{"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1915\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=420","prev":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1915\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=419","last":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1915\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=420"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":420,"next_page":null,"prev_page":419,"total_pages":420,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":4190,"total_count":4198,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":true}},"data":[{"id":"viu_viu00118_c03_c20","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Wythe County: Early Social\n Life, 1870/1985","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00118_c03_c20#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00118_c03_c20","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00118_c03_c20"],"id":"viu_viu00118_c03_c20","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00118","_root_":"viu_viu00118","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00118_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00118_c03","parent_ssim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","Research Papers of Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00118","viu_viu00118_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"Wythe County: Early Social\n Life","title_ssm":["Wythe County: Early Social\n Life"],"title_tesim":["Wythe County: Early Social\n Life"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Wythe County: Early Social\n Life, 1870/1985"],"text":["Wythe County: Early Social\n Life, 1870/1985","Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","Research Papers of Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley","Box Box 3"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","Research Papers of Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","Research Papers of Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1870/1985"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1870, 1977-1985"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":37,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 3"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#19","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:32:33.870Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00118","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00118","_root_":"viu_viu00118","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00118","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00118.xml","title_ssm":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"title_tesim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"text":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","9232-p","ca. 1,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This collection consists of ca. 1,000 items, 1844\n (1920-1990), including correspondence, personal and\n professional papers, genealogy and local history research\n files, photographs, and printed material, pertaining to the \n Graham, \n Sanders, and \n Tatefamilies, and \n Wythe County, Virginia. Among the\n correspondence are letters, 1955-1956, from \n Agnes Graham Sanders Rileywhile in \n South Africa, and letters from \n Andrew Trigg Sandersand \n Friel Tate Sanderswhile serving as \n U. S. Armyofficers during World War\n II.","Letters, 1955-1956, written by \n Agnes Graham Sanders Rileyfrom \n South Africareveal cultural customs,\n including labor, social, educational, and religious; life for\n the American family; and limited historical and political news\n (due to censorship). \n Edward Thompson Wailes, Ambassador to the\n Union of South Africa, is mentioned in\n letters of August 21 \u0026 25 and September 6, 1955 and\n February 9, 1956. \n Park Riley's education and the school\n system are discussed in letters of September 2 \u0026 6 and\n October 31, 1955 and January 13, 18, \u0026 21, 1956. There is\n mention of the Eisenhowers and/or U. S. politics in letters of\n September 27, October 18, and November 23 \u0026 29, 1955.","Highlights of the letters from South Africa are as follows:\n 1955 Aug 1 \u0026 3 --Onboard R.M.S. \"Queen Mary\" and\n arrival in \n London, England1955 Aug 16 --Near \n Capetown, Cape of Good Hope, South\n Africa, family news1955 Aug 21 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., arrived and taken to\n meet the American Consul, invitation for dinner at the home\n of the American Ambassador who graduated in Herbert's class\n at \n Oak Ridge, legislature in session\n putting hardship on housing conditions1955 Aug 25 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., dined with Ambassador\n Wailes, government in session1955 Sep 2 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., son Park's school\n attire, school run by Christian Brothers1955 Sep 6 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., to \n Margaret Faust, Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes, their own 20th wedding anniversary on August 25,\n British-Boer division, problems of school and housing,\n private school run by Christian Brothers, some customs and\n views in \n South Africa1955 Sep 8 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., strict customs, a\n visit to a Presbyterian church, a school house in \n Pretoriain which Churchill was held\n prisoner during the British-Boer War1955 Sep 21 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., attended a memorial\n for the Battle of \n Britainat the Cathedral, a meeting of\n the \n Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa1955 Sep 27 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., concern for Eisenhower\n and his illness and burdens1955 Oct 12 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., hotel life, being\n invited to so many social functions, Herbert being a public\n figure and probably being transferred to the \n University of Cape Town1955 Oct 18 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., politics -- \n [William Averell] Harriman, weather,\n meeting people from \n Holland1955 Oct 24 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., beauty of jacaranda\n trees, city celebrating its 100th anniversary,\n weather1955 Oct 31 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Park's school work,\n Herbert going to \n Rhodes University1955 Oct-Nov -- \n Livingstone, North Rhodesia, visiting \n Victoria Falls, \n [David] Livingstone's discovery of the\n falls in 1855, wild animals in the game reserve1955 Nov 11 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Herbert at \n Rhodes Universityin \n Grahamstown, English part of the\n Union1955 Nov 17 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., centenary\n celebration--bazaars for charity1955 Nov 23 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., moving to \n Cape Townsoon, \n Mamie's [Eisenhower]troubles1955 Nov 29 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Anglican Church\n service for Americans, Eisenhower's recovery, voting age in\n Kentuckybeing lowered to 181955 Dec 4 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., life in \n South Africa--winter clothes being\n packed, Herbert's talk at the \n South African National Laboratory,\n America-South Africa amateur baseball game1955 Dec 11 -- \n Durban, S.A., traveling to \n Cape Town, from \n Johannesburgto \n Durbanwas a 6,000 foot drop1955 Dec 14-16 -- \n East London, S.A., travelled through\n native reserve country; \n Port Elizabeth, S.A., snake farm,\n pineapple and banana farms, visiting baseball team from\n America1955 Dec 22 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., temporary living\n arrangements near the University1955 Dec 29 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Christmas celebration\n at home and church service1955 Dec 31 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., concern for\n mother1956 Jan 6 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., concern for mother,\n Park's new friends1956 Jan 8 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., \n Nannie Graham's birthday,\n congregational church service1956 Jan 13 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., saw Governor General\n ride to open parliament, problems finding a school for Park\n due to overcrowded conditions1956 Jan 18 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., mails, university\n president's wife got Park in a good school--Anglican1956 Jan 2 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Park's school, less\n American friends here than in \n Pretoria1956 Jan 25 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., view from window of \n Table Mountain, the University, and\n Rhodes Memorial, invited to Parliament--beautiful\n buildings1956 Feb 1 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., plans to return home,\n toured \n Cape Town, a beautiful city1956 Feb 9 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes in town and inviting them to dinner1956 Feb 13 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., went onboard British\n luxury liner Coronia, had luncheon in the dining room of\n the Houses of Parliament (former student's uncle a member\n of Parliament)1956 Feb 20 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., comparison of people\n in \n Pretoriaand \n Cape Town, attended the celebration of\n the World Day of Prayer1956 Feb 27 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., plans to leave for\n home, bought plants to send to \n Kentucky1956 Mar 7 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., heard bad news about \n Charlie Graham, careful not to comment\n on South African politics1957 --Typed manuscript: \"The Republic of \n South Africa\" by \n Agnes S. Riley. History accompanying\n Herbert's slide presentation.","During 1942-1947, \n Andrew Trigg Sanders(1910-) wrote about\n life in \n North Africaduring World War II, general\n news about the war and conditions, and family and other news\n from home. On February 27, 1942, he wrote about camp life\n [probably in North Africa]. During October through December\n 1942, he was at \n Camp Pickett, Virginia, the location of\n new headquarters. During 1943, he wrote from North Africa.\n There are letters revealing his work in the supply section and\n with the Special Services branch, planning athletic and\n entertainment programs, and commenting on Arab lifestyles\n (March 16); mentioning news of a friend \"Jean,\" who had her\n picture taken with \n Walt Disneyand that two Virginia medical\n units are nearby (April 24); discussing organizational changes\n and inquiring about rationing at home (May 17); referring to\n his teaching school, a class for 2nd lieutenants and enlisted\n men (July 9); remarking that recent developments make it\n harder to identify friend or enemy (October 3); and, relating\n news of the death of young Graham, son of Dave and Verna and\n the sale of the Graham farm (October 3, November 10). From\n November 1943 until October 30, 1945, he was in \n Italy. On November 27, 1943, he wrote,\n after arriving, that the people and the country were quite\n different than in \n North Africa, that fruits and nuts were\n plentiful but that there was a shortage of other foods, that\n the land was more fertile but that the destruction greater,\n and that the people were easier to talk to than the French. On\n May 29, 1944, he reported that he was doing special work away\n from his unit and having a chance to see more of the country.\n By June 23, 1944, he returned to his unit and found many\n changes, which he also mentioned in his letter of August 18,\n 1944. In his letter of September 19, 1944, he speculated as to\n when the war would be over and whether they would go to the \n Pacific; mentioned casting his vote for\n Roosevelt; and being sent to \n Romein charge of a group of men going\n there to rest, where he got the chance to tour certain points\n of interest. There are several letters following that discuss\n general news about the war and his family at home. On May 9,\n 1945, he was anxious to hear about the point system and\n expected to remain in \n Naplesfor six or eight months. And, on\n May 25, he wrote that service troops would be the last to\n return home. On July 12, 1945, he wrote that they are now\n preparing equipment for the East, that there were 3,000\n soldiers, civilians, and POWs in one shop, and that he was now\n executive officer. Through the end of 1945, his letters are\n filled with hopes of returning home. There is also a letter,\n January 31, 1947, concerning a training session re: crude\n petroleum.","Letters, 1926-1947, from \n Edwin Hanson Sanders(1871-1948), and\n related correspondence, discuss family and business matters.\n There is a letter, April 5, 1929, from \n Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders(his\n mother) to \n William E. Fultonconcerning family news.\n A letter of August 18, 1933, from Rev. \n H. G. Allendiscusses the death of \n Shipton K. C. Sanders. \n Edwin Hanson Sanderswrote from the \n Department of Agricultureand Immigration,\n discussing breed of cattle and mentioning the effect of the\n war or prospects for war on farm products (November 10, 1939);\n and, giving a comparison of the business boom during the\n Spanish-American War, World War I, and the current one,\n mentioning the growing business activity at Radford with some\n eight thousand working, and commenting on low patriotism,\n partly due to salary conflicts.","Letters, 1924-1925, from \n Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.discuss life at \n Hampden-Sidney. Letters of March 1 and 22\n refer to his bid to an honorary fraternity [ \n The 13 Society], which chose \"all round\n good men,\" who were then only known as members during their\n senior year.","Letters, 1939-1946, from \n Friel Tate Sanders(1915-1959) cover\n chiefly the period during World War II. During February 1943\n through April 1945, he was stationed in China. On March 20, he\n wrote that he arrived at his assigned post and was living in a\n private home and described life there. His letter of July 20,\n 1943 mentioned that the foods were similar, such as new\n potatoes, beans, tomatoes, corn, chicken, and watermelon. On\n July 31, 1944, he has heard good news and broadcasts about the\n Germans and Japanese. On November 28, 1944, he wrote that he\n has been moved to a new station; and, on March 20, 1945, he\n wrote that he is awaiting orders to go home. He wrote, from \n Miami Beach, Florida, on May 18, 1945,\n that the war was over, that he has finished processing and is\n awaiting a new assignment, that some materials are being\n released, such as tires, and that there is a possibility of an\n increase in gas allowance. During June through August 1945, he\n wrote from \n Stuttgart, Arkansas, concerning work and\n continuing studies under the G.I. Bill. Letters of October 31\n and December 19, 1946, are concerned with his marriage to \n Nelda Rose Hunter.","Other correspondents or topics of interest are: \" \n Hollins College\" folder -- \n E. Lee Trinkle(May 24, 1924); \n Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson(October 20, 1930);\n Bessie Carter Randolph, President of \n Hollins College(January 10 and March 5,\n 1938). \"Kentucky, University of\" folder -- \n John Canaday(January 30, 1964), \n Mills E. Godwin, Jr.(November 13, 1969).\n \"Personal Papers\" folders -- \n Leslie Hellermanre method of testing\n stability of diazomium compounds (February 7, 1935); wedding\n announcements and photographs (August 21, 1935); war ration\n book (1943); \n John A. Logan, Jr., President of \n Hollins College(April 5, 1971 and June\n 26, 1974); \n W. R. Chitwood(December 2, 1974); \n Paula P. Brownlee, President of \n Hollins College(July 18, 1981, December\n 4, 1983, and May 5, 1986); and, an obituary/memorial to \n Herbert Parkes Riley(March 22, 1988).\n \"Southwest Virginia\" folder -- \n W. Edwin Hemphill(January 21, 1964); \n Ralph McGill(September 29, 1967); \n William H. Dumont(July 9, 1968); \n John Melville Jennings(January 14, 1970);\n W. R. Chitwood(March 2, 1971; November\n 24, 1975; June 20 \u0026 28, 1985); \n William M. E. Rachel(1971-1972); \n Harrison E. Salisbury(August 20, 1973);\n and \n Paul C. Nagel(September 23, 1985).","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of","Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family","Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"collection_ssim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["9232-p"],"unitid_tesim":["9232-p"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"creator_ssim":["Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family"],"creators_ssim":["Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of","Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was a gift to the Library from Mrs.\n Agnes Graham Sanders Riley of Lexington, Kentucky, on June\n 21, 1990."