{"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=331","prev":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=330","next":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=332","last":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=342"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":331,"next_page":332,"prev_page":330,"total_pages":342,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":3300,"total_count":3412,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c04","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"W. E. Chilton Jr. Scrapbook (package) (Includes clippings from the Charleston Gazette, poetry by various authors, and writing by W. E. Chilton, Jr.), 1917/1929","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c04","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c04"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c04","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08","parent_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 8. Scrapbooks, 1899/1953"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08"],"title_filing_ssi":"W. E. Chilton Jr. Scrapbook (package) (Includes clippings from the Charleston Gazette, poetry by various authors, and writing by W. E. Chilton, Jr.)","title_ssm":["W. E. Chilton Jr. Scrapbook (package) (Includes clippings from the Charleston Gazette, poetry by various authors, and writing by W. E. Chilton, Jr.)"],"title_tesim":["W. E. Chilton Jr. Scrapbook (package) (Includes clippings from the Charleston Gazette, poetry by various authors, and writing by W. E. Chilton, Jr.)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["W. E. Chilton Jr. Scrapbook (package) (Includes clippings from the Charleston Gazette, poetry by various authors, and writing by W. E. Chilton, Jr.), 1917/1929"],"text":["W. E. Chilton Jr. Scrapbook (package) (Includes clippings from the Charleston Gazette, poetry by various authors, and writing by W. E. Chilton, Jr.), 1917/1929","Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 8. Scrapbooks, 1899/1953","Box 8"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 8. Scrapbooks, 1899/1953"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 8. Scrapbooks, 1899/1953"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1917/1929"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1917–1929"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":188,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"containers_ssim":["Box 8"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929],"_nest_path_":"/components#7/components#3","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:55:06.063Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_1202.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/195570","title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"title_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1884-2018"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1884-2018"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1884/2018"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"text":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202","Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors","The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","William Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.","William Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.","Source:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.","William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.","Source:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.","Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University.","Source: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000.","Scrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.","The initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","Rare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.","The addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","The addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.","The addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office.","The addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items.","The addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","English\n."],"collection_title_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"collection_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"places_ssim":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"creator_ssm":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creator_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Pearson, Drew."],"creators_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew."],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Multiple gifts of Chilton, Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early, 1992 April 9, 2001 July 24, 2004 November 16, 2018 April 4, 2018 July 24, and 2018 November 29."],"access_subjects_ssim":["World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors"],"access_subjects_ssm":["World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["18.75 Linear Feet 18 ft. 9 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document case, 2 1/2 in.); (8 records cartons, 15 in. each); (3 records carton, 17 in. each); (4 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 in.); (1 clamshell box, 3 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["18.75 Linear Feet 18 ft. 9 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document case, 2 1/2 in.); (8 records cartons, 15 in. each); (3 records carton, 17 in. each); (4 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 in.); (1 clamshell box, 3 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\n\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting \u003ca href=\"https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ethe West Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department.\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilliam Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nWilliam Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.  \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nElizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource: \"\u003ca href=\"http://wvutoday-archive.wvu.edu/n/2000/05/01/2862.html\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eCharleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\u003c/a\u003e\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000. \u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["William Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.","William Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.","Source:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.","William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.","Source:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.","Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University.","Source: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, A\u0026amp;M 3020, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, A\u0026M 3020, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eScrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eRare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.","The initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","Rare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.","The addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","The addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.","The addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office.","The addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items.","The addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_4833b10941e14ac77c2df571c3b6fe38\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n    "],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"famname_ssim":["Pearson, Drew."],"names_coll_ssim":["Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, Betty"],"persname_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"language_ssim":["English\n."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":461,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:55:06.063Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c04"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"W. E. Chilton Scrapbook (package) (Includes documents relating to W. E. Chilton, Sr.'s senatorial career, obituaries, clippings relating to family history, and copies of the Charleston Gazette.), 1911/1956","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c01","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c01"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c01","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08","parent_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 8. Scrapbooks, 1899/1953"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08"],"title_filing_ssi":"W. E. Chilton Scrapbook (package) (Includes documents relating to W. E. Chilton, Sr.'s senatorial career, obituaries, clippings relating to family history, and copies of the Charleston Gazette.)","title_ssm":["W. E. Chilton Scrapbook (package) (Includes documents relating to W. E. Chilton, Sr.'s senatorial career, obituaries, clippings relating to family history, and copies of the Charleston Gazette.)"],"title_tesim":["W. E. Chilton Scrapbook (package) (Includes documents relating to W. E. Chilton, Sr.'s senatorial career, obituaries, clippings relating to family history, and copies of the Charleston Gazette.)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["W. E. Chilton Scrapbook (package) (Includes documents relating to W. E. Chilton, Sr.'s senatorial career, obituaries, clippings relating to family history, and copies of the Charleston Gazette.), 1911/1956"],"text":["W. E. Chilton Scrapbook (package) (Includes documents relating to W. E. Chilton, Sr.'s senatorial career, obituaries, clippings relating to family history, and copies of the Charleston Gazette.), 1911/1956","Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 8. Scrapbooks, 1899/1953","Box 8"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 8. Scrapbooks, 1899/1953"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","Series 8. Scrapbooks, 1899/1953"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1911/1956"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1911–1956"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":185,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"containers_ssim":["Box 8"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956],"_nest_path_":"/components#7/components#0","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:55:06.063Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_1202.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/195570","title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"title_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1884-2018"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1884-2018"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1884/2018"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018"],"text":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, 1884/2018","A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202","Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors","The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","William Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.","William Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.","Source:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.","William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.","Source:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.","Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University.","Source: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000.","Scrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.","The initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","Rare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.","The addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","The addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.","The addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office.","The addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items.","The addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. 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Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"places_ssim":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"creator_ssm":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creator_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Pearson, Drew."],"creators_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew."],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Multiple gifts of Chilton, Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early, 1992 April 9, 2001 July 24, 2004 November 16, 2018 April 4, 2018 July 24, and 2018 November 29."],"access_subjects_ssim":["World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors"],"access_subjects_ssm":["World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["18.75 Linear Feet 18 ft. 9 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document case, 2 1/2 in.); (8 records cartons, 15 in. each); (3 records carton, 17 in. each); (4 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 in.); (1 clamshell box, 3 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["18.75 Linear Feet 18 ft. 9 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document case, 2 1/2 in.); (8 records cartons, 15 in. each); (3 records carton, 17 in. each); (4 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 in.); (1 clamshell box, 3 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\n\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting \u003ca href=\"https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ethe West Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department.\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\n\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilliam Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nWilliam Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.  \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nElizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource: \"\u003ca href=\"http://wvutoday-archive.wvu.edu/n/2000/05/01/2862.html\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eCharleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\u003c/a\u003e\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000. \u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["William Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.","William Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.","Source:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.","William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.","Source:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.","Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University.","Source: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, A\u0026amp;M 3020, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, A\u0026M 3020, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eScrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eRare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.","The initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","Rare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.","The addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","The addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.","The addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office.","The addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items.","The addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_4833b10941e14ac77c2df571c3b6fe38\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n    "],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"famname_ssim":["Pearson, Drew."],"names_coll_ssim":["Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, Betty"],"persname_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"language_ssim":["English\n."