1698,1699,1700,1701,1702,1703,1704,1705,1706,1707,1708,1709,1710,1711,1712,1713,1714,1715,1716,1717,1718,1719,1720,1721,1722,1723,1724,1725,1726,1727,1728,1729,1730,1731,1732,1733,1734,1735,1736,1737,1738,1739,1740,1741,1742,1743,1744,1745,1746,1747,1748,1749,1750,1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access:"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"accruals_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eare expected on an ongoing basis from this office and other sources.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accruals_heading_ssm":["Accruals:"],"accruals_tesim":["are expected on an ongoing basis from this office and other sources."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eArranged by series.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement of Materials:"],"arrangement_tesim":["Arranged by series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe mission of the Deparment of Facilities Management is to create and maintain an environment that facilitates accomplishment of the College's academic and research programs. As of 2007, Robert P. Dillman was Associate Vice President Facilities Management. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u003cextref href=\"http://scdbwiki.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/Facilities_Management_Department\" title=\"Facilities Management Department\"\u003e\u003c/extref\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Note:"],"bioghist_tesim":["The mission of the Deparment of Facilities Management is to create and maintain an environment that facilitates accomplishment of the College's academic and research programs. As of 2007, Robert P. Dillman was Associate Vice President Facilities Management. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: ."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eA portion of this collection was previously part of the University Archives Publications Collection.\u003c/p\u003e "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History:"],"custodhist_tesim":["A portion of this collection was previously part of the University Archives Publications Collection."],"phystech_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAcc. 1988.09 is housed in the SCRC's offsite storage facility and advance notice is required to use these materials. Contact a staff member for details.\u003c/p\u003e "],"phystech_heading_ssm":["Physical Characteristics or Technical Requirements:"],"phystech_tesim":["Acc. 1988.09 is housed in the SCRC's offsite storage facility and advance notice is required to use these materials. Contact a staff member for details."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollege of William and Mary Facilities Management Records, Special Collections Research Center, Earl Gregg Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["College of William and Mary Facilities Management Records, Special Collections Research Center, Earl Gregg Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection includes a number of accessions and groups of records directly from the Office of Facilities Management including publications, administrative records, blueprints, and other documents as well as blueprints and other architectural drawings that come under the administrative responsibility of the office, but may have been transferred from miscellaneous sources.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The collection includes a number of accessions and groups of records directly from the Office of Facilities Management including publications, administrative records, blueprints, and other documents as well as blueprints and other architectural drawings that come under the administrative responsibility of the office, but may have been transferred from miscellaneous sources."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAcc. 2008.212 was accessioned as part of the backlog in manuscripts in May 2010 and was transferred to this collection in June 2010.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Plans and blueprints that were previously part of the University Archives Subject File Collection were transferred to this collection in November 2010.\u003c/p\u003e "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials:"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["Acc. 2008.212 was accessioned as part of the backlog in manuscripts in May 2010 and was transferred to this collection in June 2010.","Plans and blueprints that were previously part of the University Archives Subject File Collection were transferred to this collection in November 2010."