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["ca. 1,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eGraham, Tate and related\n families Papers, Accession 9232-p, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Graham, Tate and related\n families Papers, Accession 9232-p, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 1,000 items, 1844\n (1920-1990), including correspondence, personal and\n professional papers, genealogy and local history research\n files, photographs, and printed material, pertaining to the \n Graham, \n Sanders, and \n Tatefamilies, and \n Wythe County, Virginia. Among the\n correspondence are letters, 1955-1956, from \n Agnes Graham Sanders Rileywhile in \n South Africa, and letters from \n Andrew Trigg Sandersand \n Friel Tate Sanderswhile serving as \n U. S. Armyofficers during World War\n II.","Letters, 1955-1956, written by \n Agnes Graham Sanders Rileyfrom \n South Africareveal cultural customs,\n including labor, social, educational, and religious; life for\n the American family; and limited historical and political news\n (due to censorship). \n Edward Thompson Wailes, Ambassador to the\n Union of South Africa, is mentioned in\n letters of August 21 \u0026 25 and September 6, 1955 and\n February 9, 1956. \n Park Riley's education and the school\n system are discussed in letters of September 2 \u0026 6 and\n October 31, 1955 and January 13, 18, \u0026 21, 1956. There is\n mention of the Eisenhowers and/or U. S. politics in letters of\n September 27, October 18, and November 23 \u0026 29, 1955.","Highlights of the letters from South Africa are as follows:\n 1955 Aug 1 \u0026 3 --Onboard R.M.S. \"Queen Mary\" and\n arrival in \n London, England1955 Aug 16 --Near \n Capetown, Cape of Good Hope, South\n Africa, family news1955 Aug 21 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., arrived and taken to\n meet the American Consul, invitation for dinner at the home\n of the American Ambassador who graduated in Herbert's class\n at \n Oak Ridge, legislature in session\n putting hardship on housing conditions1955 Aug 25 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., dined with Ambassador\n Wailes, government in session1955 Sep 2 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., son Park's school\n attire, school run by Christian Brothers1955 Sep 6 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., to \n Margaret Faust, Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes, their own 20th wedding anniversary on August 25,\n British-Boer division, problems of school and housing,\n private school run by Christian Brothers, some customs and\n views in \n South Africa1955 Sep 8 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., strict customs, a\n visit to a Presbyterian church, a school house in \n Pretoriain which Churchill was held\n prisoner during the British-Boer War1955 Sep 21 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., attended a memorial\n for the Battle of \n Britainat the Cathedral, a meeting of\n the \n Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa1955 Sep 27 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., concern for Eisenhower\n and his illness and burdens1955 Oct 12 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., hotel life, being\n invited to so many social functions, Herbert being a public\n figure and probably being transferred to the \n University of Cape Town1955 Oct 18 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., politics -- \n [William Averell] Harriman, weather,\n meeting people from \n Holland1955 Oct 24 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., beauty of jacaranda\n trees, city celebrating its 100th anniversary,\n weather1955 Oct 31 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Park's school work,\n Herbert going to \n Rhodes University1955 Oct-Nov -- \n Livingstone, North Rhodesia, visiting \n Victoria Falls, \n [David] Livingstone's discovery of the\n falls in 1855, wild animals in the game reserve1955 Nov 11 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Herbert at \n Rhodes Universityin \n Grahamstown, English part of the\n Union1955 Nov 17 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., centenary\n celebration--bazaars for charity1955 Nov 23 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., moving to \n Cape Townsoon, \n Mamie's [Eisenhower]troubles1955 Nov 29 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Anglican Church\n service for Americans, Eisenhower's recovery, voting age in\n Kentuckybeing lowered to 181955 Dec 4 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., life in \n South Africa--winter clothes being\n packed, Herbert's talk at the \n South African National Laboratory,\n America-South Africa amateur baseball game1955 Dec 11 -- \n Durban, S.A., traveling to \n Cape Town, from \n Johannesburgto \n Durbanwas a 6,000 foot drop1955 Dec 14-16 -- \n East London, S.A., travelled through\n native reserve country; \n Port Elizabeth, S.A., snake farm,\n pineapple and banana farms, visiting baseball team from\n America1955 Dec 22 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., temporary living\n arrangements near the University1955 Dec 29 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Christmas celebration\n at home and church service1955 Dec 31 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., concern for\n mother1956 Jan 6 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., concern for mother,\n Park's new friends1956 Jan 8 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., \n Nannie Graham's birthday,\n congregational church service1956 Jan 13 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., saw Governor General\n ride to open parliament, problems finding a school for Park\n due to overcrowded conditions1956 Jan 18 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., mails, university\n president's wife got Park in a good school--Anglican1956 Jan 2 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Park's school, less\n American friends here than in \n Pretoria1956 Jan 25 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., view from window of \n Table Mountain, the University, and\n Rhodes Memorial, invited to Parliament--beautiful\n buildings1956 Feb 1 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., plans to return home,\n toured \n Cape Town, a beautiful city1956 Feb 9 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes in town and inviting them to dinner1956 Feb 13 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., went onboard British\n luxury liner Coronia, had luncheon in the dining room of\n the Houses of Parliament (former student's uncle a member\n of Parliament)1956 Feb 20 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., comparison of people\n in \n Pretoriaand \n Cape Town, attended the celebration of\n the World Day of Prayer1956 Feb 27 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., plans to leave for\n home, bought plants to send to \n Kentucky1956 Mar 7 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., heard bad news about \n Charlie Graham, careful not to comment\n on South African politics1957 --Typed manuscript: \"The Republic of \n South Africa\" by \n Agnes S. Riley. History accompanying\n Herbert's slide presentation.","During 1942-1947, \n Andrew Trigg Sanders(1910-) wrote about\n life in \n North Africaduring World War II, general\n news about the war and conditions, and family and other news\n from home. On February 27, 1942, he wrote about camp life\n [probably in North Africa]. During October through December\n 1942, he was at \n Camp Pickett, Virginia, the location of\n new headquarters. During 1943, he wrote from North Africa.\n There are letters revealing his work in the supply section and\n with the Special Services branch, planning athletic and\n entertainment programs, and commenting on Arab lifestyles\n (March 16); mentioning news of a friend \"Jean,\" who had her\n picture taken with \n Walt Disneyand that two Virginia medical\n units are nearby (April 24); discussing organizational changes\n and inquiring about rationing at home (May 17); referring to\n his teaching school, a class for 2nd lieutenants and enlisted\n men (July 9); remarking that recent developments make it\n harder to identify friend or enemy (October 3); and, relating\n news of the death of young Graham, son of Dave and Verna and\n the sale of the Graham farm (October 3, November 10). From\n November 1943 until October 30, 1945, he was in \n Italy. On November 27, 1943, he wrote,\n after arriving, that the people and the country were quite\n different than in \n North Africa, that fruits and nuts were\n plentiful but that there was a shortage of other foods, that\n the land was more fertile but that the destruction greater,\n and that the people were easier to talk to than the French. On\n May 29, 1944, he reported that he was doing special work away\n from his unit and having a chance to see more of the country.\n By June 23, 1944, he returned to his unit and found many\n changes, which he also mentioned in his letter of August 18,\n 1944. In his letter of September 19, 1944, he speculated as to\n when the war would be over and whether they would go to the \n Pacific; mentioned casting his vote for\n Roosevelt; and being sent to \n Romein charge of a group of men going\n there to rest, where he got the chance to tour certain points\n of interest. There are several letters following that discuss\n general news about the war and his family at home. On May 9,\n 1945, he was anxious to hear about the point system and\n expected to remain in \n Naplesfor six or eight months. And, on\n May 25, he wrote that service troops would be the last to\n return home. On July 12, 1945, he wrote that they are now\n preparing equipment for the East, that there were 3,000\n soldiers, civilians, and POWs in one shop, and that he was now\n executive officer. Through the end of 1945, his letters are\n filled with hopes of returning home. There is also a letter,\n January 31, 1947, concerning a training session re: crude\n petroleum.","Letters, 1926-1947, from \n Edwin Hanson Sanders(1871-1948), and\n related correspondence, discuss family and business matters.\n There is a letter, April 5, 1929, from \n Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders(his\n mother) to \n William E. Fultonconcerning family news.\n A letter of August 18, 1933, from Rev. \n H. G. Allendiscusses the death of \n Shipton K. C. Sanders. \n Edwin Hanson Sanderswrote from the \n Department of Agricultureand Immigration,\n discussing breed of cattle and mentioning the effect of the\n war or prospects for war on farm products (November 10, 1939);\n and, giving a comparison of the business boom during the\n Spanish-American War, World War I, and the current one,\n mentioning the growing business activity at Radford with some\n eight thousand working, and commenting on low patriotism,\n partly due to salary conflicts.","Letters, 1924-1925, from \n Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.discuss life at \n Hampden-Sidney. Letters of March 1 and 22\n refer to his bid to an honorary fraternity [ \n The 13 Society], which chose \"all round\n good men,\" who were then only known as members during their\n senior year.","Letters, 1939-1946, from \n Friel Tate Sanders(1915-1959) cover\n chiefly the period during World War II. During February 1943\n through April 1945, he was stationed in China. On March 20, he\n wrote that he arrived at his assigned post and was living in a\n private home and described life there. His letter of July 20,\n 1943 mentioned that the foods were similar, such as new\n potatoes, beans, tomatoes, corn, chicken, and watermelon. On\n July 31, 1944, he has heard good news and broadcasts about the\n Germans and Japanese. On November 28, 1944, he wrote that he\n has been moved to a new station; and, on March 20, 1945, he\n wrote that he is awaiting orders to go home. He wrote, from \n Miami Beach, Florida, on May 18, 1945,\n that the war was over, that he has finished processing and is\n awaiting a new assignment, that some materials are being\n released, such as tires, and that there is a possibility of an\n increase in gas allowance. During June through August 1945, he\n wrote from \n Stuttgart, Arkansas, concerning work and\n continuing studies under the G.I. Bill. Letters of October 31\n and December 19, 1946, are concerned with his marriage to \n Nelda Rose Hunter.","Other correspondents or topics of interest are: \" \n Hollins College\" folder -- \n E. Lee Trinkle(May 24, 1924); \n Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson(October 20, 1930);\n Bessie Carter Randolph, President of \n Hollins College(January 10 and March 5,\n 1938). \"Kentucky, University of\" folder -- \n John Canaday(January 30, 1964), \n Mills E. Godwin, Jr.(November 13, 1969).\n \"Personal Papers\" folders -- \n Leslie Hellermanre method of testing\n stability of diazomium compounds (February 7, 1935); wedding\n announcements and photographs (August 21, 1935); war ration\n book (1943); \n John A. Logan, Jr., President of \n Hollins College(April 5, 1971 and June\n 26, 1974); \n W. R. Chitwood(December 2, 1974); \n Paula P. Brownlee, President of \n Hollins College(July 18, 1981, December\n 4, 1983, and May 5, 1986); and, an obituary/memorial to \n Herbert Parkes Riley(March 22, 1988).\n \"Southwest Virginia\" folder -- \n W. Edwin Hemphill(January 21, 1964); \n Ralph McGill(September 29, 1967); \n William H. Dumont(July 9, 1968); \n John Melville Jennings(January 14, 1970);\n W. R. Chitwood(March 2, 1971; November\n 24, 1975; June 20 \u0026 28, 1985); \n William M. E. Rachel(1971-1972); \n Harrison E. Salisbury(August 20, 1973);\n and \n Paul C. Nagel(September 23, 1985)."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of"],"famname_ssim":["Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family"],"persname_ssim":["Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of","Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family","Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":44,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:32:33.870Z","scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. 1,000 items, 1844\n (1920-1990), including correspondence, personal and\n professional papers, genealogy and local history research\n files, photographs, and printed material, pertaining to the \n \u003cfamname\u003eGraham\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003eSanders\u003c/famname\u003e, and \n \u003cfamname\u003eTate\u003c/famname\u003efamilies, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWythe County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Among the\n correspondence are letters, 1955-1956, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAgnes Graham Sanders Riley\u003c/persname\u003ewhile in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e, and letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAndrew Trigg Sanders\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFriel Tate Sanders\u003c/persname\u003ewhile serving as \n \u003ccorpname\u003eU. S. Army\u003c/corpname\u003eofficers during World War\n II.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters, 1955-1956, written by \n \u003cpersname\u003eAgnes Graham Sanders Riley\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003ccorpname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/corpname\u003ereveal cultural customs,\n including labor, social, educational, and religious; life for\n the American family; and limited historical and political news\n (due to censorship). \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Thompson Wailes\u003c/persname\u003e, Ambassador to the\n \u003ccorpname\u003eUnion of South Africa\u003c/corpname\u003e, is mentioned in\n letters of August 21 \u0026amp; 25 and September 6, 1955 and\n February 9, 1956. \n \u003cpersname\u003ePark Riley\u003c/persname\u003e's education and the school\n system are discussed in letters of September 2 \u0026amp; 6 and\n October 31, 1955 and January 13, 18, \u0026amp; 21, 1956. There is\n mention of the Eisenhowers and/or U. S. politics in letters of\n September 27, October 18, and November 23 \u0026amp; 29, 1955.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHighlights of the letters from South Africa are as follows:\n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Aug 1 \u0026amp; 3 --Onboard R.M.S. \"Queen Mary\" and\n arrival in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLondon, England\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Aug 16 --Near \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCapetown, Cape of Good Hope, South\n Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e, family news\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Aug 21 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, arrived and taken to\n meet the American Consul, invitation for dinner at the home\n of the American Ambassador who graduated in Herbert's class\n at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eOak Ridge\u003c/corpname\u003e, legislature in session\n putting hardship on housing conditions\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Aug 25 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, dined with Ambassador\n Wailes, government in session\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 2 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, son Park's school\n attire, school run by Christian Brothers\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 6 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMargaret Faust\u003c/persname\u003e, Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes, their own 20th wedding anniversary on August 25,\n British-Boer division, problems of school and housing,\n private school run by Christian Brothers, some customs and\n views in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 8 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, strict customs, a\n visit to a Presbyterian church, a school house in \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria\u003c/geogname\u003ein which Churchill was held\n prisoner during the British-Boer War\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 21 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, attended a memorial\n for the Battle of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBritain\u003c/geogname\u003eat the Cathedral, a meeting of\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePrebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 27 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, concern for Eisenhower\n and his illness and burdens\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct 12 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, hotel life, being\n invited to so many social functions, Herbert being a public\n figure and probably being transferred to the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Cape Town\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct 18 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, politics -- \n \u003cpersname\u003e[William Averell] Harriman\u003c/persname\u003e, weather,\n meeting people from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHolland\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct 24 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, beauty of jacaranda\n trees, city celebrating its 100th anniversary,\n weather\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct 31 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Park's school work,\n Herbert going to \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRhodes University\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct-Nov -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLivingstone, North Rhodesia\u003c/geogname\u003e, visiting \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVictoria Falls\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003e[David] Livingstone\u003c/persname\u003e's discovery of the\n falls in 1855, wild animals in the game reserve\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Nov 11 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Herbert at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRhodes University\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGrahamstown\u003c/geogname\u003e, English part of the\n Union\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Nov 17 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, centenary\n celebration--bazaars for charity\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Nov 23 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, moving to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town\u003c/geogname\u003esoon, \n \u003cpersname\u003eMamie's [Eisenhower]\u003c/persname\u003etroubles\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Nov 29 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Anglican Church\n service for Americans, Eisenhower's recovery, voting age in\n \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003ebeing lowered to 18\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 4 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, life in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e--winter clothes being\n packed, Herbert's talk at the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eSouth African National Laboratory\u003c/corpname\u003e,\n America-South Africa amateur baseball game\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 11 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eDurban, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, traveling to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town\u003c/geogname\u003e, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eJohannesburg\u003c/geogname\u003eto \n \u003cgeogname\u003eDurban\u003c/geogname\u003ewas a 6,000 foot drop\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 14-16 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEast London, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, travelled through\n native reserve country; \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePort Elizabeth, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, snake farm,\n pineapple and banana farms, visiting baseball team from\n America\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 22 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, temporary living\n arrangements near the University\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 29 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Christmas celebration\n at home and church service\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 31 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, concern for\n mother\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 6 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, concern for mother,\n Park's new friends\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 8 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eNannie Graham\u003c/persname\u003e's birthday,\n congregational church service\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 13 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, saw Governor General\n ride to open parliament, problems finding a school for Park\n due to overcrowded conditions\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 18 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, mails, university\n president's wife got Park in a good school--Anglican\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 2 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Park's school, less\n American friends here than in \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 25 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, view from window of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eTable Mountain\u003c/geogname\u003e, the University, and\n Rhodes Memorial, invited to Parliament--beautiful\n buildings\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 1 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, plans to return home,\n toured \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town\u003c/geogname\u003e, a beautiful city\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 9 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes in town and inviting them to dinner\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 13 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, went onboard British\n luxury liner Coronia, had luncheon in the dining room of\n the Houses of Parliament (former student's uncle a member\n of Parliament)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 20 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, comparison of people\n in \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town\u003c/geogname\u003e, attended the celebration of\n the World Day of Prayer\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 27 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, plans to leave for\n home, bought plants to send to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Mar 7 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, heard bad news about \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharlie Graham\u003c/persname\u003e, careful not to comment\n on South African politics\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1957 --Typed manuscript: \"The Republic of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e\" by \n \u003cpersname\u003eAgnes S. Riley\u003c/persname\u003e. History accompanying\n Herbert's slide presentation.\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring 1942-1947, \n \u003cpersname\u003eAndrew Trigg Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e(1910-) wrote about\n life in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003eduring World War II, general\n news about the war and conditions, and family and other news\n from home. On February 27, 1942, he wrote about camp life\n [probably in North Africa]. During October through December\n 1942, he was at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCamp Pickett, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the location of\n new headquarters. During 1943, he wrote from North Africa.\n There are letters revealing his work in the supply section and\n with the Special Services branch, planning athletic and\n entertainment programs, and commenting on Arab lifestyles\n (March 16); mentioning news of a friend \"Jean,\" who had her\n picture taken with \n \u003cpersname\u003eWalt Disney\u003c/persname\u003eand that two Virginia medical\n units are nearby (April 24); discussing organizational changes\n and inquiring about rationing at home (May 17); referring to\n his teaching school, a class for 2nd lieutenants and enlisted\n men (July 9); remarking that recent developments make it\n harder to identify friend or enemy (October 3); and, relating\n news of the death of young Graham, son of Dave and Verna and\n the sale of the Graham farm (October 3, November 10). From\n November 1943 until October 30, 1945, he was in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eItaly\u003c/geogname\u003e. On November 27, 1943, he wrote,\n after arriving, that the people and the country were quite\n different than in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e, that fruits and nuts were\n plentiful but that there was a shortage of other foods, that\n the land was more fertile but that the destruction greater,\n and that the people were easier to talk to than the French. On\n May 29, 1944, he reported that he was doing special work away\n from his unit and having a chance to see more of the country.\n By June 23, 1944, he returned to his unit and found many\n changes, which he also mentioned in his letter of August 18,\n 1944. In his letter of September 19, 1944, he speculated as to\n when the war would be over and whether they would go to the \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePacific\u003c/geogname\u003e; mentioned casting his vote for\n Roosevelt; and being sent to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRome\u003c/geogname\u003ein charge of a group of men going\n there to rest, where he got the chance to tour certain points\n of interest. There are several letters following that discuss\n general news about the war and his family at home. On May 9,\n 1945, he was anxious to hear about the point system and\n expected to remain in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNaples\u003c/geogname\u003efor six or eight months. And, on\n May 25, he wrote that service troops would be the last to\n return home. On July 12, 1945, he wrote that they are now\n preparing equipment for the East, that there were 3,000\n soldiers, civilians, and POWs in one shop, and that he was now\n executive officer. Through the end of 1945, his letters are\n filled with hopes of returning home. There is also a letter,\n January 31, 1947, concerning a training session re: crude\n petroleum.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters, 1926-1947, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdwin Hanson Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e(1871-1948), and\n related correspondence, discuss family and business matters.\n There is a letter, April 5, 1929, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eShipton Kincannon Curran Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e(his\n mother) to \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam E. Fulton\u003c/persname\u003econcerning family news.\n A letter of August 18, 1933, from Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eH. G. Allen\u003c/persname\u003ediscusses the death of \n \u003cpersname\u003eShipton K. C. Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdwin Hanson Sanders\u003c/persname\u003ewrote from the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eDepartment of Agriculture\u003c/corpname\u003eand Immigration,\n discussing breed of cattle and mentioning the effect of the\n war or prospects for war on farm products (November 10, 1939);\n and, giving a comparison of the business boom during the\n Spanish-American War, World War I, and the current one,\n mentioning the growing business activity at Radford with some\n eight thousand working, and commenting on low patriotism,\n partly due to salary conflicts.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters, 1924-1925, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003ediscuss life at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sidney\u003c/corpname\u003e. Letters of March 1 and 22\n refer to his bid to an honorary fraternity [ \n \u003ccorpname\u003eThe 13 Society\u003c/corpname\u003e], which chose \"all round\n good men,\" who were then only known as members during their\n senior year.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters, 1939-1946, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eFriel Tate Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e(1915-1959) cover\n chiefly the period during World War II. During February 1943\n through April 1945, he was stationed in China. On March 20, he\n wrote that he arrived at his assigned post and was living in a\n private home and described life there. His letter of July 20,\n 1943 mentioned that the foods were similar, such as new\n potatoes, beans, tomatoes, corn, chicken, and watermelon. On\n July 31, 1944, he has heard good news and broadcasts about the\n Germans and Japanese. On November 28, 1944, he wrote that he\n has been moved to a new station; and, on March 20, 1945, he\n wrote that he is awaiting orders to go home. He wrote, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMiami Beach, Florida\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 18, 1945,\n that the war was over, that he has finished processing and is\n awaiting a new assignment, that some materials are being\n released, such as tires, and that there is a possibility of an\n increase in gas allowance. During June through August 1945, he\n wrote from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eStuttgart, Arkansas\u003c/geogname\u003e, concerning work and\n continuing studies under the G.I. Bill. Letters of October 31\n and December 19, 1946, are concerned with his marriage to \n \u003cpersname\u003eNelda Rose Hunter\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOther correspondents or topics of interest are: \" \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003e\" folder -- \n \u003cpersname\u003eE. Lee Trinkle\u003c/persname\u003e(May 24, 1924); \n \u003cpersname\u003eEleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson\u003c/persname\u003e(October 20, 1930);\n \u003cpersname\u003eBessie Carter Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e, President of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003e(January 10 and March 5,\n 1938). \"Kentucky, University of\" folder -- \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Canaday\u003c/persname\u003e(January 30, 1964), \n \u003cpersname\u003eMills E. Godwin, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003e(November 13, 1969).\n \"Personal Papers\" folders -- \n \u003cpersname\u003eLeslie Hellerman\u003c/persname\u003ere method of testing\n stability of diazomium compounds (February 7, 1935); wedding\n announcements and photographs (August 21, 1935); war ration\n book (1943); \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn A. Logan, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003e, President of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003e(April 5, 1971 and June\n 26, 1974); \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. R. Chitwood\u003c/persname\u003e(December 2, 1974); \n \u003cpersname\u003ePaula P. Brownlee\u003c/persname\u003e, President of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003e(July 18, 1981, December\n 4, 1983, and May 5, 1986); and, an obituary/memorial to \n \u003cpersname\u003eHerbert Parkes Riley\u003c/persname\u003e(March 22, 1988).\n \"Southwest Virginia\" folder -- \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. Edwin Hemphill\u003c/persname\u003e(January 21, 1964); \n \u003cpersname\u003eRalph McGill\u003c/persname\u003e(September 29, 1967); \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam H. Dumont\u003c/persname\u003e(July 9, 1968); \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Melville Jennings\u003c/persname\u003e(January 14, 1970);\n \u003cpersname\u003eW. R. Chitwood\u003c/persname\u003e(March 2, 1971; November\n 24, 1975; June 20 \u0026amp; 28, 1985); \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam M. E. Rachel\u003c/persname\u003e(1971-1972); \n \u003cpersname\u003eHarrison E. Salisbury\u003c/persname\u003e(August 20, 1973);\n and \n \u003cpersname\u003ePaul C. Nagel\u003c/persname\u003e(September 23, 1985).\u003c/p\u003e\n "]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00118_c03_c20"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02_c04","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"W-Z, 1888/1934","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02_c04","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02_c04"],"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02_c04","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02","parent_ssim":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988","General index to deeds, 1888/1934"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_4_resources_1693","viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"W-Z","title_ssm":["W-Z"],"title_tesim":["W-Z"],"normalized_title_ssm":["W-Z, 1888/1934"],"text":["W-Z, 1888/1934","Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988","General index to deeds, 1888/1934","GID 4"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988","General index to deeds, 1888/1934"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988","General index to deeds, 1888/1934"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1888/1934"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1888-1934"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":8,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988"],"containers_ssim":["GID 4"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The commitment records in this collection are closed to researchers for 125 years after their creation. There are no access restrictions on the rest of the materials."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The Commonwealth of Virginia may own the intellectual property in some of these records, and there may be restrictions on their reuse and republication."],"date_range_isim":[1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#3","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:00.774Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1693","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_1693.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/202047","title_ssm":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records"],"title_tesim":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1888-1988"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1888-1988"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1888/1988"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988"],"text":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988","MSS.2019.02","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/1693","Charlottesville (Va.)","Municipal government -- Records and correspondence","The commitment records in this collection are closed to researchers for 125 years after their creation. There are no access restrictions on the rest of the materials.","The records in this series are closed to researchers for 125 years after their creation. The commitment records contain sensitive health information about the subjects involved. Access restrictions exist to protect their privacy.","The arrangement of the items in this series remains unchanged from when they were transferred to the University of Virginia Law Library.","The clerks of the Charlottesville Corporation and Circuit Courts arranged the records in the books chronologically. In this series, the books are also arranged chronologically.","An Act of the Assembly of Albemarle County created Charlottesville, Virginia, in 1762. The Commonwealth of Virginia incorporated Charlottesville as a town in 1801, and then as a city in 1888.","Before 1888, the Albemarle County courts had jurisdiction over Charlottesville and managed the town's public records. With its incorporation as a city, Charlottesville gained the authority to establish its own courts and manage public records independent of the county.","In 1889, Charlottesville exercised its new authority by creating a \"Corporation Court.