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":461,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:55:06.063Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c08_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00036_c03_c59","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Weeds, 1909/1941","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00036_c03_c59#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00036_c03_c59","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00036_c03_c59"],"id":"viu_viu00036_c03_c59","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00036","_root_":"viu_viu00036","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00036_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00036_c03","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Magruder Family","III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00036","viu_viu00036_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"Weeds","title_ssm":["Weeds"],"title_tesim":["Weeds"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Weeds, 1909/1941"],"text":["Weeds, 1909/1941","Papers of the Magruder Family","III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers","Box Box 9"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Magruder Family","III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Magruder Family","III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1909/1941"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1909-1913, 1941"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":94,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 9"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#58","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:42:26.833Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00036","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00036","_root_":"viu_viu00036","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00036","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00036.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"text":["Papers of the Magruder Family","2733-b","The collection is divided into six series: I. Correspondence; II. Family and Personal Papers; III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers; IV. Miscellaneous; V. Bound Volumes; and Oversize. Folders are arranged alphabetically within each series. Oversize items are arranged chronologically. Included in the miscellaneous series are printed material and photographs.","Egbert Watson Magruder was born on October\n         25, 1868, in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Anne Evalina (Norris) Magruder . After his\n         early education in public and private schools, he entered \n          Hampden-Sydney College in 1887, and\n         received his B.A. degree in 1891. He completed courses in\n         chemistry at the \n          University of Virginia, and entered \n          Johns Hopkins University in 1892, where he\n         was assistant in the department of chemistry during his last\n         two years. Afterwards, he received an appointment to the \n          Mississippi College of Agriculture . For\n         approximately fifteen years, until his resignation in 1915, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was the Chief\n         Chemist and Pure Food Expert of the \n          State Department of Agriculture . During\n         part of this time, he was also director of the \n          Virginia Test Farm at \n          Saxe, Charlotte County . In 1915, he\n         accepted an offer to become the Chief Chemist of the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia, where his duties\n         included taking charge of all chemical laboratories, and\n         performing analytical and investigation work.","On Novermber 8, 1916, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder married the former \n          Frances Byrd Alvey of \n          Richmond, Virginia . \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was a member of the\n         Board of Visitors of \n          Virginia Polytechnic Institute, \n          Blacksburg, Virginia, the \n          American Chemical Society, \n          Association of Official Agricultural\n         Chemists, \n          Virginia Academy of Science, and \n          American Society of Agronomy, as well as\n         being a member of the following clubs: \n          Virginia Chemists' Club, \n          Hampton Roads Chemists' Club (as one of\n         the organizers and first president of each), the \n          Kiwanis Club, \n          Norfolk Country Club, and the \n          Norfolk Town Club . In addition, he wrote\n         numerous articles on agricultural chemistry and agriculture,\n         including such topics as the manufacture and use of commercial\n         fertilizer, the cultivation of wheat and tobacco, and food and\n         food adulterations. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder owned a farm of ca.\n         100 acres at \n          Dry Bridge, Chesterfield County; he\n         remained with the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company until his\n         death in 1945.","Horatio \"Rashe\" Erskine Magruder was born\n         on September 8, 1846 in \n          Albemarle County, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . He was\n         educated in private country neighborhood schools before\n         entering the \n          Confederate Army at age seventeen in 1864.\n         He served in the \n          Rockbridge Artillery of Stonewall\n         Jackson's old Brigade, and took part in the battles of The \n          Wilderness and \n          Spotsylvania Courthouse. He was captured,\n         and imprisoned at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland; after a lengthy\n         illness in prison, he was exchanged, and returned to General \n          Robert E. Lee 's army in 1865 after his\n         recuperation. He was in the retreat of the \n          Confederate Army to \n          Appomattox .","After the war, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder attended the \n          University of Virginia, studying Latin,\n         Modern Languages, and Mathematics. He returned to \"Glenmore,\" the family home, where he\n         formed a partnership with his father, and eventually took over\n         management of the plantation. He was one of the most prominent\n         farmers in \n          Albemarle County . \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder married his\n         cousin, \n          Julia May Chewning, of \"Island Home,\" \n          Albemarle County, on December 12, 1894.\n         He was a member of the vestry of \n          Grace Episcopal Church in \n          Cismont, the \n          American Clan Gregor Society, and\n         president of the \n          Monticello Wine Company of \n          Charlottesville and the \n          Albemarle Mutual Fire Insurance Company .\n         He died on January 19, 1924 at \"Glenmore.\"","John Bowie Magruder was born on November\n         10, 1839, in \n          Albemarle County, the eldest son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . After\n         graduating from the \n          Albemarle Military Academy, he entered\n         the \n          University of Virginia, where he received\n         his M.A. degree in 1860. In the spring of 1861, he took a\n         special three-month military course at the \n          Virginia Military Institute in \n          Lexington, and raised a company in \n          Albemarle County known as the \n          Rivanna Guards . As captain, he took the\n         company to \n          Richmond in June 1861 where they were\n         mustered in with the \n          57th Regiment under \n          Lewis A. Armistead . He was promoted to\n         Colonel after the Battle of \n          Fredericksburg on December 22, 1862. He\n         was wounded during Pickett's Charge in the battle of \n          Gettysburg July 3, 1863, and carried to a\n         hospital near the battlefield where he died on July 5th.","This collection consists of ca. 2988 items (10 Hollinger\n         boxes and oversize items), ca. 1787-1945, pertaining chiefly\n         to the career of \n          Egbert Watson Magruder as an agricultural\n         chemist for the \n          Department of Agriculture of Virginia and,\n         later, for the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia . Included are\n         correspondence, reports, articles and speeches, laboratory\n         data, architectural drawings and blueprints, printed material,\n         and photographs. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder collected material,\n         18981945, on various subjects related to the different aspects\n         of his work, including agriculture, chemistry, chemists'\n         associations, fertilizer, horticulture, livestock, and\n         mineralogy. Also included are \n          Magruder family papers, consisting of\n         correspondence, legal and business papers, plats and surveys,\n         and related papers. Topics or items of interest include\n         several letters,1861-1863, from \n          John Bowie Magruder during his service in\n         the \n          Confederate Army during the Civil War\n         describing several battles, including \n          Fredericksburg and \n          Suffolk, and camp life at \n          Fort Dillard, \n          Fort Drury (near \n          Fredericksburg), and on White Marsh Road\n         near \n          Suffolk; an 1861 account book kept by \n          John Bowie Magruder for the \n          Rivanna Guards; a letter, October 17,\n         1864, to \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder from his son, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder while a prisoner\n         at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland, during the war;\n         papers pertaining to the purchase of \"Glenmore\"; papers concerning various \n          Virginia estates such as \"Edgehill\" and \"Glenmore\" in \n          Albemarle County, \"Blenheim\" in Caroline County, \"Union Mills\" in \n          Fluvanna County, and \"River Bend\" in \n          Spotsylvania County; an account book from\n         the Charlottesville Grange; and genealogical\n         and biographical information for the Magruder family and allied families.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["2733-b"],"unitid_tesim":["2733-b"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was donated to the Library on February 19, 1985, by: \n             R. Gregory Magruder, Evalina Magruder, Allaville Magruder, and Elizabeth Henshaw , all of Charlottesville, Virginia; Frances Lummis Lloyd of  Longmont, Colorado; Lt. Col. Mason M. Lummis of Alexandria, Virginia; and, Gen. Carter B. Magruder of Arlington, Virginia ."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is divided into six series: I. Correspondence; II. Family and Personal Papers; III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers; IV. Miscellaneous; V. Bound Volumes; and Oversize. Folders are arranged alphabetically within each series. Oversize items are arranged chronologically. Included in the miscellaneous series are printed material and photographs.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is divided into six series: I. Correspondence; II. Family and Personal Papers; III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers; IV. Miscellaneous; V. Bound Volumes; and Oversize. Folders are arranged alphabetically within each series. Oversize items are arranged chronologically. Included in the miscellaneous series are printed material and photographs."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n          Egbert Watson Magruder was born on October\n         25, 1868, in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Anne Evalina (Norris) Magruder . After his\n         early education in public and private schools, he entered \n          Hampden-Sydney College in 1887, and\n         received his B.A. degree in 1891. He completed courses in\n         chemistry at the \n          University of Virginia, and entered \n          Johns Hopkins University in 1892, where he\n         was assistant in the department of chemistry during his last\n         two years. Afterwards, he received an appointment to the \n          Mississippi College of Agriculture . For\n         approximately fifteen years, until his resignation in 1915, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was the Chief\n         Chemist and Pure Food Expert of the \n          State Department of Agriculture . During\n         part of this time, he was also director of the \n          Virginia Test Farm at \n          Saxe, Charlotte County . In 1915, he\n         accepted an offer to become the Chief Chemist of the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia, where his duties\n         included taking charge of all chemical laboratories, and\n         performing analytical and investigation work.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn Novermber 8, 1916, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder married the former \n          Frances Byrd Alvey of \n          Richmond, Virginia . \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was a member of the\n         Board of Visitors of \n          Virginia Polytechnic Institute, \n          Blacksburg, Virginia, the \n          American Chemical Society, \n          Association of Official Agricultural\n         Chemists, \n          Virginia Academy of Science, and \n          American Society of Agronomy, as well as\n         being a member of the following clubs: \n          Virginia Chemists' Club, \n          Hampton Roads Chemists' Club (as one of\n         the organizers and first president of each), the \n          Kiwanis Club, \n          Norfolk Country Club, and the \n          Norfolk Town Club . In addition, he wrote\n         numerous articles on agricultural chemistry and agriculture,\n         including such topics as the manufacture and use of commercial\n         fertilizer, the cultivation of wheat and tobacco, and food and\n         food adulterations. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder owned a farm of ca.\n         100 acres at \n          Dry Bridge, Chesterfield County; he\n         remained with the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company until his\n         death in 1945.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\n          Horatio \"Rashe\" Erskine Magruder was born\n         on September 8, 1846 in \n          Albemarle County, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . He was\n         educated in private country neighborhood schools before\n         entering the \n          Confederate Army at age seventeen in 1864.\n         He served in the \n          Rockbridge Artillery of Stonewall\n         Jackson's old Brigade, and took part in the battles of The \n          Wilderness and \n          Spotsylvania Courthouse. He was captured,\n         and imprisoned at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland; after a lengthy\n         illness in prison, he was exchanged, and returned to General \n          Robert E. Lee 's army in 1865 after his\n         recuperation. He was in the retreat of the \n          Confederate Army to \n          Appomattox .\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter the war, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder attended the \n          University of Virginia, studying Latin,\n         Modern Languages, and Mathematics. He returned to \"Glenmore,\" the family home, where he\n         formed a partnership with his father, and eventually took over\n         management of the plantation. He was one of the most prominent\n         farmers in \n          Albemarle County . \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder married his\n         cousin, \n          Julia May Chewning, of \"Island Home,\" \n          Albemarle County, on December 12, 1894.\n         He was a member of the vestry of \n          Grace Episcopal Church in \n          Cismont, the \n          American Clan Gregor Society, and\n         president of the \n          Monticello Wine Company of \n          Charlottesville and the \n          Albemarle Mutual Fire Insurance Company .