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use:"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. Facilities Management Department","Office of the Vice President for Administration","College of William and Mary.","Eastern State Hospital (Va.)"],"names_coll_ssim":["College of William and Mary.","Eastern State Hospital (Va.)"],"persname_ssim":["Robinson, Charles M."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary. Facilities Management Department","Office of the Vice President for Administration","College of William and Mary.","Eastern State Hospital (Va.)","Robinson, Charles M."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":962,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:00:49.313Z","acqinfo_ssim":["Acc. 1980.27 was received prior to 3/4/1980; Acc. 1983.37 was transferred prior to 09/01/1983; Acc. 1984.29 was transferred by Thad Tate and Wane Kernodle (Acting Chief Marshall and Chief Marshall) on 12/15/1983; Acc. 1988.4 was transferred from Facilities on 1/26/1989; Acc. 1988.09 was transferred by Antoinette Lomax of Facilities on 1/27/1988; Acc. 1988.12, Acc. 1988.13, Acc. 1988.14, Acc. 1988.15, Acc. 1988.16, Acc. 1988.17, Acc. 1988.18, Acc. 1988.19, Acc. 1988.20, Acc. 1988.21, Acc. 1988.22, Acc. 1988.23, and Acc. 1988.24 were received prior to 3/10/1988; Acc. 1988.25 was received from Dr. Haskel on 2/9/1988; Acc. 1988.26 was received on 10/19/1987; Acc. 1988.28 and Acc. 1988.27 were received prior to 3/12/1988; Acc. 1988.29 addition was transferred from Facilities on 06/1/1988; Acc. 1988.31 addition was transferred from Facilities during the summer of 1888; Acc. 1988.29, Acc. 1988.30, Acc. 1988.31, Acc. 1988.32, Acc. 1988.33, Acc. 1988.34, Acc. 1988.35, Acc. 1988.36, Acc. 1988.37, Acc. 1988.38, Acc. 1988.39, Acc. 1988.40, Acc. 1988.41, Acc. 1988.42, Acc. 1988.43, Acc. 1988.45, Acc. 1988.45 addition, Acc. 1988.46, and Acc. 1988.47, were transferred from Facilities prior to 3/14/88; Acc. 1988.32 addition, Acc. 1988.33 addition, Acc. 1988.35 addition were received 4/22/1988; Acc. 1988.35 addition and Acc. 1988.36 addition were transferred from Facilities on 1/24/1989; Acc. 1988.37 addition was received 4/25/1989; Acc. 1988.48, Acc. 1988.49, Acc. 1988.50, Acc. 1988.51, and Acc. 1988.52 were transferred from Library Administration Services in the fall of 1986; Acc. 1988.54, Acc. 1988.55, Acc. 1988.56, Acc. 1988.57, Acc. 1988.58, Acc. 1988.59, Acc. 1988.60, Acc. 1988.61, and Acc. 1988.62 were transferred from Library Administration Services in the fall of 1986; Acc. 1988.63 was received in the fall of 1986 and in June 1985; Acc. 1988.70, Acc. 1988.71, Acc. 1988.72, Acc. 1988.73, and Acc. 1988.74 were transferred from facilities on 4/4/1988; Acc. 1988.72 addition and Acc. 1988.74 addition were transferred from Facilities on 1/24/1989; Acc. 1989.12 and Acc. 1989.14 were transferred by Ailene Bartlett of Library Management Services on 3/17/1989; Acc. 1989.30, Acc. 1989.31, and Acc. 1989.32 were transferred from Facilities prior to 5/25/1989; Acc. 1989.34, Acc. 1989.35, Acc. 1989.36, Acc. 1989.37, Acc. 1989.38, Acc. 1989.39, Acc. 1989.40, Acc. 1989.41, Acc. 1989.42, and Acc. 1989.45 were transferred from Facilities prior to 6/1/1989; Acc. 1989.51, Acc. 1989.52, Acc. 1989.53, Acc. 1989.54, Acc. 1989.55, Acc. 1989.56, Acc. 1989.57, and Acc. 1989.58 were transferred from Facilities prior to 6/3/1989; Acc. 1989.60, Acc. 1989.61, Acc. 1989.62, Acc. 1989.63, Acc. 1989.64, and Acc. 1989.65 were transferred from Facilities prior to 6/7/1989; Acc. 1989.71, Acc. 1989.73, Acc. 1989.74, Acc. 1989.75, Acc. 1989.76, Acc. 1989.78, and Acc. 1989.81 were transferred from Facilities prior to 6/8/1989; Acc. 1990.67 was transferred by David Dudley of the Theater and Speech Department in Oct. 1990; Acc. 1991.75 was transferred by Ailene Bartlett of Library Management Services on 6/8/1991; Acc. 1991.76 was transferred by Andrew Magpantey of the System's Office on 8/9/1991; Acc. 1996.6 was transferred prior to 1996; Acc. 1999.2 was transferred in 1993; Acc. 1999.2 addition was transferred from the President's Office in 1996; Acc. 1999.49 received 4/4/1996; Acc. 1999.50 was transferred by Karen Berquist from the Physics Lab on 12/12/1996; Acc. 2002.35 was transferred by Denise Patesel on 6/24/2002; Acc. 2007.011 received 5/31/2007 from Denise Patesel of FPDC and all blueprints and plans received prior to 2007 and not previously given an accession number are included under this accession number; Acc. 2007.60 received 8/1/2007 from William Clark Fielden who inherited the blueprints from his material grandfather; Acc. 2008.47 transferred from the Facilities Planning, Design, and Construction Division on 4/28/2008; Acc. 2009.032 transferred from the Facilities, Planning, Design, and Construction Division prior to 2007; Acc. 2009.243 was received prior to 2007. Acquisition information for material received after 7/13/2009 is available by consulting a Special Collections Research Center staff member."]