\" The city granted it the powers of both a circuit court and a municipal court as defined by the state government. The Corporation Court had original jurisdiction over misdemeanor and felony cases involving city ordinances and state law. It also had the authority to hear civil cases.","In 1973, the Corporation Court of Charlottesville was dissolved as part of a statewide reorganization of the court system in Virginia. This reorganization led to the creation of the Charlottesville Circuit Court and the Charlottesville District Court, with the powers of the former Corporation Court being divided between these two new entities.","The Clerk's Office of the Corporation Court was responsible for preserving the court's records and other public records as mandated by law. When the Commonwealth of Virginia dissolved the Corporation Court, these responsibilities were transferred to the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Circuit Court.","Copies of many of the records in this series were sent to the Virginia State Corporation Commission. The Library of Virginia preserves copies of the Commission's charter books.","This collection consists of public records initially filed at the clerk's offices of the Charlottesville Corporation and Circuit Courts. They include, but are not limited to the following: corporate charter books, docket books, court memorandum books, liens books, alcohol inventories, commitment records, writs of execution, local election certifications, and property assessment books.","Researchers may find related records at the clerk's office for the Charlottesville Circuit Court. They may also access related records at the Library of Virginia, which manages original and microfilm copies of some documents originally filed with the Clerk of the Corporation Court.","This series consists of loose public records from the first years of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. They include written judgments, summonses, writs of execution, license applications, election certifications, and affidavits.","The Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court created this index to facilitate the discovery of deeds under their care. Deeds are listed in alphabetical order by the name of the parties involved. Each index entry includes the date of the deed, the names of the parties, a brief description of the property, and the location of the record in the Clerk's deed books.","The charter books contain bound legal records documenting the creation, alteration, and dissolution of corporations and business partnerships in Charlottesville. These include charters, articles of incorporation, certificates, and statements of change.","The forms in this series document the commitment of individuals that the Commonwealth of Virginia classified as \"mentally ill\" to public institutions and private facilities.","This series consists of a small amount of records documenting elections in Charlottesvile.","This ledger book records personal property contracts registered with the Clerk of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. At the front of the book, the Clerk's Office indexed the names of the contract parties recorded in the book. After the index, contract entries are recorded in chronological order and include the date of the contract, a description of the contract, and amounts of money related to it.","This book records mechanic's liens filed in the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The Clerk's Office created an index at the front of the book to facilitate discovery.","The Corporation and Circuit Courts of Charlottesville registered their cases in these docket books. Each book entry records a docket number, the attorneys' names, the parties involved, actions, and trial dates.","These books record fees issued by and paid to Charlottesville's Corporation Court.","This book records writs of execution issued by the Corporation Court of Charlottesville and returned by the constable. Entries in the book include the title of the writ, the dates of its issue and return, the amount of money involved, interest, and fees. A writ of execution is a court order directing law enforcement officers to transfer property from one party to another as a result of a legal judgment.","This series contains books that record liens filed in the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The books include a copy of the written lien, court acknowledgment of the lien, and notes about resulting payments and deliveries. This series also contains an index to facilitate the discovery of records in the books.","This ledger lists in chronlogical order indictments and appealed cases in the Charlottesville Corporation Court. Entries include the docket number, term dates, and the names of plaintiffs and defendants. The ledger book was initially published to record registered land titles, but the court clerk repurposed it to document indictments and appealed cases.","During the Prohibition Era, the Commonwealth of Virginia allowed pharmacists and drug stores to sell alcohol as a medicine. In Charlottesville, these licensed merchants were required to report their complete alcohol inventory to the Clerk of the Corporation Court monthly. This file contains some reports that the Clerk's Office preserved after the ratification of the 21st Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.","In these books, the Clerk's Office for the Charlottesville Corporation Court made brief notes about various actions involving the Court, including summonses, subpoenas, and petitions. The Office entered the notes in chronological order.","This ledger book records fines and costs due to the Clerk of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The entries in this book are titled by the name of the person or entity that owes the Clerk's Office and are arranged alphabetically.","The ledgers in this series contain records of delinquent real estate taxes in Charlottesville and the sale of delinquent properties to the Comptroller. Ledger entries include the following information: name of the person assessed, location of the property, a history of tax payments, and the date of sale to the Comptroller.","This file has resources that list delinquent real estate taxes in Charlottesville and the sale of delinquent properties to the Comptroller during the Great Depression. List entries include the following information: names of the persons assessed, the delinquent property, history of tax payments, and property sale dates.","The items in this file document the application and certification of alcohol licenses in Charlottesville, Virginia, a few months before the ratification of the twenty-first Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.","This is a list of delinquent tax payments made to the Charlottesville City Treasurer and filed at the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court.","This book lists civil papers issued by the Corporation Court of Charlottesville. Each entry in the list includes the following information: the date of issue, names of the parties involved, and the corresponding file number.","The entries in this ledger list the date of the transaction, the trustee, the place of business, the entruster, and the file number.","This series consists of personal property assessment tables for the City of Charlottesville. The tables are bound into books and contain the following data: name and address of person assessed, values of various kinds of personal property, tax amounts, and tax penalties. The Office of the Commissioner of Revenue for the City of Charlottesville produced the tables and filed them with the Clerk of the Charlottesville Circuit Court.","The Commonwealth of Virginia may own the intellectual property in some of these records, and there may be restrictions on their reuse and republication.","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988"],"collection_ssim":["Charlottesville Circuit Court records, 1888/1988"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS.2019.02","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/1693"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS.2019.02","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/1693"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Charlottesville (Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.)"],"places_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.)"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"creators_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"access_terms_ssm":["The Commonwealth of Virginia may own the intellectual property in some of these records, and there may be restrictions on their reuse and republication."],"acqinfo_ssim":["On January 3, 2019, the clerk's office of the Charlottesville Circuit Court transferred the records in this collection to the University of Virginia Law Library."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Municipal government -- Records and correspondence"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Municipal government -- Records and correspondence"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["91 Volumes","5.41 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["91 Volumes","5.41 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe commitment records in this collection are closed to researchers for 125 years after their creation. There are no access restrictions on the rest of the materials.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eThe records in this series are closed to researchers for 125 years after their creation. The commitment records contain sensitive health information about the subjects involved. Access restrictions exist to protect their privacy.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access","Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The commitment records in this collection are closed to researchers for 125 years after their creation. There are no access restrictions on the rest of the materials.","The records in this series are closed to researchers for 125 years after their creation. The commitment records contain sensitive health information about the subjects involved. Access restrictions exist to protect their privacy."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe arrangement of the items in this series remains unchanged from when they were transferred to the University of Virginia Law Library.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe clerks of the Charlottesville Corporation and Circuit Courts arranged the records in the books chronologically. In this series, the books are also arranged chronologically.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement","Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The arrangement of the items in this series remains unchanged from when they were transferred to the University of Virginia Law Library.","The clerks of the Charlottesville Corporation and Circuit Courts arranged the records in the books chronologically. In this series, the books are also arranged chronologically."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAn Act of the Assembly of Albemarle County created Charlottesville, Virginia, in 1762. The Commonwealth of Virginia incorporated Charlottesville as a town in 1801, and then as a city in 1888.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBefore 1888, the Albemarle County courts had jurisdiction over Charlottesville and managed the town's public records. With its incorporation as a city, Charlottesville gained the authority to establish its own courts and manage public records independent of the county.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1889, Charlottesville exercised its new authority by creating a \"Corporation Court.\" The city granted it the powers of both a circuit court and a municipal court as defined by the state government. The Corporation Court had original jurisdiction over misdemeanor and felony cases involving city ordinances and state law. It also had the authority to hear civil cases.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1973, the Corporation Court of Charlottesville was dissolved as part of a statewide reorganization of the court system in Virginia. This reorganization led to the creation of the Charlottesville Circuit Court and the Charlottesville District Court, with the powers of the former Corporation Court being divided between these two new entities. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Clerk's Office of the Corporation Court was responsible for preserving the court's records and other public records as mandated by law. When the Commonwealth of Virginia dissolved the Corporation Court, these responsibilities were transferred to the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Circuit Court.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["An Act of the Assembly of Albemarle County created Charlottesville, Virginia, in 1762. The Commonwealth of Virginia incorporated Charlottesville as a town in 1801, and then as a city in 1888.","Before 1888, the Albemarle County courts had jurisdiction over Charlottesville and managed the town's public records. With its incorporation as a city, Charlottesville gained the authority to establish its own courts and manage public records independent of the county.","In 1889, Charlottesville exercised its new authority by creating a \"Corporation Court.\" The city granted it the powers of both a circuit court and a municipal court as defined by the state government. The Corporation Court had original jurisdiction over misdemeanor and felony cases involving city ordinances and state law. It also had the authority to hear civil cases.","In 1973, the Corporation Court of Charlottesville was dissolved as part of a statewide reorganization of the court system in Virginia. This reorganization led to the creation of the Charlottesville Circuit Court and the Charlottesville District Court, with the powers of the former Corporation Court being divided between these two new entities.","The Clerk's Office of the Corporation Court was responsible for preserving the court's records and other public records as mandated by law. When the Commonwealth of Virginia dissolved the Corporation Court, these responsibilities were transferred to the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Circuit Court."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopies of many of the records in this series were sent to the Virginia State Corporation Commission. The Library of Virginia preserves copies of the Commission's charter books.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Copies of many of the records in this series were sent to the Virginia State Corporation Commission. The Library of Virginia preserves copies of the Commission's charter books."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of public records initially filed at the clerk's offices of the Charlottesville Corporation and Circuit Courts. They include, but are not limited to the following: corporate charter books, docket books, court memorandum books, liens books, alcohol inventories, commitment records, writs of execution, local election certifications, and property assessment books. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eResearchers may find related records at the clerk's office for the Charlottesville Circuit Court. They may also access related records at the Library of Virginia, which manages original and microfilm copies of some documents originally filed with the Clerk of the Corporation Court.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eThis series consists of loose public records from the first years of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. They include written judgments, summonses, writs of execution, license applications, election certifications, and affidavits.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court created this index to facilitate the discovery of deeds under their care. Deeds are listed in alphabetical order by the name of the parties involved. Each index entry includes the date of the deed, the names of the parties, a brief description of the property, and the location of the record in the Clerk's deed books.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe charter books contain bound legal records documenting the creation, alteration, and dissolution of corporations and business partnerships in Charlottesville. These include charters, articles of incorporation, certificates, and statements of change.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe forms in this series document the commitment of individuals that the Commonwealth of Virginia classified as \"mentally ill\" to public institutions and private facilities.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis series consists of a small amount of records documenting elections in Charlottesvile.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis ledger book records personal property contracts registered with the Clerk of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. At the front of the book, the Clerk's Office indexed the names of the contract parties recorded in the book. After the index, contract entries are recorded in chronological order and include the date of the contract, a description of the contract, and amounts of money related to it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis book records mechanic's liens filed in the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The Clerk's Office created an index at the front of the book to facilitate discovery.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Corporation and Circuit Courts of Charlottesville registered their cases in these docket books. Each book entry records a docket number, the attorneys' names, the parties involved, actions, and trial dates.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese books record fees issued by and paid to Charlottesville's Corporation Court.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis book records writs of execution issued by the Corporation Court of Charlottesville and returned by the constable. Entries in the book include the title of the writ, the dates of its issue and return, the amount of money involved, interest, and fees. A writ of execution is a court order directing law enforcement officers to transfer property from one party to another as a result of a legal judgment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis series contains books that record liens filed in the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The books include a copy of the written lien, court acknowledgment of the lien, and notes about resulting payments and deliveries. This series also contains an index to facilitate the discovery of records in the books.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis ledger lists in chronlogical order indictments and appealed cases in the Charlottesville Corporation Court. Entries include the docket number, term dates, and the names of plaintiffs and defendants. The ledger book was initially published to record registered land titles, but the court clerk repurposed it to document indictments and appealed cases.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the Prohibition Era, the Commonwealth of Virginia allowed pharmacists and drug stores to sell alcohol as a medicine. In Charlottesville, these licensed merchants were required to report their complete alcohol inventory to the Clerk of the Corporation Court monthly. This file contains some reports that the Clerk's Office preserved after the ratification of the 21st Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn these books, the Clerk's Office for the Charlottesville Corporation Court made brief notes about various actions involving the Court, including summonses, subpoenas, and petitions. The Office entered the notes in chronological order.