\n         He died on January 19, 1924 at \"Glenmore.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\n          John Bowie Magruder was born on November\n         10, 1839, in \n          Albemarle County, the eldest son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . After\n         graduating from the \n          Albemarle Military Academy, he entered\n         the \n          University of Virginia, where he received\n         his M.A. degree in 1860. In the spring of 1861, he took a\n         special three-month military course at the \n          Virginia Military Institute in \n          Lexington, and raised a company in \n          Albemarle County known as the \n          Rivanna Guards . As captain, he took the\n         company to \n          Richmond in June 1861 where they were\n         mustered in with the \n          57th Regiment under \n          Lewis A. Armistead . He was promoted to\n         Colonel after the Battle of \n          Fredericksburg on December 22, 1862. He\n         was wounded during Pickett's Charge in the battle of \n          Gettysburg July 3, 1863, and carried to a\n         hospital near the battlefield where he died on July 5th.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Egbert Watson Magruder was born on October\n         25, 1868, in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Anne Evalina (Norris) Magruder . After his\n         early education in public and private schools, he entered \n          Hampden-Sydney College in 1887, and\n         received his B.A. degree in 1891. He completed courses in\n         chemistry at the \n          University of Virginia, and entered \n          Johns Hopkins University in 1892, where he\n         was assistant in the department of chemistry during his last\n         two years. Afterwards, he received an appointment to the \n          Mississippi College of Agriculture . For\n         approximately fifteen years, until his resignation in 1915, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was the Chief\n         Chemist and Pure Food Expert of the \n          State Department of Agriculture . During\n         part of this time, he was also director of the \n          Virginia Test Farm at \n          Saxe, Charlotte County . In 1915, he\n         accepted an offer to become the Chief Chemist of the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia, where his duties\n         included taking charge of all chemical laboratories, and\n         performing analytical and investigation work.","On Novermber 8, 1916, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder married the former \n          Frances Byrd Alvey of \n          Richmond, Virginia . \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was a member of the\n         Board of Visitors of \n          Virginia Polytechnic Institute, \n          Blacksburg, Virginia, the \n          American Chemical Society, \n          Association of Official Agricultural\n         Chemists, \n          Virginia Academy of Science, and \n          American Society of Agronomy, as well as\n         being a member of the following clubs: \n          Virginia Chemists' Club, \n          Hampton Roads Chemists' Club (as one of\n         the organizers and first president of each), the \n          Kiwanis Club, \n          Norfolk Country Club, and the \n          Norfolk Town Club . In addition, he wrote\n         numerous articles on agricultural chemistry and agriculture,\n         including such topics as the manufacture and use of commercial\n         fertilizer, the cultivation of wheat and tobacco, and food and\n         food adulterations. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder owned a farm of ca.\n         100 acres at \n          Dry Bridge, Chesterfield County; he\n         remained with the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company until his\n         death in 1945.","Horatio \"Rashe\" Erskine Magruder was born\n         on September 8, 1846 in \n          Albemarle County, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . He was\n         educated in private country neighborhood schools before\n         entering the \n          Confederate Army at age seventeen in 1864.\n         He served in the \n          Rockbridge Artillery of Stonewall\n         Jackson's old Brigade, and took part in the battles of The \n          Wilderness and \n          Spotsylvania Courthouse. He was captured,\n         and imprisoned at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland; after a lengthy\n         illness in prison, he was exchanged, and returned to General \n          Robert E. Lee 's army in 1865 after his\n         recuperation. He was in the retreat of the \n          Confederate Army to \n          Appomattox .","After the war, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder attended the \n          University of Virginia, studying Latin,\n         Modern Languages, and Mathematics. He returned to \"Glenmore,\" the family home, where he\n         formed a partnership with his father, and eventually took over\n         management of the plantation. He was one of the most prominent\n         farmers in \n          Albemarle County . \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder married his\n         cousin, \n          Julia May Chewning, of \"Island Home,\" \n          Albemarle County, on December 12, 1894.\n         He was a member of the vestry of \n          Grace Episcopal Church in \n          Cismont, the \n          American Clan Gregor Society, and\n         president of the \n          Monticello Wine Company of \n          Charlottesville and the \n          Albemarle Mutual Fire Insurance Company .\n         He died on January 19, 1924 at \"Glenmore.\"","John Bowie Magruder was born on November\n         10, 1839, in \n          Albemarle County, the eldest son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . After\n         graduating from the \n          Albemarle Military Academy, he entered\n         the \n          University of Virginia, where he received\n         his M.A. degree in 1860. In the spring of 1861, he took a\n         special three-month military course at the \n          Virginia Military Institute in \n          Lexington, and raised a company in \n          Albemarle County known as the \n          Rivanna Guards . As captain, he took the\n         company to \n          Richmond in June 1861 where they were\n         mustered in with the \n          57th Regiment under \n          Lewis A. Armistead . He was promoted to\n         Colonel after the Battle of \n          Fredericksburg on December 22, 1862. He\n         was wounded during Pickett's Charge in the battle of \n          Gettysburg July 3, 1863, and carried to a\n         hospital near the battlefield where he died on July 5th."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. 2988 items (10 Hollinger\n         boxes and oversize items), ca. 1787-1945, pertaining chiefly\n         to the career of \n          Egbert Watson Magruder as an agricultural\n         chemist for the \n          Department of Agriculture of Virginia and,\n         later, for the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia . Included are\n         correspondence, reports, articles and speeches, laboratory\n         data, architectural drawings and blueprints, printed material,\n         and photographs. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder collected material,\n         18981945, on various subjects related to the different aspects\n         of his work, including agriculture, chemistry, chemists'\n         associations, fertilizer, horticulture, livestock, and\n         mineralogy. Also included are \n          Magruder family papers, consisting of\n         correspondence, legal and business papers, plats and surveys,\n         and related papers. Topics or items of interest include\n         several letters,1861-1863, from \n          John Bowie Magruder during his service in\n         the \n          Confederate Army during the Civil War\n         describing several battles, including \n          Fredericksburg and \n          Suffolk, and camp life at \n          Fort Dillard, \n          Fort Drury (near \n          Fredericksburg), and on White Marsh Road\n         near \n          Suffolk; an 1861 account book kept by \n          John Bowie Magruder for the \n          Rivanna Guards; a letter, October 17,\n         1864, to \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder from his son, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder while a prisoner\n         at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland, during the war;\n         papers pertaining to the purchase of \"Glenmore\"; papers concerning various \n          Virginia estates such as \"Edgehill\" and \"Glenmore\" in \n          Albemarle County, \"Blenheim\" in Caroline County, \"Union Mills\" in \n          Fluvanna County, and \"River Bend\" in \n          Spotsylvania County; an account book from\n         the Charlottesville Grange; and genealogical\n         and biographical information for the Magruder family and allied families.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 2988 items (10 Hollinger\n         boxes and oversize items), ca. 1787-1945, pertaining chiefly\n         to the career of \n          Egbert Watson Magruder as an agricultural\n         chemist for the \n          Department of Agriculture of Virginia and,\n         later, for the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia . Included are\n         correspondence, reports, articles and speeches, laboratory\n         data, architectural drawings and blueprints, printed material,\n         and photographs. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder collected material,\n         18981945, on various subjects related to the different aspects\n         of his work, including agriculture, chemistry, chemists'\n         associations, fertilizer, horticulture, livestock, and\n         mineralogy. Also included are \n          Magruder family papers, consisting of\n         correspondence, legal and business papers, plats and surveys,\n         and related papers. Topics or items of interest include\n         several letters,1861-1863, from \n          John Bowie Magruder during his service in\n         the \n          Confederate Army during the Civil War\n         describing several battles, including \n          Fredericksburg and \n          Suffolk, and camp life at \n          Fort Dillard, \n          Fort Drury (near \n          Fredericksburg), and on White Marsh Road\n         near \n          Suffolk; an 1861 account book kept by \n          John Bowie Magruder for the \n          Rivanna Guards; a letter, October 17,\n         1864, to \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder from his son, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder while a prisoner\n         at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland, during the war;\n         papers pertaining to the purchase of \"Glenmore\"; papers concerning various \n          Virginia estates such as \"Edgehill\" and \"Glenmore\" in \n          Albemarle County, \"Blenheim\" in Caroline County, \"Union Mills\" in \n          Fluvanna County, and \"River Bend\" in \n          Spotsylvania County; an account book from\n         the Charlottesville Grange; and genealogical\n         and biographical information for the Magruder family and allied families."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":118,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:42:26.833Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00036_c03_c59"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c02_c1549","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Weekly stock reports on amount of Low Moor\n iron on hand, 1919","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c02_c1549#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c02_c1549","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c02_c1549"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c02_c1549","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c02","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Records"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"Weekly stock reports on amount of Low Moor\n                  iron on hand","title_ssm":["Weekly stock reports on amount of Low Moor\n iron on hand"],"title_tesim":["Weekly stock reports on amount of Low Moor\n iron on hand"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Weekly stock reports on amount of Low Moor\n iron on hand, 1919"],"text":["Weekly stock reports on amount of Low Moor\n iron on hand, 1919","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Records","box Box 228"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Records"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Records"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1919"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1919"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":1733,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 228"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1919],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#1548","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c02_c1549"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47_c02","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Wells, Gurnie, 1914/1930","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47_c02#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47_c02","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47_c02"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47_c02","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47","parent_ssim":["Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971","Series III. Naturalists Biographical Files, 1825/1971","Subseries B. Alphabetical Files, 1836/1971","We-Z"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47"],"title_filing_ssi":"Wells, Gurnie","title_ssm":["Wells, Gurnie"],"title_tesim":["Wells, Gurnie"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Wells, Gurnie, 1914/1930"],"text":["Wells, Gurnie, 1914/1930","Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971","Series III. Naturalists Biographical Files, 1825/1971","Subseries B. Alphabetical Files, 1836/1971","We-Z"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971","Series III. Naturalists Biographical Files, 1825/1971","Subseries B. Alphabetical Files, 1836/1971","We-Z"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971","Series III. Naturalists Biographical Files, 1825/1971","Subseries B. Alphabetical Files, 1836/1971","We-Z"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1914/1930"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1914-1930, n.d."],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[4],"sort_isi":1126,"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#1/components#46/components#1","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:15:10.651Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1363.