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_1709_c01_c266"}},{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Williamsburg, Jamestown, Yorktown and Colonial National Historical Park, 1928/1934","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03_c01#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eFlyers, pamphlets and more on the Colonial National Monument, \"A Brief History of and Guide Book to Jamestown, Williamsburg and Yorktown\" by Rutherfoord Goodwin (signed by the author), \"A Historic Old Virginia Pilgrimage\" brochure for taking a cruise to the Williamsburg area on April 29 - May 1, 1930 and brochures and reprints about Williamsburg, Jamestown and Yorktown. Tourist hardback book, \"Historic Peninsula of Virginia,\" distributed by Stone and Webster, Inc. in 1928. Photostatic copy of newspaper account of Jamestown Day, May 13. Year unknown.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03_c01","ref_ssm":["viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03_c01"],"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03_c01","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03","parent_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03","parent_ssim":["Virginia Cities Collection, 1663/1980","Series 32: Williamsburg","Mss. 39.4 V82ci Williamsburg","Box 15","Subject: Williamsburg to Zoning"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_8763","viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32","viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01","viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11","viw_repositories_2_resources_8763_c32_c01_c11_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"Williamsburg, Jamestown, Yorktown and Colonial National Historical Park","title_ssm":["Williamsburg, Jamestown, Yorktown and Colonial National Historical Park"],"title_tesim":["Williamsburg, Jamestown, Yorktown and Colonial National Historical Park"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Williamsburg, Jamestown, Yorktown and Colonial National Historical Park, 1928/1934"],"text":["Williamsburg, Jamestown, Yorktown and Colonial National Historical Park, 1928/1934","Virginia Cities Collection, 1663/1980","Series 32: Williamsburg","Mss. 39.4 V82ci Williamsburg","Box 15","Subject: Williamsburg to Zoning","Box 15","Folder 35","Flyers, pamphlets and more on the Colonial National Monument, \"A Brief History of and Guide Book to Jamestown, Williamsburg and Yorktown\" by Rutherfoord Goodwin (signed by the author), \"A Historic Old Virginia Pilgrimage\" brochure for taking a cruise to the Williamsburg area on April 29 - May 1, 1930 and brochures and reprints about Williamsburg, Jamestown and Yorktown. Tourist hardback book, \"Historic Peninsula of Virginia,\" distributed by Stone and Webster, Inc. in 1928. Photostatic copy of newspaper account of Jamestown Day, May 13. Year unknown."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Virginia Cities Collection, 1663/1980","Series 32: Williamsburg","Mss. 39.4 V82ci Williamsburg","Box 15","Subject: Williamsburg to Zoning"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Virginia Cities Collection, 1663/1980","Series 32: Williamsburg","Mss. 39.4 V82ci Williamsburg","Box 15","Subject: Williamsburg to Zoning"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1928/1934"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1928, 1930-1934"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[5],"sort_isi":297,"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"collection_ssim":["Virginia Cities Collection, 1663/1980"],"containers_ssim":["Box 15","Folder 35"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"date_range_isim":[1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFlyers, pamphlets and more on the Colonial National Monument, \"A Brief History of and Guide Book to Jamestown, Williamsburg and Yorktown\" by Rutherfoord Goodwin (signed by the author), \"A Historic Old Virginia Pilgrimage\" brochure for taking a cruise to the Williamsburg area on April 29 - May 1, 1930 and brochures and reprints about Williamsburg, Jamestown and Yorktown. Tourist hardback book, \"Historic Peninsula of Virginia,\" distributed by Stone and Webster, Inc. in 1928. Photostatic copy of newspaper account of Jamestown Day, May 13. Year unknown.