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis ledger book records fines and costs due to the Clerk of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The entries in this book are titled by the name of the person or entity that owes the Clerk's Office and are arranged alphabetically.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe ledgers in this series contain records of delinquent real estate taxes in Charlottesville and the sale of delinquent properties to the Comptroller. Ledger entries include the following information: name of the person assessed, location of the property, a history of tax payments, and the date of sale to the Comptroller.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis file has resources that list delinquent real estate taxes in Charlottesville and the sale of delinquent properties to the Comptroller during the Great Depression. List entries include the following information: names of the persons assessed, the delinquent property, history of tax payments, and property sale dates.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe items in this file document the application and certification of alcohol licenses in Charlottesville, Virginia, a few months before the ratification of the twenty-first Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis is a list of delinquent tax payments made to the Charlottesville City Treasurer and filed at the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis book lists civil papers issued by the Corporation Court of Charlottesville. Each entry in the list includes the following information: the date of issue, names of the parties involved, and the corresponding file number.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe entries in this ledger list the date of the transaction, the trustee, the place of business, the entruster, and the file number.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis series consists of personal property assessment tables for the City of Charlottesville. The tables are bound into books and contain the following data: name and address of person assessed, values of various kinds of personal property, tax amounts, and tax penalties. The Office of the Commissioner of Revenue for the City of Charlottesville produced the tables and filed them with the Clerk of the Charlottesville Circuit Court.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of public records initially filed at the clerk's offices of the Charlottesville Corporation and Circuit Courts. They include, but are not limited to the following: corporate charter books, docket books, court memorandum books, liens books, alcohol inventories, commitment records, writs of execution, local election certifications, and property assessment books.","Researchers may find related records at the clerk's office for the Charlottesville Circuit Court. They may also access related records at the Library of Virginia, which manages original and microfilm copies of some documents originally filed with the Clerk of the Corporation Court.","This series consists of loose public records from the first years of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. They include written judgments, summonses, writs of execution, license applications, election certifications, and affidavits.","The Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court created this index to facilitate the discovery of deeds under their care. Deeds are listed in alphabetical order by the name of the parties involved. Each index entry includes the date of the deed, the names of the parties, a brief description of the property, and the location of the record in the Clerk's deed books.","The charter books contain bound legal records documenting the creation, alteration, and dissolution of corporations and business partnerships in Charlottesville. These include charters, articles of incorporation, certificates, and statements of change.","The forms in this series document the commitment of individuals that the Commonwealth of Virginia classified as \"mentally ill\" to public institutions and private facilities.","This series consists of a small amount of records documenting elections in Charlottesvile.","This ledger book records personal property contracts registered with the Clerk of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. At the front of the book, the Clerk's Office indexed the names of the contract parties recorded in the book. After the index, contract entries are recorded in chronological order and include the date of the contract, a description of the contract, and amounts of money related to it.","This book records mechanic's liens filed in the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The Clerk's Office created an index at the front of the book to facilitate discovery.","The Corporation and Circuit Courts of Charlottesville registered their cases in these docket books. Each book entry records a docket number, the attorneys' names, the parties involved, actions, and trial dates.","These books record fees issued by and paid to Charlottesville's Corporation Court.","This book records writs of execution issued by the Corporation Court of Charlottesville and returned by the constable. Entries in the book include the title of the writ, the dates of its issue and return, the amount of money involved, interest, and fees. A writ of execution is a court order directing law enforcement officers to transfer property from one party to another as a result of a legal judgment.","This series contains books that record liens filed in the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The books include a copy of the written lien, court acknowledgment of the lien, and notes about resulting payments and deliveries. This series also contains an index to facilitate the discovery of records in the books.","This ledger lists in chronlogical order indictments and appealed cases in the Charlottesville Corporation Court. Entries include the docket number, term dates, and the names of plaintiffs and defendants. The ledger book was initially published to record registered land titles, but the court clerk repurposed it to document indictments and appealed cases.","During the Prohibition Era, the Commonwealth of Virginia allowed pharmacists and drug stores to sell alcohol as a medicine. In Charlottesville, these licensed merchants were required to report their complete alcohol inventory to the Clerk of the Corporation Court monthly. This file contains some reports that the Clerk's Office preserved after the ratification of the 21st Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.","In these books, the Clerk's Office for the Charlottesville Corporation Court made brief notes about various actions involving the Court, including summonses, subpoenas, and petitions. The Office entered the notes in chronological order.","This ledger book records fines and costs due to the Clerk of the Charlottesville Corporation Court. The entries in this book are titled by the name of the person or entity that owes the Clerk's Office and are arranged alphabetically.","The ledgers in this series contain records of delinquent real estate taxes in Charlottesville and the sale of delinquent properties to the Comptroller. Ledger entries include the following information: name of the person assessed, location of the property, a history of tax payments, and the date of sale to the Comptroller.","This file has resources that list delinquent real estate taxes in Charlottesville and the sale of delinquent properties to the Comptroller during the Great Depression. List entries include the following information: names of the persons assessed, the delinquent property, history of tax payments, and property sale dates.","The items in this file document the application and certification of alcohol licenses in Charlottesville, Virginia, a few months before the ratification of the twenty-first Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.","This is a list of delinquent tax payments made to the Charlottesville City Treasurer and filed at the Clerk's Office of the Charlottesville Corporation Court.","This book lists civil papers issued by the Corporation Court of Charlottesville. Each entry in the list includes the following information: the date of issue, names of the parties involved, and the corresponding file number.","The entries in this ledger list the date of the transaction, the trustee, the place of business, the entruster, and the file number.","This series consists of personal property assessment tables for the City of Charlottesville. The tables are bound into books and contain the following data: name and address of person assessed, values of various kinds of personal property, tax amounts, and tax penalties. The Office of the Commissioner of Revenue for the City of Charlottesville produced the tables and filed them with the Clerk of the Charlottesville Circuit Court."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Commonwealth of Virginia may own the intellectual property in some of these records, and there may be restrictions on their reuse and republication.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The Commonwealth of Virginia may own the intellectual property in some of these records, and there may be restrictions on their reuse and republication."],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"names_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":165,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:00.774Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_1693_c02_c04"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3_c18","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Yale Class of 1895 History, with explanatory letter, August 27, 1945 from Harry K. Taylor, 1895/1945","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_3_c18#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3_c18","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_3_c18"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3_c18","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3","parent_ssim":["Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_3"],"title_filing_ssi":"Yale Class of 1895 History, with explanatory letter, August 27, 1945 from Harry K. Taylor","title_ssm":["Yale Class of 1895 History, with explanatory letter, August 27, 1945 from Harry K. Taylor"],"title_tesim":["Yale Class of 1895 History, with explanatory letter, August 27, 1945 from Harry K. Taylor"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Yale Class of 1895 History, with explanatory letter, August 27, 1945 from Harry K. Taylor, 1895/1945"],"text":["Yale Class of 1895 History, with explanatory letter, August 27, 1945 from Harry K. Taylor, 1895/1945","Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945","box 1","folder 17"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1895/1945"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1895, 1945"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":18,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945"],"containers_ssim":["box 1","folder 17"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["This collection is open for research use."],"date_range_isim":[1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945],"_nest_path_":"/components#17","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:24.432Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_3","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_3.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/3","title_filing_ssi":"Harrison, Francis Burton, papers","title_ssm":["Francis Burton Harrison papers"],"title_tesim":["Francis Burton Harrison papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1921-1945"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1921-1945"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1921/1945"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945"],"text":["Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945","MSS 14969","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/3","letters (correspondence)","The correspondence is arranged chronologically within files. Family correspondence has been grouped within the file by individuals with their names on the front of each insert.","Francis Burton Harrison was born in New York City on December 18, 1873, as one of four children of Burton Norvell Harrison, a lawyer and former secretary to Confederate President Jefferson Davis, and Constance Cary, a novelist and Civil War heroine. Harrison was a graduate of Yale University in 1895, where he was a member of the secret society Skull and Bones, and received his law degree from the New York Law School two years later. His early work included two years as an evening instructor at the New York Law School and service in the United States Army during the Spanish-American War.","Harrison was a member of the Democratic Party and served as a member of Congress from 1903-1905, and 1907-1913 until he resigned to become the chief executive of the Philippines, 1913-1921. While in Congress, he was responsible for the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act, which finally passed on December 17, 1914. In 1934, he was asked to return to the Philippines to help them transition from a United States territory to commonwealth with an elected Filipino government. He became the principle advisor of the first President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, Manuel L. Quezon, in November 1935, for almost a year and then returned at Quezon's request in May 1942, to serve the government in exile after the Japanese invaded the Philippines.","Francis Burton Harrison was married six times and had children in five of his marriages. The following list of children has been constructed from several incomplete sources and from internal information from the letters but cannot be vouched for with total confidence.","List of Francis Burton Harrison's children\n Mary Crocker (1882-1905), married on June 7, 1900, she died in automobile accident in 1905. Children: Barbara Harrison Wescott married Lloyd Bruce Wescott; and Virginia Randolph Harrison (1901-?), married Marius de Zayas\n Mabel Judson Cox, married on January 16, 1907. Children: Burton Norvell Harrison II, Dolly Harrison, and Randolph Burton Harrison (1911-1912)\n Salena Elizabeth Wrentman (later Mrs. Alexander Fitzjames Graham Watson), married May 15, 1919. Children: Francis Burton Harrison, Jr. (\"Kiko\") married Dora Maxwell, Geoffrey Harrison, and one daughter, Verna Harrison\n Margaret Wrentman (died 1941), married April 8, 1927. Children: one son, Norvell Harrison (died 1941 in Arizona at age 14)\n Doria Lee, married November 19, 1935. Children: one daughter, Ursula Fairfax Harrison Biddle (1937-1996)\n Maria Teresa (no children)","The Francis Burton Harrison papers (1921-1945; 0.5 cubic feet) consist of personal and family papers of (1873-1957), United States Senator and Governor-General of the Philippines. Most of the correspondence is from the World War II era, and the Harrisons had just escaped the Biarritz and San Jean de Luz region of the German Occupied zone of France in [April?] and made their way to the United States in 1941.","Much of the general correspondence is of a genealogical nature or is in response to a gift of The Virginia Carys by Harrison or an article written by him. Frequent correspondents concerned with genealogy and scattered throughout his correspondence folders include: Susan Winter Atkins; Francis L. Berkeley, Jr.; Landon C. Bell, Columbus, Ohio; R. Blomfield, London; Minnie G. Cook, Founder of the Order of First Families of Virginia, Washington, D.C.; Mrs. Philip Wallace Hiden, [Martha (née Woodroof) Hiden (1888–1959)]; William B. Marye, Baltimore, Maryland; Gertrude Randolph Bramlette Richards, Washington, D.C.; Elizabeth Hawes Ryland, Richmond, Virginia; Clayton Torrence, Virginia Historical Society; and Sue Ruffin Tyler.","Other individuals or topics are noted for each general correspondence folder, with the dates of their correspondence in parenthesis following their names.","This collection is open for research use.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Harrison, Francis Burton, 1873-1957","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945"],"collection_ssim":["Francis Burton Harrison papers, 1921/1945"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 14969","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/3"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 14969","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/3"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Harrison, Francis Burton, 1873-1957"],"creator_ssim":["Harrison, Francis Burton, 1873-1957"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Harrison, Francis Burton, 1873-1957"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Harrison, Francis Burton, 1873-1957","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["This collection is open for research use."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Donated by Archibald Hobson, 27 March 2010."],"access_subjects_ssim":["letters (correspondence)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["letters (correspondence)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 document box"],"extent_tesim":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 document box"],"genreform_ssim":["letters (correspondence)"],"date_range_isim":[1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence is arranged chronologically within files. Family correspondence has been grouped within the file by individuals with their names on the front of each insert.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The correspondence is arranged chronologically within files. Family correspondence has been grouped within the file by individuals with their names on the front of each insert."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFrancis Burton Harrison was born in New York City on December 18, 1873, as one of four children of Burton Norvell Harrison, a lawyer and former secretary to Confederate President Jefferson Davis, and Constance Cary, a novelist and Civil War heroine. Harrison was a graduate of Yale University in 1895, where he was a member of the secret society Skull and Bones, and received his law degree from the New York Law School two years later. His early work included two years as an evening instructor at the New York Law School and service in the United States Army during the Spanish-American War.