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Bailey-Law Collection","title_ssm":["Bailey-Law Collection"],"title_tesim":["Bailey-Law Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1825-1971"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1825-1971"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1825/1971"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971"],"text":["Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971","Ms.1982.002","Ornithology","Science and Technology","The collection is open for research.","Some of this collection has been digitized and is available online.","Born in East Orange, New Jersey on October 13, 1878, Harold Harris Bailey was the son of Harold Balch Bailey and Lillie Adams Taylor. As a child, Bailey moved with his parents to Newport News, Virginia, and in 1906, he married Ida Margaret Eschenburg. Bailey worked as a naval architect and ship broker, perhaps while living in California, then returned to Newport News. He served four years as game inspector for Virginia and Maryland before resigning in 1918 to devote all of his time to the management of his farm on the James River in Virginia. Meanwhile, inheriting an interest in ornithology from his father, Bailey had published The Birds of Virginia in 1913.","Bailey moved with his wife and children to Miami, Florida, where he worked with the Bureau of Biological Survey and published The Birds of Florida in 1925. During his years in Florida, Bailey was instrumental in the establishment of Everglades National Park.","In 1937, Bailey married Laura Beatty Law, and the couple in 1942 moved with their extensive collections to Goshen, Virginia, where they renovated the abandoned Rockbridge Alum Springs mineral spa and established the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. In 1961, Bailey established the Bailey Research Trust (later the Bailey Wildlife Foundation). Following Harold Bailey's death on July 24, 1962, Laura Bailey oversaw curatorial duties for the collection and presented it to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in 1969. She died in Lexington, Virginia on September 18, 1975.","John Eugene Law, son of John and Katherine E. Law, was born in Forest City, Iowa, on August 26, 1877. After graduating from high school in Perry, Iowa, Law attended the University of Wisconsin and Stanford University. Obtaining an A. B. in 1900, he held a series of bank positions in Pomona and Hollywood, California for the next several years before retiring from business in 1914. In 1919, he joined the California Museum of Vertebrate Zoology. Paid one dollar a year, Law served first as a curator in osteology and later as a curator in ptilology.","Though he conducted considerable research (particularly in California and the Chiricahua Mountains of Arizona), published a number of papers and amassed a sizable collection of specimens, a great portion of Law's time was devoted to administrative duties for the Western Bird-banding Association and, to a greater extent, the Cooper Ornithological Club. He joined the COC in 1900 and would hold several key positions (Southern Division president, 1905, 1913-1915; vice-president, 1916-1917; secretary, 1906-1912; business manager, 1907-1925; president, board of governors, 1925).","Law married Laura Mauldin Beatty (1886-1975) in Los Angeles on January 20, 1915. Sharing an interest in ornithology, the couple often performed field work together, especially in bird-banding. John Eugene Law died on November 14, 1931. In 1937, Laura Beatty Law married another ornithologist, Harold Bailey.","The guide to the Bailey-Law Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/).","The processing, arrangement and description of the Bailey-Law Collection commenced in June 2009 and was completed in October 2009.","Books from the Bailey-Law Collection may be found by performing a keyword search on \"Bailey-Law Collection\" in the library's online catalog.","The extensive collection of bird skins, bird eggs, and mammal skins amassed by Law and Bailey were given to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University's Department of Biology in 1969. In 1990, the collection was transferred to the Virginia Tech branch of the Virginia Museum of Natural History. When the branch closed in 2003, most of the collection was transferred to the Virginia Museum of Natural History in Martinsville; the remainder was retained by Virginia Tech's Department of Biology.","This collection contains the papers of ornithologists John Eugene Law and Harold H. Bailey, including notes on bird species, habitat, and behavior; correspondence; field journals; printed materials; photographs and other images. Among Bailey's papers are files relating to his books, The Birds of Virginia and The Birds of Florida, as well as his operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. Also includes biographical files on hundreds of other naturalists and ornithologists, including such materials as correspondence, writings, photographs, field notes, and biographical sketches.","The collection is organized into the following series:","Series I. John Eugene Law Papers, 1891-1931. This series is arranged in three subseries:","Subseries A. Correspondence, 1902-1930. Most significant among Law's correspondence is a large collection of letters between Law and Joseph Grinnell, director of the University of California's Museum of Vertebrate Zoology. Also included is correspondence with a handful of other naturalists. Arranged by correspondent name.","Subseries B. Subject files, 1912-1930. This subseries, containing mostly handwritten notes, consists of a collection of subject files maintained by Law concerning bird species, behavior and physiology. Included are large files on toxostoma (probably from Law's 1928 article on the curve-billed thrasher) as well as the Chiricahua Mountains of New Mexico, to which Law devoted a number of research trips. Arranged alphabetically by subject matter.","Subseries C. Research and field work, 1891-1931. This subseries includes materials produced by Law while performing ornithological research in the library and the field. Included are a series of research notebooks consisting largely of data gleaned from published sources. Among the field journals also contained in this subseries are notes on bird, nest and egg observations and collections made in California, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin and unidentified locations. Arranged by document type.","Series II. Harold Harris Bailey Papers, 1910-1967. This series is arranged in five subseries:","Subseries A. Correspondence, 1915-1959. This small set of letters relates to ornithology as well as more general matters. Arranged chronologically.","Subseries B. Field and Research Work, 1911-1967. Bailey's field notes are contained in this subseries, as are a collection of bird banding records (which were likely commenced by John Eugene Law before being continued by Bailey), and various materials relating to Bailey's collections, including a case--used by both Bailey and his father--for collecting eggs.","Subseries C. Subject Files, 1910-1953. This brief subseries includes a handful of topics on which Bailey collected materials. Foremost among the topics is Bailey's longstanding, albeit seemingly one-sided, feud with the American Ornithologists' Union and the Cooper Ornithological Club, resulting from Bailey's stance on the 1931 A.O.U. checklist and other matters.","Subseries D. Publications, 1913-1947. Included within these files are materials arising from the publication of Bailey's The Birds of Virginia (1913) and The Birds of Florida (1925). The subseries contains production correspondence, promotional material, and sales records. Also included are correspondence and lists relating to the Bulletin of the Bailey Museum and Library of Natural History, together with sample issues of the publication.","Subseries E. Rockbridge Alum Springs, 1945-1962. Various topics relating to the Baileys' establishment and operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory are contained in this subseries. Included are files on Bailey's attempt to have a flyway lake constructed at the springs, an ongoing battle with trespassing hunters, requests for game and fish stock, the possible acquisition of adjoining lands, and the creation of a naturalists portrait gallery. Throughout the correspondence in this subseries, as elsewhere within the collection, Bailey's letters overflow with vitriol and belligerence, particularly against the academic naturalist establishment. When not criticizing fellow naturalists, he directs barbs against such general topics as the New Deal, the Civil Rights Movement, and communism.","Series III. Naturalists Biographical Files, 1825-1971. Comprising the core of the collection, the biographical files represent the Baileys' attempt to compile reference files on 19th- and 20- century naturalists. (The Baileys had titled the collection the Naturalist Autograph Files, but because the collection comprises more than autographs, it was given a broader title during processing.) The collection contains a broad scope of materials, ranging from correspondence to field notes, biographical sketches, printed materials, and photographs. Included among these are items that the Baileys \"inherited\" from other naturalists, as well as materials on a few individuals not known as naturalists, including letters signed by U. S. President Herbert Hoover and author James Branch Cabell, as well as a painting by artist Carl Moon.","Unique among the materials in this series is an autograph book maintained by Harold Balch Bailey, containing the autographs of notable 19th-century personages, including U. S. presidents and other political leaders; Union Army generals; authors; musicians; and artists. Also among the elder Bailey's papers are some documents regarding a 19th-century Massachusetts militia, including an item signed by John Quincy Adams. Other unusual items include Charles Townsend's file of material on Easter Island and a notebook of natural science observations maintained by Herman Haupt Jr. The series is arranged in two subseries:","Subseries A. Numerical files, 1825-1970. The files in this subseries comprise the Baileys' original \"Naturalist Autograph Files\" and remain as the couple compiled them. Each name is associated with a unique number, and the files are arranged numerically, with two indexes to the collection at the end. Many of the names represented in these files may also be found in Subseries II.","Subseries B. Alphabetical files, 1836-1971. The files in this subseries were compiled from materials found loose within the collection. The items seem to have been intended by the Baileys for their autograph files but had yet to be integrated. The collection includes the same types of materials found in the numbered folders but is arranged alphabetically. Many of the names represented in these files may also be found in Subseries I. At the end of the subseries is a bound set of various collectors' egg catalogs.","Series IV. Printed Material, 1882-1969. This series includes a small selection of printed materials deemed best left with the manuscript collection when other printed materials were transferred to the Rare Book Collection. Most significant among the holdings are materials of the Cooper Ornithological Club / Cooper Ornithological Society and a collection of catalogs offering bird eggs, bird skins, cabinetry, and supplies for ornithologists, naturalists and taxidermists. Arranged by subject matter.","Series V. Images, 1904-1942. This series is arranged by format in two subseries:","Subseries A. Color Plates and Other Illustrations, 1913-1922. This subseries consists largely of color plates detached from various illustrated publications, as well as sets of color prints. Other illustrations and paintings associated with individuals may be found in Series III.","Subseries B. Photographs, 1902-1937. Considering the breadth of Bailey and Law's research and collecting activities during a span of several decades, the collection contains relatively few photographs. Included is are full sets of original photos and half-tones used for Bailey's The Birds of Virginia. The photographs have been divided among the following categories: The Birds of Virginia, nests and eggs, birds, people, exhibits, specimens, and scenery. Included among the scenery are a few photos and postcards of Mountain Lake, the Cascades and Castle Rock in Giles County, Virginia. Photographs made by and of identified naturalists may be found in Series III.","The following maps from the collection were transferred to the Historical Map Collection:\n\nAlleghany County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nBland County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nBotetourt County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nCarroll County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nCraig County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nDelaware - Maryland - Virginia - West Virginia ([S.l.]: Rand McNally \u0026 Co., 1967).\n\nDelaware - Maryland - Virginia - West Virginia ([S.l.]: Rand McNally \u0026 Co., 1972).\n\nDelaware, Maryland, Virginia-West Virginia (San Jose, CA: H. M. Gousha Co., 1973).\n\nFloyd County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nGeological Map of the Dominion of Canada ([Ottawa]: Department of the Interior, 1909).\n\nGeorge Washington National Forest, Virginia-West Virginia ([Washington, DC]: U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1950).\n\nGiles County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nGrayson County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nMap of Mexico (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1916).\n\nMap of the New Balkan States and Central Europe ([S.l.: National Geographic Society, [1914?]).\n\nMaryland, Delaware, District of Columbia, Virginia, and West Virginia Road Map for 1930 (New York: General Drafting Co., 1938).\n\nMillboro, Virginia Quadrangle (Washington, DC: U. S. Geological Survey, 1949).\n\nThe National Geographic Magazine Map of Mexico ([Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1911?]).\n\nPatrick County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1941).\n\nPittsylvania County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1942).\n\nPittsylvania County [subdivisions] (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, [1942?]).\n\nPresenting Your Map of Rockbridge County, Virginia (Portland, OR: Western States Map Company, [n.d.]).\n\nPulaski County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1947).\n\nRoanoke County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nShell Official Road Map of Delaware - Maryland - Virginia - W. Virginia, n.d. (Chicago: H. M. Gousha Co., [1938].\n\nSovereignty and Mandate Boundary Lines in 1921 of the Islands of the Pacific (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1921).\n\nSubdivisions of Roanoke County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, [1940]).\n\nTerritory of Arizona ([Washington, D.C.: Government Land Office], 1903).\n\nTopographical Map of the Guy's Run Iron Lands, Rockbridge Co., Va. (Staunton, VA: Eng. Office of Jed. Hotchkiss, 1878). [reproduction]\n\nWise County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1947).","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","This collection contains the papers of ornithologists John Eugene Law and Harold H. Bailey, including notes on bird species, habitat, and behavior; correspondence; field journals; printed materials; photographs and other images. Among Bailey's papers are files relating to his books, The Birds of Virginia and The Birds of Florida, as well as his operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. Also includes biographical files on hundreds of other naturalists and ornithologists, including such materials as correspondence, writings, photographs, field notes, and biographical sketches.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Bailey, Harold H. (Harold Harris), 1878-1962","Law, John Eugene, 1877-1931","The materials in the collection are in English."],"collection_title_tesim":["Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971"],"collection_ssim":["Bailey-Law Collection, 1825/1971"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.1982.002"],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.1982.002"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["Bailey, Harold H. (Harold Harris), 1878-1962","Law, John Eugene, 1877-1931"],"creator_ssim":["Bailey, Harold H. (Harold Harris), 1878-1962","Law, John Eugene, 1877-1931"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Bailey, Harold H. (Harold Harris), 1878-1962","Law, John Eugene, 1877-1931"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"creators_ssim":["Bailey, Harold H. (Harold Harris), 1878-1962","Law, John Eugene, 1877-1931","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Bailey-Law Collection was obtained in several separate accruals. The lithographed plates from Bailey's The Birds of Florida were donated to Special Collections in 1980. The bulk of the collection, however, was received via transfers from Virginia Tech's Department of Biology in 1982 and from the Virginia Museum of Natural History at Virginia Tech in 2003."