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Flyers, pamphlets and more on the Colonial National Monument, \"A Brief History of and Guide Book to Jamestown, Williamsburg and Yorktown\" by Rutherfoord Goodwin (signed by the author), \"A Historic Old Virginia Pilgrimage\" brochure for taking a cruise to the Williamsburg area on April 29 - May 1, 1930 and brochures and reprints about Williamsburg, Jamestown and Yorktown. Tourist hardback book, \"Historic Peninsula of Virginia,\" distributed by Stone and Webster, Inc. in 1928. Photostatic copy of newspaper account of Jamestown Day, May 13. Year unknown."],"_nest_path_":"/components#31/components#0/components#10/components#2/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:04:30.136Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8763","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_8763.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Virginia Cities Collection","title_ssm":["Virginia Cities Collection"],"title_tesim":["Virginia Cities Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1663-1980"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1663-1980"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1663/1980"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Virginia Cities Collection, 1663/1980"],"text":["Virginia Cities Collection, 1663/1980","Mss. 39.4 V82ci","/repositories/2/resources/8763","Alexandria (Va.)--History","Blue Ridge Springs (Va.)","Charlottesville (Va.)--History","Danville (Va.)--History","Fredericksburg (Va.)--History","Hanover Courthouse (Va.)--History","Harrisonburg (Va.)--History","Hopewell (Va.)--History","James City County (Va.)--Tercentenary","Jamestown (Va.)--History--20th century","Lexington (Va.)--History","Norfolk (Va.)--History","Petersburg (Va.)--History","Providence Forge (Va.)--History","Strasburg (Va.)--History","Virginia--History--17th century","Virginia--History--18th century","Virginia--History--19th century","Virginia--History--20th century","Washington (Va.)--History","Williamsburg (Va.)--History--Civil War, 1861-1865","Woodstock (Va.)--History","African Americans--Virginia--Williamsburg","College of William and Mary--History--20th century","College of William and Mary--History--Civil War, 1861-1865","College of William and Mary--Students","College theater--United States","Community theater","Education--Virginia--Williamsburg--19th century","Gardening--Virginia","Horticultural literature","Jamestown Exposition (1907)","Jamestown Festival (1957)","Jamestown Ter-centennial Exposition (1907)","Legal documents","Lynchburg (Va.)--History","United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865","United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865--Destruction and pillage","Williamsburg, Battle of, Williamsburg, Va., 1862","Physicians--Virginia--Williamsburg","African American physicians","Account books","Catalogs","Correspondence","Financial records","Petitions","Photographs","Receipts (financial records)","Surveys (documents)","Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.","Alphabetical by name of city.","Reprocessed by Anne Johnson in 2011.","Mss. 39.4 V82co Virginia Counties Collection, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library","Mss. 65 V82 Virginia Quitrents Collection, 1704-1705, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library","Many other accessions relating to cities in the Commonwealth of Virginia are in the Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library.  Please check the subject index for the name of the city. Also, you can use the search box on the top right corner, being sure to check the \"Include Box Lists.\"","Artifacts tranferred to the Manuscripts Artifact Collection include: Presbyterian Student Choir Badge (39.4V82.A01.1), Presbyterian Junior Choir Badges (39.4V82.A01.2a-e), York River Ink Wash Drawing (39.4V82ci.02), Yorktown Sesquicentennial Commission Medal (39.4V82ci.03), Yorktown Sesquicentennial Commemorative Coin (39.4V82ci.04)","Artificial collection of papers relating to various cities in the Commonwealth of Virginia.","Artifacts tranferred to the Manuscripts Artifact Collection include: Presbyterian Student Choir Badge (39.4V82.A01.1), Presbyterian Junior Choir Badges (39.4V82.A01.2a-e), York River Ink Wash Drawing (39.4V82ci.02), Yorktown Sesquicentennial Commission Medal (39.4V82ci.03), Yorktown Sesquicentennial Commemorative Coin (39.4V82ci.04)","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","Bruton Parish Church (Williamsburg, Va.)","Colonial Williamsburg Foundation","Grace Street Gardens (Richmond, Va.)","Richmond Theatre (Richmond, Va.)","The Virginia Comedians","United States. Army. 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