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHarrison was a member of the Democratic Party and served as a member of Congress from 1903-1905, and 1907-1913 until he resigned to become the chief executive of the Philippines, 1913-1921. While in Congress, he was responsible for the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act, which finally passed on December 17, 1914. In 1934, he was asked to return to the Philippines to help them transition from a United States territory to commonwealth with an elected Filipino government. He became the principle advisor of the first President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, Manuel L. Quezon, in November 1935, for almost a year and then returned at Quezon's request in May 1942, to serve the government in exile after the Japanese invaded the Philippines.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFrancis Burton Harrison was married six times and had children in five of his marriages. The following list of children has been constructed from several incomplete sources and from internal information from the letters but cannot be vouched for with total confidence.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist numeration=\"arabic\" type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003chead\u003eList of Francis Burton Harrison's children\u003c/head\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eMary Crocker (1882-1905), married on June 7, 1900, she died in automobile accident in 1905. Children: Barbara Harrison Wescott married Lloyd Bruce Wescott; and Virginia Randolph Harrison (1901-?), married Marius de Zayas\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eMabel Judson Cox, married on January 16, 1907. Children: Burton Norvell Harrison II, Dolly Harrison, and Randolph Burton Harrison (1911-1912)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSalena Elizabeth Wrentman (later Mrs. Alexander Fitzjames Graham Watson), married May 15, 1919. Children: Francis Burton Harrison, Jr. (\"Kiko\") married Dora Maxwell, Geoffrey Harrison, and one daughter, Verna Harrison\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eMargaret Wrentman (died 1941), married April 8, 1927. Children: one son, Norvell Harrison (died 1941 in Arizona at age 14)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eDoria Lee, married November 19, 1935. Children: one daughter, Ursula Fairfax Harrison Biddle (1937-1996)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eMaria Teresa (no children)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Francis Burton Harrison was born in New York City on December 18, 1873, as one of four children of Burton Norvell Harrison, a lawyer and former secretary to Confederate President Jefferson Davis, and Constance Cary, a novelist and Civil War heroine. Harrison was a graduate of Yale University in 1895, where he was a member of the secret society Skull and Bones, and received his law degree from the New York Law School two years later. His early work included two years as an evening instructor at the New York Law School and service in the United States Army during the Spanish-American War.","Harrison was a member of the Democratic Party and served as a member of Congress from 1903-1905, and 1907-1913 until he resigned to become the chief executive of the Philippines, 1913-1921. While in Congress, he was responsible for the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act, which finally passed on December 17, 1914. In 1934, he was asked to return to the Philippines to help them transition from a United States territory to commonwealth with an elected Filipino government. He became the principle advisor of the first President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, Manuel L. Quezon, in November 1935, for almost a year and then returned at Quezon's request in May 1942, to serve the government in exile after the Japanese invaded the Philippines.","Francis Burton Harrison was married six times and had children in five of his marriages. The following list of children has been constructed from several incomplete sources and from internal information from the letters but cannot be vouched for with total confidence.","List of Francis Burton Harrison's children\n Mary Crocker (1882-1905), married on June 7, 1900, she died in automobile accident in 1905. Children: Barbara Harrison Wescott married Lloyd Bruce Wescott; and Virginia Randolph Harrison (1901-?), married Marius de Zayas\n Mabel Judson Cox, married on January 16, 1907. Children: Burton Norvell Harrison II, Dolly Harrison, and Randolph Burton Harrison (1911-1912)\n Salena Elizabeth Wrentman (later Mrs. Alexander Fitzjames Graham Watson), married May 15, 1919. Children: Francis Burton Harrison, Jr. (\"Kiko\") married Dora Maxwell, Geoffrey Harrison, and one daughter, Verna Harrison\n Margaret Wrentman (died 1941), married April 8, 1927. Children: one son, Norvell Harrison (died 1941 in Arizona at age 14)\n Doria Lee, married November 19, 1935. Children: one daughter, Ursula Fairfax Harrison Biddle (1937-1996)\n Maria Teresa (no children)"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Francis Burton Harrison papers (1921-1945; 0.5 cubic feet) consist of personal and family papers of (1873-1957), United States Senator and Governor-General of the Philippines. Most of the correspondence is from the World War II era, and the Harrisons had just escaped the Biarritz and San Jean de Luz region of the German Occupied zone of France in [April?] and made their way to the United States in 1941.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMuch of the general correspondence is of a genealogical nature or is in response to a gift of \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Carys\u003c/emph\u003e by Harrison or an article written by him. Frequent correspondents concerned with genealogy and scattered throughout his correspondence folders include: Susan Winter Atkins; Francis L. Berkeley, Jr.; Landon C. Bell, Columbus, Ohio; R. Blomfield, London; Minnie G. Cook, Founder of the Order of First Families of Virginia, Washington, D.C.; Mrs. Philip Wallace Hiden, [Martha (née Woodroof) Hiden (1888–1959)]; William B. Marye, Baltimore, Maryland; Gertrude Randolph Bramlette Richards, Washington, D.C.; Elizabeth Hawes Ryland, Richmond, Virginia; Clayton Torrence, Virginia Historical Society; and Sue Ruffin Tyler.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOther individuals or topics are noted for each general correspondence folder, with the dates of their correspondence in parenthesis following their names.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Francis Burton Harrison papers (1921-1945; 0.5 cubic feet) consist of personal and family papers of (1873-1957), United States Senator and Governor-General of the Philippines. Most of the correspondence is from the World War II era, and the Harrisons had just escaped the Biarritz and San Jean de Luz region of the German Occupied zone of France in [April?] and made their way to the United States in 1941.","Much of the general correspondence is of a genealogical nature or is in response to a gift of The Virginia Carys by Harrison or an article written by him. Frequent correspondents concerned with genealogy and scattered throughout his correspondence folders include: Susan Winter Atkins; Francis L. Berkeley, Jr.; Landon C. Bell, Columbus, Ohio; R. Blomfield, London; Minnie G. Cook, Founder of the Order of First Families of Virginia, Washington, D.C.; Mrs. Philip Wallace Hiden, [Martha (née Woodroof) Hiden (1888–1959)]; William B. Marye, Baltimore, Maryland; Gertrude Randolph Bramlette Richards, Washington, D.C.; Elizabeth Hawes Ryland, Richmond, Virginia; Clayton Torrence, Virginia Historical Society; and Sue Ruffin Tyler.","Other individuals or topics are noted for each general correspondence folder, with the dates of their correspondence in parenthesis following their names."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research use."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"persname_ssim":["Harrison, Francis Burton, 1873-1957"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Harrison, Francis Burton, 1873-1957"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Finding aid prepared using Hensen, Steven L. Archives, personal papers, and manuscripts (Washington: Library of Congress)."],"total_component_count_is":18,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:24.432Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_3_c18"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c601","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Yama Farms Inn - information about this\n Japanese-operated country inn, 1914/1915","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c601#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c601","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c601"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c601","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Yama Farms Inn - information about this\n Japanese-operated country inn","title_ssm":["Yama Farms Inn - information about this\n Japanese-operated country inn"],"title_tesim":["Yama Farms Inn - information about this\n Japanese-operated country inn"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Yama Farms Inn - information about this\n Japanese-operated country inn, 1914/1915"],"text":["Yama Farms Inn - information about this\n Japanese-operated country inn, 1914/1915","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 175"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1914/1915"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1914 -1915"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":602,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 175"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1914,1915],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#600","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items.","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.","Biography of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Biography of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c601"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1613","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Yearbook collection - University of Virginia School of Law, 1888/2009","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_1613#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis collection of yearbooks documents the experiences of law students who attended the University of Virginia between 1888 and 2009. 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Researchers will discover a wide range of content in these books, including student, staff, and faculty photographs, candid glimpses into student life, and student organization profiles.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_1613#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1613","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1613","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1613","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_1613","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_1613.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/195753","title_ssm":["Yearbook collection - University of Virginia School of Law"],"title_tesim":["Yearbook collection - University of Virginia School of Law"],"unitdate_ssm":["1888-2009"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1888-2009"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1888/2009"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Yearbook collection - University of Virginia School of Law, 1888/2009"],"text":["Yearbook collection - University of Virginia School of Law, 1888/2009","RG.32.512","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/1613","University of Virginia. School of Law","School yearbooks","There are no restrictions on access to volumes of \"Corks and Curls\" and \"The Barrister.\"","The yearbooks are arranged into series by their title and date of publication. The separate runs of \"The Barrister\" (1956-1979 and 1992-2009) are placed into their own series.","Between 1888 and 2009, law students at the University of Virginia partially documented their experiences at UVA in yearbooks. The books, edited by the students, contain photographs and short articles that identify members of the UVA law school community and provide glimpses into everyday student life.","From 1888 to 1955, \"Corks and Curls\", the University of Virginia's main yearbook, contained sections dedicated to the law school. Then, in 1956, law students began to annually produce their own yearbook called \"The Barrister.\" For a brief time between 1982 and 1991, law students once again collaborated with the editors of \"Corks and Curls\" to publish special \"Barrister Editions\" of that yearbook. These editions contain both specific content documenting the Law School and other content documenting student life at the wider university.","In 1992, UVA law students revived \"The Barrister\" as an independent publication. Then, after a decade of declining student interest in the yearbooks, \"The Barrister\" ended its run in 2009. Between 1992 and 2009, there were some years when students did not produce an edition of \"The Barrister.\"","The Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia preserves a complete collection of \"Corks and Curls.\" At the Arthur J. 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Researchers will discover a wide range of content in these books, including student, staff, and faculty photographs, candid glimpses into student life, and student organization profiles.","Many volumes of \"Corks and Curl\"s are missing from this collection, but every volume of \"The Barrister\" and the law school edition of \"Corks and Curls\" are here.","Many issues of Corks and Curls are missing from this series.","This series contains every volume of \"The Barrister\" published between 1956 and 1979.","This series contains every volume of the \"Corks and Curls, Barrister Edition\" published between 1982 and 1991.","This series contains every volume of \"The Barrister\" published between 1992 and 2009.","Independent student organizations published \"Corks and Curls\" and \"The Barrister.\" They own the copyright to any content that is not yet in the public domain or was licensed from another party. 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School of Law","School yearbooks","There are no restrictions on access to volumes of \"Corks and Curls\" and \"The Barrister.\"","The yearbooks are arranged into series by their title and date of publication. The separate runs of \"The Barrister\" (1956-1979 and 1992-2009) are placed into their own series.","Between 1888 and 2009, law students at the University of Virginia partially documented their experiences at UVA in yearbooks. The books, edited by the students, contain photographs and short articles that identify members of the UVA law school community and provide glimpses into everyday student life.","From 1888 to 1955, \"Corks and Curls\", the University of Virginia's main yearbook, contained sections dedicated to the law school. 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It contains both \"Corks and Curls\", the main University of Virginia student yearbook, and \"The Barrister\", the UVA law student yearbook. Researchers will discover a wide range of content in these books, including student, staff, and faculty photographs, candid glimpses into student life, and student organization profiles.","Many volumes of \"Corks and Curl\"s are missing from this collection, but every volume of \"The Barrister\" and the law school edition of \"Corks and Curls\" are here.","Many issues of Corks and Curls are missing from this series.","This series contains every volume of \"The Barrister\" published between 1956 and 1979.","This series contains every volume of the \"Corks and Curls, Barrister Edition\" published between 1982 and 1991.","This series contains every volume of \"The Barrister\" published between 1992 and 2009."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIndependent student organizations published \"Corks and Curls\" and \"The Barrister.\" They own the copyright to any content that is not yet in the public domain or was licensed from another party. Individuals who wish to re-publish copyright-protected content will need to seek permission from the party or parties that own it.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Independent student organizations published \"Corks and Curls\" and \"The Barrister.\" They own the copyright to any content that is not yet in the public domain or was licensed from another party. Individuals who wish to re-publish copyright-protected content will need to seek permission from the party or parties that own it."],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"names_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":126,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:00.774Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_1613"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05_c27","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Yearbook \"The Olio\" volume LVII, 1915","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05_c27#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05_c27","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05_c27"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05_c27","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05","parent_ssim":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959","Miscellaneous and personal, 1910/1959"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_572","viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"Yearbook \"The Olio\" volume LVII","title_ssm":["Yearbook \"The Olio\" volume LVII"],"title_tesim":["Yearbook \"The Olio\" volume LVII"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Yearbook \"The Olio\" volume LVII, 1915"],"text":["Yearbook \"The Olio\" volume LVII, 1915","Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959","Miscellaneous and personal, 1910/1959","box 10","folder 3","English"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959","Miscellaneous and personal, 1910/1959"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959","Miscellaneous and personal, 1910/1959"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1915"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1915"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":110,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959"],"extent_ssm":["0.03 Cubic Feet One folder."],"extent_tesim":["0.03 Cubic Feet One folder."],"containers_ssim":["box 10","folder 3"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research use."],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1915],"_nest_path_":"/components#4/components#26","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:24.432Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_572","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_572.