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Ornithology","Science and Technology"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Ornithology","Science and Technology"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["15.0 Cubic Feet 36 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["15.0 Cubic Feet 36 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"altformavail_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003ca target=\"_blank\" href=\"https://digitalsc.lib.vt.edu/collections/show/368\"\u003eSome of this collection has been digitized and is available online.\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e  "],"altformavail_heading_ssm":["Existence and Location of Copies"],"altformavail_tesim":["Some of this collection has been digitized and is available online."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBorn in East Orange, New Jersey on October 13, 1878, Harold Harris Bailey was the son of Harold Balch Bailey and Lillie Adams Taylor. As a child, Bailey moved with his parents to Newport News, Virginia, and in 1906, he married Ida Margaret Eschenburg. Bailey worked as a naval architect and ship broker, perhaps while living in California, then returned to Newport News. He served four years as game inspector for Virginia and Maryland before resigning in 1918 to devote all of his time to the management of his farm on the James River in Virginia. Meanwhile, inheriting an interest in ornithology from his father, Bailey had published The Birds of Virginia in 1913.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBailey moved with his wife and children to Miami, Florida, where he worked with the Bureau of Biological Survey and published The Birds of Florida in 1925. During his years in Florida, Bailey was instrumental in the establishment of Everglades National Park.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1937, Bailey married Laura Beatty Law, and the couple in 1942 moved with their extensive collections to Goshen, Virginia, where they renovated the abandoned Rockbridge Alum Springs mineral spa and established the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. In 1961, Bailey established the Bailey Research Trust (later the Bailey Wildlife Foundation). Following Harold Bailey's death on July 24, 1962, Laura Bailey oversaw curatorial duties for the collection and presented it to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in 1969. She died in Lexington, Virginia on September 18, 1975.\u003c/p\u003e  ","\u003cp\u003eJohn Eugene Law, son of John and Katherine E. Law, was born in Forest City, Iowa, on August 26, 1877. After graduating from high school in Perry, Iowa, Law attended the University of Wisconsin and Stanford University. Obtaining an A. B. in 1900, he held a series of bank positions in Pomona and Hollywood, California for the next several years before retiring from business in 1914. In 1919, he joined the California Museum of Vertebrate Zoology. Paid one dollar a year, Law served first as a curator in osteology and later as a curator in ptilology. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThough he conducted considerable research (particularly in California and the Chiricahua Mountains of Arizona), published a number of papers and amassed a sizable collection of specimens, a great portion of Law's time was devoted to administrative duties for the Western Bird-banding Association and, to a greater extent, the Cooper Ornithological Club. He joined the COC in 1900 and would hold several key positions (Southern Division president, 1905, 1913-1915; vice-president, 1916-1917; secretary, 1906-1912; business manager, 1907-1925; president, board of governors, 1925). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLaw married Laura Mauldin Beatty (1886-1975) in Los Angeles on January 20, 1915. Sharing an interest in ornithology, the couple often performed field work together, especially in bird-banding. John Eugene Law died on November 14, 1931. In 1937, Laura Beatty Law married another ornithologist, Harold Bailey.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note - Harold Harris Bailey","Biographical Note - John Eugene Law"],"bioghist_tesim":["Born in East Orange, New Jersey on October 13, 1878, Harold Harris Bailey was the son of Harold Balch Bailey and Lillie Adams Taylor. As a child, Bailey moved with his parents to Newport News, Virginia, and in 1906, he married Ida Margaret Eschenburg. Bailey worked as a naval architect and ship broker, perhaps while living in California, then returned to Newport News. He served four years as game inspector for Virginia and Maryland before resigning in 1918 to devote all of his time to the management of his farm on the James River in Virginia. Meanwhile, inheriting an interest in ornithology from his father, Bailey had published The Birds of Virginia in 1913.","Bailey moved with his wife and children to Miami, Florida, where he worked with the Bureau of Biological Survey and published The Birds of Florida in 1925. During his years in Florida, Bailey was instrumental in the establishment of Everglades National Park.","In 1937, Bailey married Laura Beatty Law, and the couple in 1942 moved with their extensive collections to Goshen, Virginia, where they renovated the abandoned Rockbridge Alum Springs mineral spa and established the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. In 1961, Bailey established the Bailey Research Trust (later the Bailey Wildlife Foundation). Following Harold Bailey's death on July 24, 1962, Laura Bailey oversaw curatorial duties for the collection and presented it to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in 1969. She died in Lexington, Virginia on September 18, 1975.","John Eugene Law, son of John and Katherine E. Law, was born in Forest City, Iowa, on August 26, 1877. After graduating from high school in Perry, Iowa, Law attended the University of Wisconsin and Stanford University. Obtaining an A. B. in 1900, he held a series of bank positions in Pomona and Hollywood, California for the next several years before retiring from business in 1914. In 1919, he joined the California Museum of Vertebrate Zoology. Paid one dollar a year, Law served first as a curator in osteology and later as a curator in ptilology.","Though he conducted considerable research (particularly in California and the Chiricahua Mountains of Arizona), published a number of papers and amassed a sizable collection of specimens, a great portion of Law's time was devoted to administrative duties for the Western Bird-banding Association and, to a greater extent, the Cooper Ornithological Club. He joined the COC in 1900 and would hold several key positions (Southern Division president, 1905, 1913-1915; vice-president, 1916-1917; secretary, 1906-1912; business manager, 1907-1925; president, board of governors, 1925).","Law married Laura Mauldin Beatty (1886-1975) in Los Angeles on January 20, 1915. Sharing an interest in ornithology, the couple often performed field work together, especially in bird-banding. John Eugene Law died on November 14, 1931. In 1937, Laura Beatty Law married another ornithologist, Harold Bailey."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the Bailey-Law Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e  "],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the Bailey-Law Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/)."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Bailey-Law Collection, Ms1982-002, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Bailey-Law Collection, Ms1982-002, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement and description of the Bailey-Law Collection commenced in June 2009 and was completed in October 2009.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement and description of the Bailey-Law Collection commenced in June 2009 and was completed in October 2009."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBooks from the Bailey-Law Collection may be found by performing a keyword search on \"Bailey-Law Collection\" in the library's \u003cextref href=\"https://catalog.lib.vt.edu/\" title=\"online catalog\"\u003eonline catalog\u003c/extref\u003e. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe extensive collection of bird skins, bird eggs, and mammal skins amassed by Law and Bailey were given to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University's Department of Biology in 1969. In 1990, the collection was transferred to the Virginia Tech branch of the Virginia Museum of Natural History. When the branch closed in 2003, most of the collection was transferred to the Virginia Museum of Natural History in Martinsville; the remainder was retained by Virginia Tech's Department of Biology. \u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Archival Material"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Books from the Bailey-Law Collection may be found by performing a keyword search on \"Bailey-Law Collection\" in the library's online catalog.","The extensive collection of bird skins, bird eggs, and mammal skins amassed by Law and Bailey were given to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University's Department of Biology in 1969. In 1990, the collection was transferred to the Virginia Tech branch of the Virginia Museum of Natural History. When the branch closed in 2003, most of the collection was transferred to the Virginia Museum of Natural History in Martinsville; the remainder was retained by Virginia Tech's Department of Biology."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains the papers of ornithologists John Eugene Law and Harold H. Bailey, including notes on bird species, habitat, and behavior; correspondence; field journals; printed materials; photographs and other images. Among Bailey's papers are files relating to his books, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Birds of Virginia\u003c/title\u003e and \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Birds of Florida\u003c/title\u003e, as well as his operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. Also includes biographical files on hundreds of other naturalists and ornithologists, including such materials as correspondence, writings, photographs, field notes, and biographical sketches.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collection is organized into the following series: \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries I. John Eugene Law Papers, 1891-1931. This series is arranged in three subseries:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries A. Correspondence, 1902-1930. Most significant among Law's correspondence is a large collection of letters between Law and Joseph Grinnell, director of the University of California's Museum of Vertebrate Zoology. Also included is correspondence with a handful of other naturalists. Arranged by correspondent name.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries B. Subject files, 1912-1930. This subseries, containing mostly handwritten notes, consists of a collection of subject files maintained by Law concerning bird species, behavior and physiology. Included are large files on toxostoma (probably from Law's 1928 article on the curve-billed thrasher) as well as the Chiricahua Mountains of New Mexico, to which Law devoted a number of research trips. Arranged alphabetically by subject matter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries C. Research and field work, 1891-1931. This subseries includes materials produced by Law while performing ornithological research in the library and the field. Included are a series of research notebooks consisting largely of data gleaned from published sources. Among the field journals also contained in this subseries are notes on bird, nest and egg observations and collections made in California, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin and unidentified locations. Arranged by document type.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Harold Harris Bailey Papers, 1910-1967. This series is arranged in five subseries:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries A. Correspondence, 1915-1959. This small set of letters relates to ornithology as well as more general matters. Arranged chronologically.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries B. Field and Research Work, 1911-1967. Bailey's field notes are contained in this subseries, as are a collection of bird banding records (which were likely commenced by John Eugene Law before being continued by Bailey), and various materials relating to Bailey's collections, including a case--used by both Bailey and his father--for collecting eggs.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries C. Subject Files, 1910-1953. This brief subseries includes a handful of topics on which Bailey collected materials. Foremost among the topics is Bailey's longstanding, albeit seemingly one-sided, feud with the American Ornithologists' Union and the Cooper Ornithological Club, resulting from Bailey's stance on the 1931 A.O.U. checklist and other matters. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries D. Publications, 1913-1947. Included within these files are materials arising from the publication of Bailey's \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Birds of Virginia\u003c/title\u003e (1913) and \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Birds of Florida\u003c/title\u003e (1925). The subseries contains production correspondence, promotional material, and sales records. Also included are correspondence and lists relating to the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eBulletin of the Bailey Museum and Library of Natural History\u003c/title\u003e, together with sample issues of the publication. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries E. Rockbridge Alum Springs, 1945-1962. Various topics relating to the Baileys' establishment and operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory are contained in this subseries. Included are files on Bailey's attempt to have a flyway lake constructed at the springs, an ongoing battle with trespassing hunters, requests for game and fish stock, the possible acquisition of adjoining lands, and the creation of a naturalists portrait gallery. Throughout the correspondence in this subseries, as elsewhere within the collection, Bailey's letters overflow with vitriol and belligerence, particularly against the academic naturalist establishment. When not criticizing fellow naturalists, he directs barbs against such general topics as the New Deal, the Civil Rights Movement, and communism.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Naturalists Biographical Files, 1825-1971. Comprising the core of the collection, the biographical files represent the Baileys' attempt to compile reference files on 19th- and 20- century naturalists. (The Baileys had titled the collection the Naturalist Autograph Files, but because the collection comprises more than autographs, it was given a broader title during processing.) The collection contains a broad scope of materials, ranging from correspondence to field notes, biographical sketches, printed materials, and photographs. Included among these are items that the Baileys \"inherited\" from other naturalists, as well as materials on a few individuals not known as naturalists, including letters signed by U. S. President Herbert Hoover and author James Branch Cabell, as well as a painting by artist Carl Moon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnique among the materials in this series is an autograph book maintained by Harold Balch Bailey, containing the autographs of notable 19th-century personages, including U. S. presidents and other political leaders; Union Army generals; authors; musicians; and artists. Also among the elder Bailey's papers are some documents regarding a 19th-century Massachusetts militia, including an item signed by John Quincy Adams. Other unusual items include Charles Townsend's file of material on Easter Island and a notebook of natural science observations maintained by Herman Haupt Jr. The series is arranged in two subseries:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries A. Numerical files, 1825-1970. The files in this subseries comprise the Baileys' original \"Naturalist Autograph Files\" and remain as the couple compiled them. Each name is associated with a unique number, and the files are arranged numerically, with two indexes to the collection at the end. Many of the names represented in these files may also be found in Subseries II. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries B. Alphabetical files, 1836-1971. The files in this subseries were compiled from materials found loose within the collection. The items seem to have been intended by the Baileys for their autograph files but had yet to be integrated. The collection includes the same types of materials found in the numbered folders but is arranged alphabetically. Many of the names represented in these files may also be found in Subseries I. At the end of the subseries is a bound set of various collectors' egg catalogs.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Printed Material, 1882-1969. This series includes a small selection of printed materials deemed best left with the manuscript collection when other printed materials were transferred to the Rare Book Collection. Most significant among the holdings are materials of the Cooper Ornithological Club / Cooper Ornithological Society and a collection of catalogs offering bird eggs, bird skins, cabinetry, and supplies for ornithologists, naturalists and taxidermists. Arranged by subject matter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Images, 1904-1942. This series is arranged by format in two subseries: \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries A. Color Plates and Other Illustrations, 1913-1922. This subseries consists largely of color plates detached from various illustrated publications, as well as sets of color prints. Other illustrations and paintings associated with individuals may be found in Series III.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSubseries B. Photographs, 1902-1937. Considering the breadth of Bailey and Law's research and collecting activities during a span of several decades, the collection contains relatively few photographs. Included is are full sets of original photos and half-tones used for Bailey's \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Birds of Virginia\u003c/title\u003e. The photographs have been divided among the following categories: \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Birds of Virginia\u003c/title\u003e, nests and eggs, birds, people, exhibits, specimens, and scenery. Included among the scenery are a few photos and postcards of Mountain Lake, the Cascades and Castle Rock in Giles County, Virginia. Photographs made by and of identified naturalists may be found in Series III.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains the papers of ornithologists John Eugene Law and Harold H. Bailey, including notes on bird species, habitat, and behavior; correspondence; field journals; printed materials; photographs and other images. Among Bailey's papers are files relating to his books, The Birds of Virginia and The Birds of Florida, as well as his operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. Also includes biographical files on hundreds of other naturalists and ornithologists, including such materials as correspondence, writings, photographs, field notes, and biographical sketches.","The collection is organized into the following series:","Series I. John Eugene Law Papers, 1891-1931. This series is arranged in three subseries:","Subseries A. Correspondence, 1902-1930. Most significant among Law's correspondence is a large collection of letters between Law and Joseph Grinnell, director of the University of California's Museum of Vertebrate Zoology. Also included is correspondence with a handful of other naturalists. Arranged by correspondent name.","Subseries B. Subject files, 1912-1930. This subseries, containing mostly handwritten notes, consists of a collection of subject files maintained by Law concerning bird species, behavior and physiology. Included are large files on toxostoma (probably from Law's 1928 article on the curve-billed thrasher) as well as the Chiricahua Mountains of New Mexico, to which Law devoted a number of research trips. Arranged alphabetically by subject matter.","Subseries C. Research and field work, 1891-1931. This subseries includes materials produced by Law while performing ornithological research in the library and the field. Included are a series of research notebooks consisting largely of data gleaned from published sources. Among the field journals also contained in this subseries are notes on bird, nest and egg observations and collections made in California, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin and unidentified locations. Arranged by document type.","Series II. Harold Harris Bailey Papers, 1910-1967. This series is arranged in five subseries:","Subseries A. Correspondence, 1915-1959. This small set of letters relates to ornithology as well as more general matters. Arranged chronologically.","Subseries B. Field and Research Work, 1911-1967. Bailey's field notes are contained in this subseries, as are a collection of bird banding records (which were likely commenced by John Eugene Law before being continued by Bailey), and various materials relating to Bailey's collections, including a case--used by both Bailey and his father--for collecting eggs.","Subseries C. Subject Files, 1910-1953. This brief subseries includes a handful of topics on which Bailey collected materials. Foremost among the topics is Bailey's longstanding, albeit seemingly one-sided, feud with the American Ornithologists' Union and the Cooper Ornithological Club, resulting from Bailey's stance on the 1931 A.O.U. checklist and other matters.","Subseries D. Publications, 1913-1947. Included within these files are materials arising from the publication of Bailey's The Birds of Virginia (1913) and The Birds of Florida (1925). The subseries contains production correspondence, promotional material, and sales records. Also included are correspondence and lists relating to the Bulletin of the Bailey Museum and Library of Natural History, together with sample issues of the publication.","Subseries E. Rockbridge Alum Springs, 1945-1962. Various topics relating to the Baileys' establishment and operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory are contained in this subseries. Included are files on Bailey's attempt to have a flyway lake constructed at the springs, an ongoing battle with trespassing hunters, requests for game and fish stock, the possible acquisition of adjoining lands, and the creation of a naturalists portrait gallery. Throughout the correspondence in this subseries, as elsewhere within the collection, Bailey's letters overflow with vitriol and belligerence, particularly against the academic naturalist establishment. When not criticizing fellow naturalists, he directs barbs against such general topics as the New Deal, the Civil Rights Movement, and communism.","Series III. Naturalists Biographical Files, 1825-1971. Comprising the core of the collection, the biographical files represent the Baileys' attempt to compile reference files on 19th- and 20- century naturalists. (The Baileys had titled the collection the Naturalist Autograph Files, but because the collection comprises more than autographs, it was given a broader title during processing.) The collection contains a broad scope of materials, ranging from correspondence to field notes, biographical sketches, printed materials, and photographs. Included among these are items that the Baileys \"inherited\" from other naturalists, as well as materials on a few individuals not known as naturalists, including letters signed by U. S. President Herbert Hoover and author James Branch Cabell, as well as a painting by artist Carl Moon.","Unique among the materials in this series is an autograph book maintained by Harold Balch Bailey, containing the autographs of notable 19th-century personages, including U. S. presidents and other political leaders; Union Army generals; authors; musicians; and artists. Also among the elder Bailey's papers are some documents regarding a 19th-century Massachusetts militia, including an item signed by John Quincy Adams. Other unusual items include Charles Townsend's file of material on Easter Island and a notebook of natural science observations maintained by Herman Haupt Jr. The series is arranged in two subseries:","Subseries A. Numerical files, 1825-1970. The files in this subseries comprise the Baileys' original \"Naturalist Autograph Files\" and remain as the couple compiled them. Each name is associated with a unique number, and the files are arranged numerically, with two indexes to the collection at the end. Many of the names represented in these files may also be found in Subseries II.","Subseries B. Alphabetical files, 1836-1971. The files in this subseries were compiled from materials found loose within the collection. The items seem to have been intended by the Baileys for their autograph files but had yet to be integrated. The collection includes the same types of materials found in the numbered folders but is arranged alphabetically. Many of the names represented in these files may also be found in Subseries I. At the end of the subseries is a bound set of various collectors' egg catalogs.","Series IV. Printed Material, 1882-1969. This series includes a small selection of printed materials deemed best left with the manuscript collection when other printed materials were transferred to the Rare Book Collection. Most significant among the holdings are materials of the Cooper Ornithological Club / Cooper Ornithological Society and a collection of catalogs offering bird eggs, bird skins, cabinetry, and supplies for ornithologists, naturalists and taxidermists. Arranged by subject matter.","Series V. Images, 1904-1942. This series is arranged by format in two subseries:","Subseries A. Color Plates and Other Illustrations, 1913-1922. This subseries consists largely of color plates detached from various illustrated publications, as well as sets of color prints. Other illustrations and paintings associated with individuals may be found in Series III.","Subseries B. Photographs, 1902-1937. Considering the breadth of Bailey and Law's research and collecting activities during a span of several decades, the collection contains relatively few photographs. Included is are full sets of original photos and half-tones used for Bailey's The Birds of Virginia. The photographs have been divided among the following categories: The Birds of Virginia, nests and eggs, birds, people, exhibits, specimens, and scenery. Included among the scenery are a few photos and postcards of Mountain Lake, the Cascades and Castle Rock in Giles County, Virginia. Photographs made by and of identified naturalists may be found in Series III."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe following maps from the collection were transferred to the Historical Map Collection:\n\u003clist\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nAlleghany County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nBland County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nBotetourt County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nCarroll County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nCraig County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nDelaware - Maryland - Virginia - West Virginia ([S.l.]: Rand McNally \u0026amp; Co., 1967).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nDelaware - Maryland - Virginia - West Virginia ([S.l.]: Rand McNally \u0026amp; Co., 1972).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nDelaware, Maryland, Virginia-West Virginia (San Jose, CA: H. M. Gousha Co., 1973).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nFloyd County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nGeological Map of the Dominion of Canada ([Ottawa]: Department of the Interior, 1909).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nGeorge Washington National Forest, Virginia-West Virginia ([Washington, DC]: U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1950).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nGiles County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nGrayson County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nMap of Mexico (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1916).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nMap of the New Balkan States and Central Europe ([S.l.: National Geographic Society, [1914?]).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nMaryland, Delaware, District of Columbia, Virginia, and West Virginia Road Map for 1930 (New York: General Drafting Co., 1938).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nMillboro, Virginia Quadrangle (Washington, DC: U. S. Geological Survey, 1949).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nThe National Geographic Magazine Map of Mexico ([Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1911?]).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nPatrick County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1941).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nPittsylvania County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1942).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nPittsylvania County [subdivisions] (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, [1942?]).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nPresenting Your Map of Rockbridge County, Virginia (Portland, OR: Western States Map Company, [n.d.]).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nPulaski County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1947).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nRoanoke County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nShell Official Road Map of Delaware - Maryland - Virginia - W. Virginia, n.d. (Chicago: H. M. Gousha Co., [1938].\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nSovereignty and Mandate Boundary Lines in 1921 of the Islands of the Pacific (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1921).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nSubdivisions of Roanoke County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, [1940]).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nTerritory of Arizona ([Washington, D.C.: Government Land Office], 1903).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nTopographical Map of the Guy's Run Iron Lands, Rockbridge Co., Va. (Staunton, VA: Eng. Office of Jed. Hotchkiss, 1878). [reproduction]\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e\nWise County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1947).\n\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e  "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Material"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["The following maps from the collection were transferred to the Historical Map Collection:\n\nAlleghany County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nBland County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nBotetourt County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nCarroll County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nCraig County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nDelaware - Maryland - Virginia - West Virginia ([S.l.]: Rand McNally \u0026 Co., 1967).\n\nDelaware - Maryland - Virginia - West Virginia ([S.l.]: Rand McNally \u0026 Co., 1972).\n\nDelaware, Maryland, Virginia-West Virginia (San Jose, CA: H. M. Gousha Co., 1973).\n\nFloyd County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nGeological Map of the Dominion of Canada ([Ottawa]: Department of the Interior, 1909).\n\nGeorge Washington National Forest, Virginia-West Virginia ([Washington, DC]: U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1950).\n\nGiles County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nGrayson County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nMap of Mexico (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1916).\n\nMap of the New Balkan States and Central Europe ([S.l.: National Geographic Society, [1914?]).\n\nMaryland, Delaware, District of Columbia, Virginia, and West Virginia Road Map for 1930 (New York: General Drafting Co., 1938).\n\nMillboro, Virginia Quadrangle (Washington, DC: U. S. Geological Survey, 1949).\n\nThe National Geographic Magazine Map of Mexico ([Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1911?]).\n\nPatrick County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1941).\n\nPittsylvania County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1942).\n\nPittsylvania County [subdivisions] (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, [1942?]).\n\nPresenting Your Map of Rockbridge County, Virginia (Portland, OR: Western States Map Company, [n.d.]).\n\nPulaski County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1947).\n\nRoanoke County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1940).\n\nShell Official Road Map of Delaware - Maryland - Virginia - W. Virginia, n.d. (Chicago: H. M. Gousha Co., [1938].\n\nSovereignty and Mandate Boundary Lines in 1921 of the Islands of the Pacific (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 1921).\n\nSubdivisions of Roanoke County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, [1940]).\n\nTerritory of Arizona ([Washington, D.C.: Government Land Office], 1903).\n\nTopographical Map of the Guy's Run Iron Lands, Rockbridge Co., Va. (Staunton, VA: Eng. Office of Jed. Hotchkiss, 1878). [reproduction]\n\nWise County, Showing the Primary and Secondary Highway Systems (Richmond: Virginia Department of Highways, 1947)."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_f419c7b4e4e2820af0c941b645e14b03\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThis collection contains the papers of ornithologists John Eugene Law and Harold H. Bailey, including notes on bird species, habitat, and behavior; correspondence; field journals; printed materials; photographs and other images. Among Bailey's papers are files relating to his books, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Birds of Virginia\u003c/title\u003e and \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Birds of Florida\u003c/title\u003e, as well as his operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. Also includes biographical files on hundreds of other naturalists and ornithologists, including such materials as correspondence, writings, photographs, field notes, and biographical sketches.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["This collection contains the papers of ornithologists John Eugene Law and Harold H. Bailey, including notes on bird species, habitat, and behavior; correspondence; field journals; printed materials; photographs and other images. Among Bailey's papers are files relating to his books, The Birds of Virginia and The Birds of Florida, as well as his operation of the Rockbridge Alum Springs Biological Laboratory. Also includes biographical files on hundreds of other naturalists and ornithologists, including such materials as correspondence, writings, photographs, field notes, and biographical sketches."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"persname_ssim":["Bailey, Harold H. (Harold Harris), 1878-1962","Law, John Eugene, 1877-1931"],"names_coll_ssim":["Bailey, Harold H. (Harold Harris), 1878-1962","Law, John Eugene, 1877-1931"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Bailey, Harold H. (Harold Harris), 1878-1962","Law, John Eugene, 1877-1931"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":1290,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:15:10.651Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1363_c03_c02_c47_c02"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c414","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Wellsville, scale: 15.0 (1 copy), 1904/1936","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c414#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c414","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c414"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c414","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","parent_ssim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211"],"title_filing_ssi":"Wellsville, scale: 15.0 (1 copy)","title_ssm":["Wellsville, scale: 15.0 (1 copy)"],"title_tesim":["Wellsville, scale: 15.0 (1 copy)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Wellsville, scale: 15.0 (1 copy), 1904/1936"],"text":["Wellsville, scale: 15.0 (1 copy), 1904/1936","Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980","Box 3"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1904/1936"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1904/1936"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":414,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"containers_ssim":["Box 3"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["No special access restriction applies."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936],"_nest_path_":"/components#413","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:31.832Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_6211.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/199160","title_ssm":["Topographic Maps"],"title_tesim":["Topographic Maps"],"unitdate_ssm":["1891-1989","1900-1980"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1891-1989"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1900-1980"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"text":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980","A\u0026M 1721","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6211","Harrison County (W. Va.)","Raleigh County (W. Va.)","Maps - topographic - U.S.G.S.","Maps.","Topographic maps.","No special access restriction applies.","Topographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc. Due to the collection's diversity in age, information recorded on the maps may vary.","The maps' sizes are given in minutes of 7.5, 15, 20, 30, or 60. The minutes represent the scale and area, with the higher numbers corresponding to a larger area of square mileage. For example, a 7.5 minute series map represents a scale of 1:24,000, while a 15 minute series represents 1:62,500.","Boxes 1-3 include 15 minute quadrangles and larger, and boxes 4-9 include 7.5 minute quadrangles. The two oversize items are 1 degree sheets.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","Topographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","West Virginia Geographical Center","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"collection_ssim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 1721","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6211"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 1721","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6211"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Harrison County (W. Va.)","Raleigh County (W. Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Harrison County (W. Va.)","Raleigh County (W. Va.)"],"places_ssim":["Harrison County (W. Va.)","Raleigh County (W. Va.)"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","West Virginia Geographical Center"],"creators_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","West Virginia Geographical Center"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Maps - topographic - U.S.G.S.","Maps.","Topographic maps."],"access_subjects_ssm":["Maps - topographic - U.S.G.S.","Maps.","Topographic maps."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["2.25 Linear Feet Summary: 2 ft. 3 in. (9 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each; 1 oversize folder, 2 items)"],"extent_tesim":["2.25 Linear Feet Summary: 2 ft. 3 in. (9 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each; 1 oversize folder, 2 items)"],"date_range_isim":[1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo special access restriction applies.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No special access restriction applies."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Topographic Maps, A\u0026amp;M 1721, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Topographic Maps, A\u0026M 1721, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eTopographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc. Due to the collection's diversity in age, information recorded on the maps may vary. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe maps' sizes are given in minutes of 7.5, 15, 20, 30, or 60. The minutes represent the scale and area, with the higher numbers corresponding to a larger area of square mileage. For example, a 7.5 minute series map represents a scale of 1:24,000, while a 15 minute series represents 1:62,500. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBoxes 1-3 include 15 minute quadrangles and larger, and boxes 4-9 include 7.5 minute quadrangles. The two oversize items are 1 degree sheets.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Topographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc. Due to the collection's diversity in age, information recorded on the maps may vary.","The maps' sizes are given in minutes of 7.5, 15, 20, 30, or 60. The minutes represent the scale and area, with the higher numbers corresponding to a larger area of square mileage. For example, a 7.5 minute series map represents a scale of 1:24,000, while a 15 minute series represents 1:62,500.","Boxes 1-3 include 15 minute quadrangles and larger, and boxes 4-9 include 7.5 minute quadrangles. The two oversize items are 1 degree sheets."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_79abe5859281e2c3abcec4f8657f48fa\"\u003eTopographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["Topographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_e3dadab46f2f87e9a417123b4d591e18\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n    "],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","West Virginia Geographical Center"],"names_coll_ssim":["West Virginia Geographical Center"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","West Virginia Geographical Center"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":1177,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:31.832Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c414"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1155","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Westmoreland Club, 1910/1920","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c1155#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1155","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c1155"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1155","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Westmoreland Club","title_ssm":["Westmoreland Club"],"title_tesim":["Westmoreland Club"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Westmoreland Club, 1910/1920"],"text":["Westmoreland Club, 1910/1920","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 335"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1910/1920"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1910, 1920"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":1156,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 335"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#1154","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c1155"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10_c03","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"West Virginia Law License, 1919","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10_c03#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis certificate is a license to practice law in the State of West Virginia given to Oscar C. Kubach, Jr. on July 15, 1919.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10_c03","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10_c03"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10_c03","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10","parent_ssim":["Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939","Series 10. Addendum of 2018/08/02, Photographs, Documents, and Other Material, 1875/1933"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10"],"title_filing_ssi":"West Virginia Law License","title_ssm":["West Virginia Law License"],"title_tesim":["West Virginia Law License"],"normalized_title_ssm":["West Virginia Law License, 1919"],"text":["West Virginia Law License, 1919","Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939","Series 10. Addendum of 2018/08/02, Photographs, Documents, and Other Material, 1875/1933","Box 4a","Object 1","This certificate is a license to practice law in the State of West Virginia given to Oscar C. Kubach, Jr. on July 15, 1919."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939","Series 10. Addendum of 2018/08/02, Photographs, Documents, and Other Material, 1875/1933"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939","Series 10. Addendum of 2018/08/02, Photographs, Documents, and Other Material, 1875/1933"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1919"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["July 15, 1919"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":35,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939"],"containers_ssim":["Box 4a","Object 1"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["No special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1919],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis certificate is a license to practice law in the State of West Virginia given to Oscar C. Kubach, Jr. on July 15, 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This certificate is a license to practice law in the State of West Virginia given to Oscar C. Kubach, Jr. on July 15, 1919."],"_nest_path_":"/components#9/components#2","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:57:54.405Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_480.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/195064","title_ssm":["Oscar Kubach Papers"],"title_tesim":["Oscar Kubach Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["ca. 1815-1939"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["ca. 1815-1939"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1815/1939"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939"],"text":["Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939","A\u0026M 2454","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/480","Honduras","Coal mining - coal companies.","Coal mining.","Mining. SEE ALSO Coal mining.","No special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","This collection of personal, business and financial papers, and photographs reflect Kubach's business interests and employment in West Virginia coal mines, Honduras gold and silver mines, and other activities. The correspondence, concentrated in the years 1885-87, concerns Kubach's responsibilities as secretary-treasurer of the Beury Coal \u0026 Coke Company of Stone Cliff, West Virginia, as well as personal and family matters. There are also thirty-six letters to Kubach written in German from 1818 to 1886. Among the business and financial papers are also several publicity circulars from the Honduras Mining Company, a gold and silver ore venture in which Kubach probably had a financial stake. An index to the correspondence is available.","Addendum of 1978/08/23:","Ca. 1870s-1920s; 5 in. (1 document case).","This addendum includes mounted and loose paper photographs of railroads, settlements, and buildings, and cartes de visite, cabinet cards, mounted photographs, and loose paper photographs of Kubach, Sr., his family, and other unidentified persons.","Addendum of 2018/08/02:","Ca. 1875-1933; 10 in. (1 document case, 5 in.; 2 document cases, 2 1/2 in. each).","This addendum includes photographs, documents, and other material pertaining to Oscar C. Kubach, Sr., Oscar C. Kubach, Jr., and their family. Photographs include cartes de visite, cabinet cards, mounted photographs, and loose paper photographs of members of the Kubach family and other, unidentified persons. Documents include personal and business correspondence (a few items), Masonic certificates and documents, and the Kubach family coat of arms. Also included in this addendum are a large, hand-drawn map of Stone Cliff, WV, Masonic awards, a 1914 Charlestonian yearbook from Charleston High School in Charleston, WV, and other personal effects of Oscar C. Kubach, Sr.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Beury Coal and Coke Company","Cherokee Coal Company","Fayette Coal \u0026 Coke Company","Honduras Mining Company","Hughes Awning Company","Joes Creek Oil \u0026 Gas Company","Kubach, Oscar C.","Moore, Humphrey Coal Co.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939"],"collection_ssim":["Oscar Kubach Papers, 1815/1939"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 2454","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/480"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 2454","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/480"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Honduras"],"geogname_ssim":["Honduras"],"places_ssim":["Honduras"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Kubach, Oscar C.","Moore, Humphrey Coal Co."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Beury Coal and Coke Company","Cherokee Coal Company","Fayette Coal \u0026 Coke Company","Honduras Mining Company","Hughes Awning Company","Joes Creek Oil \u0026 Gas Company"],"creators_ssim":["Kubach, Oscar C.","Moore, Humphrey Coal Co.","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Beury Coal and Coke Company","Cherokee Coal Company","Fayette Coal \u0026 Coke Company","Honduras Mining Company","Hughes Awning Company","Joes Creek Oil \u0026 Gas Company"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Coal mining - coal companies.","Coal mining.","Mining. SEE ALSO Coal mining."],"access_subjects_ssm":["Coal mining - coal companies.","Coal mining.","Mining. SEE ALSO Coal mining."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["1.8 Linear Feet 21 1/2 in. (3 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document cases, 2 1/2 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 1/2 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["1.8 Linear Feet 21 1/2 in. (3 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document cases, 2 1/2 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 1/2 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo special access restriction applies.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eResearchers may access digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the \u003ca href=\"https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Oscar Kubach Papers, A\u0026amp;M 2454, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Oscar Kubach Papers, A\u0026M 2454, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection of personal, business and financial papers, and photographs reflect Kubach's business interests and employment in West Virginia coal mines, Honduras gold and silver mines, and other activities. The correspondence, concentrated in the years 1885-87, concerns Kubach's responsibilities as secretary-treasurer of the Beury Coal \u0026amp; Coke Company of Stone Cliff, West Virginia, as well as personal and family matters. There are also thirty-six letters to Kubach written in German from 1818 to 1886. Among the business and financial papers are also several publicity circulars from the Honduras Mining Company, a gold and silver ore venture in which Kubach probably had a financial stake. An index to the correspondence is available.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nAddendum of 1978/08/23:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCa. 1870s-1920s; 5 in. (1 document case).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis addendum includes mounted and loose paper photographs of railroads, settlements, and buildings, and cartes de visite, cabinet cards, mounted photographs, and loose paper photographs of Kubach, Sr., his family, and other unidentified persons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nAddendum of 2018/08/02:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCa. 1875-1933; 10 in. (1 document case, 5 in.; 2 document cases, 2 1/2 in. each).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis addendum includes photographs, documents, and other material pertaining to Oscar C. Kubach, Sr., Oscar C. Kubach, Jr., and their family. Photographs include cartes de visite, cabinet cards, mounted photographs, and loose paper photographs of members of the Kubach family and other, unidentified persons. Documents include personal and business correspondence (a few items), Masonic certificates and documents, and the Kubach family coat of arms. Also included in this addendum are a large, hand-drawn map of Stone Cliff, WV, Masonic awards, a 1914 Charlestonian yearbook from Charleston High School in Charleston, WV, and other personal effects of Oscar C. Kubach, Sr.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection of personal, business and financial papers, and photographs reflect Kubach's business interests and employment in West Virginia coal mines, Honduras gold and silver mines, and other activities. The correspondence, concentrated in the years 1885-87, concerns Kubach's responsibilities as secretary-treasurer of the Beury Coal \u0026 Coke Company of Stone Cliff, West Virginia, as well as personal and family matters. There are also thirty-six letters to Kubach written in German from 1818 to 1886. Among the business and financial papers are also several publicity circulars from the Honduras Mining Company, a gold and silver ore venture in which Kubach probably had a financial stake. An index to the correspondence is available.","Addendum of 1978/08/23:","Ca. 1870s-1920s; 5 in. (1 document case).","This addendum includes mounted and loose paper photographs of railroads, settlements, and buildings, and cartes de visite, cabinet cards, mounted photographs, and loose paper photographs of Kubach, Sr., his family, and other unidentified persons.","Addendum of 2018/08/02:","Ca. 1875-1933; 10 in. (1 document case, 5 in.; 2 document cases, 2 1/2 in. each).","This addendum includes photographs, documents, and other material pertaining to Oscar C. Kubach, Sr., Oscar C. Kubach, Jr., and their family. Photographs include cartes de visite, cabinet cards, mounted photographs, and loose paper photographs of members of the Kubach family and other, unidentified persons. Documents include personal and business correspondence (a few items), Masonic certificates and documents, and the Kubach family coat of arms. Also included in this addendum are a large, hand-drawn map of Stone Cliff, WV, Masonic awards, a 1914 Charlestonian yearbook from Charleston High School in Charleston, WV, and other personal effects of Oscar C. Kubach, Sr."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_ed3b58955d2d76a8d295f8cf231e7386\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n    "],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Beury Coal and Coke Company","Cherokee Coal Company","Fayette Coal \u0026 Coke Company","Honduras Mining Company","Hughes Awning Company","Joes Creek Oil \u0026 Gas Company"],"names_coll_ssim":["Beury Coal and Coke Company","Cherokee Coal Company","Fayette Coal \u0026 Coke Company","Honduras Mining Company","Hughes Awning Company","Joes Creek Oil \u0026 Gas Company","Kubach, Oscar C.","Moore, Humphrey Coal Co."],"persname_ssim":["Kubach, Oscar C.","Moore, Humphrey Coal Co."],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Beury Coal and Coke Company","Cherokee Coal Company","Fayette Coal \u0026 Coke Company","Honduras Mining Company","Hughes Awning Company","Joes Creek Oil \u0026 Gas Company","Kubach, Oscar C.","Moore, Humphrey Coal Co."],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":43,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:57:54.405Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_480_c10_c03"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c437","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"W. F. C. Fellers - personal\n correspondence, especially about books, 1910/1935","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c437#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c437","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c437"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c437","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"W. F. C. Fellers - personal\n                  correspondence, especially about books","title_ssm":["W. F. C. Fellers - personal\n correspondence, especially about books"],"title_tesim":["W. F. C. Fellers - personal\n correspondence, especially about books"],"normalized_title_ssm":["W. F. C. Fellers - personal\n correspondence, especially about books, 1910/1935"],"text":["W. F. C. Fellers - personal\n correspondence, especially about books, 1910/1935","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 138"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1910/1935"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1910 -1935"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":438,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 138"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#436","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c437"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c425","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Wheeling, scale: 15.0 (1 copy), 1902/1932","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c425#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c425","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c425"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211_c425","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","parent_ssim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211"],"title_filing_ssi":"Wheeling, scale: 15.0 (1 copy)","title_ssm":["Wheeling, scale: 15.0 (1 copy)"],"title_tesim":["Wheeling, scale: 15.0 (1 copy)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Wheeling, scale: 15.0 (1 copy), 1902/1932"],"text":["Wheeling, scale: 15.0 (1 copy), 1902/1932","Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980","Box 3"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1902/1932"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1902/1932"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":425,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"containers_ssim":["Box 3"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["No special access restriction applies."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932],"_nest_path_":"/components#424","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:31.832Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6211","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_6211.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/199160","title_ssm":["Topographic Maps"],"title_tesim":["Topographic Maps"],"unitdate_ssm":["1891-1989","1900-1980"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1891-1989"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1900-1980"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"text":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980","A\u0026M 1721","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6211","Harrison County (W. Va.)","Raleigh County (W. Va.)","Maps - topographic - U.S.G.S.","Maps.","Topographic maps.","No special access restriction applies.","Topographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc. Due to the collection's diversity in age, information recorded on the maps may vary.","The maps' sizes are given in minutes of 7.5, 15, 20, 30, or 60. The minutes represent the scale and area, with the higher numbers corresponding to a larger area of square mileage. For example, a 7.5 minute series map represents a scale of 1:24,000, while a 15 minute series represents 1:62,500.","Boxes 1-3 include 15 minute quadrangles and larger, and boxes 4-9 include 7.5 minute quadrangles. The two oversize items are 1 degree sheets.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","Topographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","West Virginia Geographical Center","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"collection_ssim":["Topographic Maps, 1891/1989, bulk 1900/1980"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 1721","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6211"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 1721","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6211"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Harrison County (W. Va.)","Raleigh County (W. Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Harrison County (W. Va.)","Raleigh County (W. Va.)"],"places_ssim":["Harrison County (W. Va.)","Raleigh County (W. Va.)"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","West Virginia Geographical Center"],"creators_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","West Virginia Geographical Center"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Maps - topographic - U.S.G.S.","Maps.","Topographic maps."],"access_subjects_ssm":["Maps - topographic - U.S.G.S.","Maps.","Topographic maps."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["2.25 Linear Feet Summary: 2 ft. 3 in. (9 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each; 1 oversize folder, 2 items)"],"extent_tesim":["2.25 Linear Feet Summary: 2 ft. 3 in. (9 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each; 1 oversize folder, 2 items)"],"date_range_isim":[1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo special access restriction applies.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No special access restriction applies."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Topographic Maps, A\u0026amp;M 1721, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Topographic Maps, A\u0026M 1721, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eTopographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc. Due to the collection's diversity in age, information recorded on the maps may vary. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe maps' sizes are given in minutes of 7.5, 15, 20, 30, or 60. The minutes represent the scale and area, with the higher numbers corresponding to a larger area of square mileage. For example, a 7.5 minute series map represents a scale of 1:24,000, while a 15 minute series represents 1:62,500. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBoxes 1-3 include 15 minute quadrangles and larger, and boxes 4-9 include 7.5 minute quadrangles. The two oversize items are 1 degree sheets.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Topographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc. Due to the collection's diversity in age, information recorded on the maps may vary.","The maps' sizes are given in minutes of 7.5, 15, 20, 30, or 60. The minutes represent the scale and area, with the higher numbers corresponding to a larger area of square mileage. For example, a 7.5 minute series map represents a scale of 1:24,000, while a 15 minute series represents 1:62,500.","Boxes 1-3 include 15 minute quadrangles and larger, and boxes 4-9 include 7.5 minute quadrangles. The two oversize items are 1 degree sheets."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_79abe5859281e2c3abcec4f8657f48fa\"\u003eTopographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["Topographic maps by the U.S. Geological Survey of various cities and towns in West Virginia. These are quadrangle maps covering four-sided areas bound by parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Contour lines show land shapes and elevation; colors distinguish map features, such as roads, rural areas, woodlands, urban areas, landmark buildings, etc."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_e3dadab46f2f87e9a417123b4d591e18\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. 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