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/495","title_filing_ssi":"Curtis, Marvin Kent, papers","title_ssm":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers"],"title_tesim":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1910-1959"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1910-1959"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1910/1959"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959"],"text":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959","MSS 15719","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/572","The collection is open for research use.","This collection is arranged into five series: \nSeries 1. Correspondence, \nSeries 2. World War I, \nSeries 3. Teaching and Counseling, \nSeries 4. Illustrations and Writing, \nSeries 5. Miscellaneous and Personal.","Marvin Kent Curtis was an American novelist, teacher, illustrator, composer, and yachtsman. He served in World War I as an aviator with the Royal Air Force, was shot down, reported dead, and held prisoner of war until the war's end. He was born in Wichita, Kansas in 1890 to Charles E. Curtis and Grace Emily Kent. He was named for his famous great-grandfather Marvin Kent, for whom Kent, Ohio was named. Also Kent State University was founded on land donated by William S. Kent, the brother of Curtis' grandfather.","Kent Curtis graduated in 1909 from Lake View High School (Chicago, Illinois), and completed his college preparatory work at Tome School for Boys in Port Deposit, Maryland. He entered Amherst College in 1910 as a member of the Class of 1914. There he contributed to the Amherst Olio and served as Editor-in-Chief of the Amherst Four Leaf Clover. He left the college without graduating. Kent enlisted as a private in the Aviation Section, Enlisted Reserve Corps of the Army at Fort Omaha, Nebraska, on June 7, 1917. After graduation from the School of Military Aeronautics at the University of Illinois on August 25, 1917, he was ordered to Oxford, England, where he completed flight training with the British Royal Flying Corps. Curtis' unusual behavior in machine gun class was described in \"War Birds: Diary of an Unknown Aviator\". Commissioned 1st Lieutenant on May 30, 1918, he was assigned to the American 148th Aero Squadron and reported for duty on the British front in France July 4, 1918. Curtis' first attack on enemy targets was a bombing that took place over Croisilles, France, on August 22, 1918. From his open cockpit biplane, he dropped 4 bombs and fired 200 rounds at enemy targets. During the Second Battle of Bapaume, he undertook a similar mission over Bapaume, France, dropping 4 bombs and returning safely to base on August 23. On Saturday, August 24, 1918, Curtis piloted his Sopwith Camel #B7869 on his third mission in three days, for another bombing over Bapaume. He would not return. The Adjutant General, War Department, wired the family that Curtis had been killed in action. Cleveland newspapers carried reports of his death. In fact Curtis' plane was shot down behind enemy lines but he survived the crash and was taken prisoner by the Germans. He remained in German prison camps until December 1, 1918, nearly a month after the November 11 Armistice ending the war.","Curtis was part of the \"Lost Generation,\" of Americans who were born in the 1890s and came of age during World War I. He lived intermittently in Paris during the 1920s. Curtis published primarily boys' adventure stories set in the places where he lived: the North Woods of Minnesota and the islands off the Florida coast.","It was while teaching at the Snyder Outdoor School for Boys in 1922, Curtis won second place and $1,000 in a national writing competition for his scenario \"The Quinn Millions for Millions of Quinns.\" Curtis went on to publish boys' adventure stories, including \"The Blushing Camel\", \"Drumbeaters Island\", and \"The Cameleers\". These three stories were later published together as \"Cruises in the Sun\". He also wrote one historical novel, \"The Tired Captains\" based on pilots in World War I.","Curtis was an avid sailor. He introduced sailing to Mishawaka Camp and led Canadian canoe trips through the Minnesota boundary waters. He often wintered on Captiva Island, Florida, the subject of his boys' adventure stories. He sailed the length of the Mississippi River and in 1932, he captained his sailboat Marelen II to victory in the St. Petersburg, Florida to Havana, Cuba race.","Source:\nhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kent_Curtis","Marvin Kent Curtis papers (1910-1959; 6 cubic feet) consist of materials relating to his service in World War I, his work as a counselor and co-owner of Camp Mishawaka, in Grand Rapids, Minnesota, as an author of boy's adventure stories, and plays, and his competitive sailing in the Florida Keys. Included are his novels including extracts from them in periodicals such as the American Boy, Outers Recreation, and correspondence from F. Scott Fitzgerald. There are four series Correspondence, Teaching and Counseling, Illustrations and Writings, and Personal and Miscellaneous.","Marvin Kent Curtis correspondence containing greeting cards and letters with friends and family from the 1920's to 1957. Also included are Curtis family letters from 1890. Of interest are four letters from F. Scott Fitzgerald about his friendship with Curtis in Paris from 1925-1928 and Fitzgeralds praise for novels by Curtis.","F. Scott Fitzgerald's four letters (1925-1928) to Kent Curtis about his friendship with Curtis in Paris and praise for his novels. Also mentioned are [Robert Boodey Caverly], [Franklin P. Adams], and Zelda Scott Fitzgerald (briefly).","World War I Series II, 1916-1922, 0.018 cubic feet, includes family correspondence, letters from the military and friends about Kent Curtis alleged death, flight log books, military papers, photographs, and a publication about the history of the 148th Aero Squadron.","Teaching and Counseling Series III, 1940-1957, 0.018 cubic feet, contains correspondence, diaries, notes, and writings about Camp Mishawaka and briefly Milwaukee University. There is also song recording of Curtis Kent singing \"The Whis-Fish\" and \"The Five Fifteen\"","\"Even Innings\" is a booklet written by Dan Leinbach in [1986] about Camp Mishawaka and Northern Minnesota summers.","\"The Whis-Fish\" and \"The Five Fifteen\"","Illustrations and writings, Series IV, 1905-1959, 0.033 cubic feet, contains original illustrations, diaries, published novels by Curtis, extracts from his novels published in \"American Boy\" and \"Outers Recreation\", book reviews, theater programs, and printed publications of other authors including F. Scott Fitzgerald and Ernest Hemmingway.","Also included are manuscript drafts for several of his novels written inside a doctors ledger book from 1827-1831.","Camp Mishawaka calendars drawn by Marvin Kent Curtis","Posters to advertise upcoming drama events.","American Boy contains parts of Marvin Kent Curtis novels including \"The Blushing Camel\", \"Drumbeaters Island\", \"The Last Wanigan\", \"The Cameleers\", and \"The Million Dollar Donax.\"","Miscellaneous and Personal Series V, 1910-1959, 0.031 cubic feet, contains newspaper clippings, photographs, scrapbooks, personal identification papers, financial papers, awards, travel programs, and school yearbooks. Topics also include sailing and Camp Mishawaka.","There are miscellaneous printed plates from Essins et Peintures D'Afrique.","International Regatta Official Program","Travel programs, ship passenger lists, and menus","25th Year Anniversary","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959"],"collection_ssim":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers, 1910/1959"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 15719","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/572"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 15719","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/572"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift from Mary Johnston, 7 March 2014 and November 2015."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["6 Cubic Feet 11 document boxes, 3 oversize boxes, and 4 additional oversize folders."],"extent_tesim":["6 Cubic Feet 11 document boxes, 3 oversize boxes, and 4 additional oversize folders."],"date_range_isim":[1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is arranged into five series: \nSeries 1. Correspondence, \nSeries 2. World War I, \nSeries 3. Teaching and Counseling, \nSeries 4. Illustrations and Writing, \nSeries 5. Miscellaneous and Personal.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection is arranged into five series: \nSeries 1. Correspondence, \nSeries 2. World War I, \nSeries 3. Teaching and Counseling, \nSeries 4. Illustrations and Writing, \nSeries 5. Miscellaneous and Personal."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMarvin Kent Curtis was an American novelist, teacher, illustrator, composer, and yachtsman. He served in World War I as an aviator with the Royal Air Force, was shot down, reported dead, and held prisoner of war until the war's end. He was born in Wichita, Kansas in 1890 to Charles E. Curtis and Grace Emily Kent. He was named for his famous great-grandfather Marvin Kent, for whom Kent, Ohio was named. Also Kent State University was founded on land donated by William S. Kent, the brother of Curtis' grandfather. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eKent Curtis graduated in 1909 from Lake View High School (Chicago, Illinois), and completed his college preparatory work at Tome School for Boys in Port Deposit, Maryland. He entered Amherst College in 1910 as a member of the Class of 1914. There he contributed to the Amherst Olio and served as Editor-in-Chief of the Amherst Four Leaf Clover. He left the college without graduating. Kent enlisted as a private in the Aviation Section, Enlisted Reserve Corps of the Army at Fort Omaha, Nebraska, on June 7, 1917. After graduation from the School of Military Aeronautics at the University of Illinois on August 25, 1917, he was ordered to Oxford, England, where he completed flight training with the British Royal Flying Corps. Curtis' unusual behavior in machine gun class was described in \"War Birds: Diary of an Unknown Aviator\". Commissioned 1st Lieutenant on May 30, 1918, he was assigned to the American 148th Aero Squadron and reported for duty on the British front in France July 4, 1918. Curtis' first attack on enemy targets was a bombing that took place over Croisilles, France, on August 22, 1918. From his open cockpit biplane, he dropped 4 bombs and fired 200 rounds at enemy targets. During the Second Battle of Bapaume, he undertook a similar mission over Bapaume, France, dropping 4 bombs and returning safely to base on August 23. On Saturday, August 24, 1918, Curtis piloted his Sopwith Camel #B7869 on his third mission in three days, for another bombing over Bapaume. He would not return. The Adjutant General, War Department, wired the family that Curtis had been killed in action. Cleveland newspapers carried reports of his death. In fact Curtis' plane was shot down behind enemy lines but he survived the crash and was taken prisoner by the Germans. He remained in German prison camps until December 1, 1918, nearly a month after the November 11 Armistice ending the war.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCurtis was part of the \"Lost Generation,\" of Americans who were born in the 1890s and came of age during World War I. He lived intermittently in Paris during the 1920s. Curtis published primarily boys' adventure stories set in the places where he lived: the North Woods of Minnesota and the islands off the Florida coast.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIt was while teaching at the Snyder Outdoor School for Boys in 1922, Curtis won second place and $1,000 in a national writing competition for his scenario \"The Quinn Millions for Millions of Quinns.\" Curtis went on to publish boys' adventure stories, including \"The Blushing Camel\", \"Drumbeaters Island\", and \"The Cameleers\". These three stories were later published together as \"Cruises in the Sun\". He also wrote one historical novel, \"The Tired Captains\" based on pilots in World War I. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCurtis was an avid sailor. He introduced sailing to Mishawaka Camp and led Canadian canoe trips through the Minnesota boundary waters. He often wintered on Captiva Island, Florida, the subject of his boys' adventure stories. He sailed the length of the Mississippi River and in 1932, he captained his sailboat Marelen II to victory in the St. Petersburg, Florida to Havana, Cuba race.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource:\nhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kent_Curtis\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Marvin Kent Curtis was an American novelist, teacher, illustrator, composer, and yachtsman. He served in World War I as an aviator with the Royal Air Force, was shot down, reported dead, and held prisoner of war until the war's end. He was born in Wichita, Kansas in 1890 to Charles E. Curtis and Grace Emily Kent. He was named for his famous great-grandfather Marvin Kent, for whom Kent, Ohio was named. Also Kent State University was founded on land donated by William S. Kent, the brother of Curtis' grandfather.","Kent Curtis graduated in 1909 from Lake View High School (Chicago, Illinois), and completed his college preparatory work at Tome School for Boys in Port Deposit, Maryland. He entered Amherst College in 1910 as a member of the Class of 1914. There he contributed to the Amherst Olio and served as Editor-in-Chief of the Amherst Four Leaf Clover. He left the college without graduating. Kent enlisted as a private in the Aviation Section, Enlisted Reserve Corps of the Army at Fort Omaha, Nebraska, on June 7, 1917. After graduation from the School of Military Aeronautics at the University of Illinois on August 25, 1917, he was ordered to Oxford, England, where he completed flight training with the British Royal Flying Corps. Curtis' unusual behavior in machine gun class was described in \"War Birds: Diary of an Unknown Aviator\". Commissioned 1st Lieutenant on May 30, 1918, he was assigned to the American 148th Aero Squadron and reported for duty on the British front in France July 4, 1918. Curtis' first attack on enemy targets was a bombing that took place over Croisilles, France, on August 22, 1918. From his open cockpit biplane, he dropped 4 bombs and fired 200 rounds at enemy targets. During the Second Battle of Bapaume, he undertook a similar mission over Bapaume, France, dropping 4 bombs and returning safely to base on August 23. On Saturday, August 24, 1918, Curtis piloted his Sopwith Camel #B7869 on his third mission in three days, for another bombing over Bapaume. He would not return. The Adjutant General, War Department, wired the family that Curtis had been killed in action. Cleveland newspapers carried reports of his death. In fact Curtis' plane was shot down behind enemy lines but he survived the crash and was taken prisoner by the Germans. He remained in German prison camps until December 1, 1918, nearly a month after the November 11 Armistice ending the war.","Curtis was part of the \"Lost Generation,\" of Americans who were born in the 1890s and came of age during World War I. He lived intermittently in Paris during the 1920s. Curtis published primarily boys' adventure stories set in the places where he lived: the North Woods of Minnesota and the islands off the Florida coast.","It was while teaching at the Snyder Outdoor School for Boys in 1922, Curtis won second place and $1,000 in a national writing competition for his scenario \"The Quinn Millions for Millions of Quinns.\" Curtis went on to publish boys' adventure stories, including \"The Blushing Camel\", \"Drumbeaters Island\", and \"The Cameleers\". These three stories were later published together as \"Cruises in the Sun\". He also wrote one historical novel, \"The Tired Captains\" based on pilots in World War I.","Curtis was an avid sailor. He introduced sailing to Mishawaka Camp and led Canadian canoe trips through the Minnesota boundary waters. He often wintered on Captiva Island, Florida, the subject of his boys' adventure stories. He sailed the length of the Mississippi River and in 1932, he captained his sailboat Marelen II to victory in the St. Petersburg, Florida to Havana, Cuba race.","Source:\nhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kent_Curtis"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 15719 Kent Curtis papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 15719 Kent Curtis papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMarvin Kent Curtis papers (1910-1959; 6 cubic feet) consist of materials relating to his service in World War I, his work as a counselor and co-owner of Camp Mishawaka, in Grand Rapids, Minnesota, as an author of boy's adventure stories, and plays, and his competitive sailing in the Florida Keys. Included are his novels including extracts from them in periodicals such as the American Boy, Outers Recreation, and correspondence from F. Scott Fitzgerald. There are four series Correspondence, Teaching and Counseling, Illustrations and Writings, and Personal and Miscellaneous.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eMarvin Kent Curtis correspondence containing greeting cards and letters with friends and family from the 1920's to 1957. Also included are Curtis family letters from 1890. Of interest are four letters from F. Scott Fitzgerald about his friendship with Curtis in Paris from 1925-1928 and Fitzgeralds praise for novels by Curtis.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eF. Scott Fitzgerald's four letters (1925-1928) to Kent Curtis about his friendship with Curtis in Paris and praise for his novels. Also mentioned are [Robert Boodey Caverly], [Franklin P. Adams], and Zelda Scott Fitzgerald (briefly).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I Series II, 1916-1922, 0.018 cubic feet, includes family correspondence, letters from the military and friends about Kent Curtis alleged death, flight log books, military papers, photographs, and a publication about the history of the 148th Aero Squadron.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTeaching and Counseling Series III, 1940-1957, 0.018 cubic feet, contains correspondence, diaries, notes, and writings about Camp Mishawaka and briefly Milwaukee University. There is also song recording of Curtis Kent singing \"The Whis-Fish\" and \"The Five Fifteen\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"Even Innings\" is a booklet written by Dan Leinbach in [1986] about Camp Mishawaka and Northern Minnesota summers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"The Whis-Fish\" and \"The Five Fifteen\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIllustrations and writings, Series IV, 1905-1959, 0.033 cubic feet, contains original illustrations, diaries, published novels by Curtis, extracts from his novels published in \"American Boy\" and \"Outers Recreation\", book reviews, theater programs, and printed publications of other authors including F. Scott Fitzgerald and Ernest Hemmingway. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlso included are manuscript drafts for several of his novels written inside a doctors ledger book from 1827-1831.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCamp Mishawaka calendars drawn by Marvin Kent Curtis\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePosters to advertise upcoming drama events.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAmerican Boy contains parts of Marvin Kent Curtis novels including \"The Blushing Camel\", \"Drumbeaters Island\", \"The Last Wanigan\", \"The Cameleers\", and \"The Million Dollar Donax.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous and Personal Series V, 1910-1959, 0.031 cubic feet, contains newspaper clippings, photographs, scrapbooks, personal identification papers, financial papers, awards, travel programs, and school yearbooks. Topics also include sailing and Camp Mishawaka.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere are miscellaneous printed plates from Essins et Peintures D'Afrique.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInternational Regatta Official Program\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTravel programs, ship passenger lists, and menus\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e25th Year Anniversary\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Marvin Kent Curtis papers (1910-1959; 6 cubic feet) consist of materials relating to his service in World War I, his work as a counselor and co-owner of Camp Mishawaka, in Grand Rapids, Minnesota, as an author of boy's adventure stories, and plays, and his competitive sailing in the Florida Keys. Included are his novels including extracts from them in periodicals such as the American Boy, Outers Recreation, and correspondence from F. Scott Fitzgerald. There are four series Correspondence, Teaching and Counseling, Illustrations and Writings, and Personal and Miscellaneous.","Marvin Kent Curtis correspondence containing greeting cards and letters with friends and family from the 1920's to 1957. Also included are Curtis family letters from 1890. Of interest are four letters from F. Scott Fitzgerald about his friendship with Curtis in Paris from 1925-1928 and Fitzgeralds praise for novels by Curtis.","F. Scott Fitzgerald's four letters (1925-1928) to Kent Curtis about his friendship with Curtis in Paris and praise for his novels. Also mentioned are [Robert Boodey Caverly], [Franklin P. Adams], and Zelda Scott Fitzgerald (briefly).","World War I Series II, 1916-1922, 0.018 cubic feet, includes family correspondence, letters from the military and friends about Kent Curtis alleged death, flight log books, military papers, photographs, and a publication about the history of the 148th Aero Squadron.","Teaching and Counseling Series III, 1940-1957, 0.018 cubic feet, contains correspondence, diaries, notes, and writings about Camp Mishawaka and briefly Milwaukee University. There is also song recording of Curtis Kent singing \"The Whis-Fish\" and \"The Five Fifteen\"","\"Even Innings\" is a booklet written by Dan Leinbach in [1986] about Camp Mishawaka and Northern Minnesota summers.","\"The Whis-Fish\" and \"The Five Fifteen\"","Illustrations and writings, Series IV, 1905-1959, 0.033 cubic feet, contains original illustrations, diaries, published novels by Curtis, extracts from his novels published in \"American Boy\" and \"Outers Recreation\", book reviews, theater programs, and printed publications of other authors including F. Scott Fitzgerald and Ernest Hemmingway.","Also included are manuscript drafts for several of his novels written inside a doctors ledger book from 1827-1831.","Camp Mishawaka calendars drawn by Marvin Kent Curtis","Posters to advertise upcoming drama events.","American Boy contains parts of Marvin Kent Curtis novels including \"The Blushing Camel\", \"Drumbeaters Island\", \"The Last Wanigan\", \"The Cameleers\", and \"The Million Dollar Donax.\"","Miscellaneous and Personal Series V, 1910-1959, 0.031 cubic feet, contains newspaper clippings, photographs, scrapbooks, personal identification papers, financial papers, awards, travel programs, and school yearbooks. Topics also include sailing and Camp Mishawaka.","There are miscellaneous printed plates from Essins et Peintures D'Afrique.","International Regatta Official Program","Travel programs, ship passenger lists, and menus","25th Year Anniversary"],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":111,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:24.432Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_572_c05_c27"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c595","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations, 1902/1915","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c595#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c595","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c595"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c595","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations","title_ssm":["Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations"],"title_tesim":["Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations, 1902/1915"],"text":["Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations, 1902/1915","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 173"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1902/1915"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1902 -1915"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":596,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 173"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#594","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items.","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.","Biography of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Biography of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c595"}},{"id":"viu_viu00040_c01_c55","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Zona Gale to \n Mary Johnston, 1915/1920","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00040_c01_c55#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00040_c01_c55","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00040_c01_c55"],"id":"viu_viu00040_c01_c55","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00040","_root_":"viu_viu00040","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00040_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00040_c01","parent_ssim":["Papers of Mary Johnston","Correspondence"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00040","viu_viu00040_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Zona Gale to \n Mary Johnston","title_ssm":["Zona Gale to \n Mary Johnston"],"title_tesim":["Zona Gale to \n Mary Johnston"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Zona Gale to \n Mary Johnston, 1915/1920"],"text":["Zona Gale to \n Mary Johnston, 1915/1920","Papers of Mary Johnston","Correspondence","box Box 2"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of Mary Johnston","Correspondence"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of Mary Johnston","Correspondence"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1915/1920"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1915; 1920"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":56,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"extent_ssm":["7"],"extent_tesim":["7"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 2"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#54","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00040","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00040","_root_":"viu_viu00040","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00040","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00040.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"title_tesim":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"text":["Papers of Mary Johnston","3588","This collection consists of ca. 4000 items.","There are no restrictions.","The correspondence with family, friends, agents, and\n publishers has been arranged alphabetically by the\n correspondents; this correspondence comprises the first seven\n boxes. The miscellaneous family, suffrage and other\n correspondence is in chronological order and occupies boxes 8-10. Boxes 11-19 contain the manuscripts of stories, novels,\n and dramatic adaptations and have been arranged alphabetically\n by title. The diaries and copies of diaries are arranged\n chronologically in boxes 20 and 21. In boxes 21-22 are are\n rough drafts of the biography compiled by her sister from \n Mary Johnston's diaries and unfinished\n autobiography. Box 23 contains genealogical material, and\n boxes 24-25 contain accounts and cashbooks. In box 26 are\n contracts and other legal papers, as well as photographs. Box\n 27 holds manuscripts of speeches on suffrage, labor, books and\n the Civil War, and box 28 contains miscellaneous personal\n articles. The remainder of box 28 and boxes 29-32 contain\n news-clippings collected by \n John W. Johnston, \n Mary Johnston, and \n Elizabeth Johnston; these clippings are\n about local \n Virginia news in the late 1800's, the\n suffrage movement, the peace movement, and \n Mary Johnston's novels.","Mary Johnston was born November 21, 1870 in \n Buchanan, Virginia to \n Elizabeth Alexander Johnston from \n Moorefield, West Virginia and \n John W. Johnston, lawyer and railway\n executive, of \n Botetourt County, Virginia. \n Mary Johnston, the oldest of six\n children, was followed by \n Eloise Johnston, \n Anne Johnston, \n John Johnston, \n Walter Johnston, and \n Elizabeth Johnston; the first and last\n two siblings lived most of their adult lives with \n Mary Johnston until her death, and they\n are mentioned frequently in these papers.","The family moved to \n Birmingham, Alabama in 1886 and, except\n for a brief period spent in \n New York City around 1893 remained in \n Birmingham until 1902 when they moved to \n Richmond, Virginia. \n Elizabeth Alexander Johnston died in 1889\n soon after the birth of her last child. \n John W. Johnston, a \n Confederate soldier and cousin to General \n Joseph E. Johnston, died in 1905, and\n soon thereafter \n Mary Johnston became critically ill,\n hovering close to death for nearly a year. Although she\n recovered and lived until 1936, she was plagued with horrible\n headaches and ill health most of her life. In 1912 \n Mary Johnston and \n Eloise Johnston bought land and built a\n home, \"Three Hills,\" in \n Warm Springs, Virginia; this remained the\n Johnston family home until \n Elizabeth Johnston's death in the\n 1960's.","Mary Johnston was not formally educated\n but apparently did a great deal of undirected reading in her\n youth, particularly of literature, history, philosophy, and\n science. She loved nature and, as a young adult, travelled\n frequently in \n Europe. She began writing in 1893, and\n her novel, \n Prisoner of Hope,which appeared\n in 1898, was her first publication. \n Houghton, Mifflin and Co. published her\n novels until she changed to \n Harpers in 1918; in 1922 she moved to \n Little-Brown and Co. Her literary agent\n was \n Carl Brandt. \n Mary Johnston published twenty-three\n novels--the earlier ones such as \n To Have and To Hold,Audrey,Sir Mortimer,Lewis Rand,and \n The Long Roll were the most\n popular--one play, \n The Goddess of Reason; one\n historical work, \n The Pioneers of the Old\n South; and numerous short stories.","In addition to her literary and feminist activities, \n Mary Johnston was a self-declared pacifist\n in World War I and worked for peace through various\n organizations. She also had a great interest in socialism,\n although she never joined the \n Socialist Party. In later years she\n studied theosophy with much enthusiasm.","The Papers of Mary Johnston consists of ca. 4000 items, including correspondence (both personal and professional), literary manuscripts, dramatic adaptations, diaries, accounts and cashbooks, photographs, speeches and news clippings.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3588"],"unitid_tesim":["3588"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Papers of Mary Johnston were deposited by Elizabeth Johnston\n November 1, 1960and became the property of the\n University of Virginia when she\n died."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 4000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence with family, friends, agents, and\n publishers has been arranged alphabetically by the\n correspondents; this correspondence comprises the first seven\n boxes. The miscellaneous family, suffrage and other\n correspondence is in chronological order and occupies boxes 8-10. Boxes 11-19 contain the manuscripts of stories, novels,\n and dramatic adaptations and have been arranged alphabetically\n by title. The diaries and copies of diaries are arranged\n chronologically in boxes 20 and 21. In boxes 21-22 are are\n rough drafts of the biography compiled by her sister from \n Mary Johnston's diaries and unfinished\n autobiography. Box 23 contains genealogical material, and\n boxes 24-25 contain accounts and cashbooks. In box 26 are\n contracts and other legal papers, as well as photographs. Box\n 27 holds manuscripts of speeches on suffrage, labor, books and\n the Civil War, and box 28 contains miscellaneous personal\n articles. The remainder of box 28 and boxes 29-32 contain\n news-clippings collected by \n John W. Johnston, \n Mary Johnston, and \n Elizabeth Johnston; these clippings are\n about local \n Virginia news in the late 1800's, the\n suffrage movement, the peace movement, and \n Mary Johnston's novels.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The correspondence with family, friends, agents, and\n publishers has been arranged alphabetically by the\n correspondents; this correspondence comprises the first seven\n boxes. The miscellaneous family, suffrage and other\n correspondence is in chronological order and occupies boxes 8-10. Boxes 11-19 contain the manuscripts of stories, novels,\n and dramatic adaptations and have been arranged alphabetically\n by title. The diaries and copies of diaries are arranged\n chronologically in boxes 20 and 21. In boxes 21-22 are are\n rough drafts of the biography compiled by her sister from \n Mary Johnston's diaries and unfinished\n autobiography. Box 23 contains genealogical material, and\n boxes 24-25 contain accounts and cashbooks. In box 26 are\n contracts and other legal papers, as well as photographs. Box\n 27 holds manuscripts of speeches on suffrage, labor, books and\n the Civil War, and box 28 contains miscellaneous personal\n articles. The remainder of box 28 and boxes 29-32 contain\n news-clippings collected by \n John W. Johnston, \n Mary Johnston, and \n Elizabeth Johnston; these clippings are\n about local \n Virginia news in the late 1800's, the\n suffrage movement, the peace movement, and \n Mary Johnston's novels."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n Mary Johnston was born November 21, 1870 in \n Buchanan, Virginia to \n Elizabeth Alexander Johnston from \n Moorefield, West Virginia and \n John W. Johnston, lawyer and railway\n executive, of \n Botetourt County, Virginia. \n Mary Johnston, the oldest of six\n children, was followed by \n Eloise Johnston, \n Anne Johnston, \n John Johnston, \n Walter Johnston, and \n Elizabeth Johnston; the first and last\n two siblings lived most of their adult lives with \n Mary Johnston until her death, and they\n are mentioned frequently in these papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe family moved to \n Birmingham, Alabama in 1886 and, except\n for a brief period spent in \n New York City around 1893 remained in \n Birmingham until 1902 when they moved to \n Richmond, Virginia. \n Elizabeth Alexander Johnston died in 1889\n soon after the birth of her last child. \n John W. Johnston, a \n Confederate soldier and cousin to General \n Joseph E. Johnston, died in 1905, and\n soon thereafter \n Mary Johnston became critically ill,\n hovering close to death for nearly a year. Although she\n recovered and lived until 1936, she was plagued with horrible\n headaches and ill health most of her life. In 1912 \n Mary Johnston and \n Eloise Johnston bought land and built a\n home, \"Three Hills,\" in \n Warm Springs, Virginia; this remained the\n Johnston family home until \n Elizabeth Johnston's death in the\n 1960's.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n Mary Johnston was not formally educated\n but apparently did a great deal of undirected reading in her\n youth, particularly of literature, history, philosophy, and\n science. She loved nature and, as a young adult, travelled\n frequently in \n Europe. She began writing in 1893, and\n her novel, \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003ePrisoner of Hope,\u003c/title\u003ewhich appeared\n in 1898, was her first publication. \n Houghton, Mifflin and Co. published her\n novels until she changed to \n Harpers in 1918; in 1922 she moved to \n Little-Brown and Co. Her literary agent\n was \n Carl Brandt. \n Mary Johnston published twenty-three\n novels--the earlier ones such as \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eTo Have and To Hold,\u003c/title\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAudrey,\u003c/title\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eSir Mortimer,\u003c/title\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eLewis Rand,\u003c/title\u003eand \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThe Long Roll\u003c/title\u003e were the most\n popular--one play, \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThe Goddess of Reason;\u003c/title\u003e one\n historical work, \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThe Pioneers of the Old\n South;\u003c/title\u003e and numerous short stories.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to her literary and feminist activities, \n Mary Johnston was a self-declared pacifist\n in World War I and worked for peace through various\n organizations. She also had a great interest in socialism,\n although she never joined the \n Socialist Party. In later years she\n studied theosophy with much enthusiasm.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Mary Johnston was born November 21, 1870 in \n Buchanan, Virginia to \n Elizabeth Alexander Johnston from \n Moorefield, West Virginia and \n John W. Johnston, lawyer and railway\n executive, of \n Botetourt County, Virginia. \n Mary Johnston, the oldest of six\n children, was followed by \n Eloise Johnston, \n Anne Johnston, \n John Johnston, \n Walter Johnston, and \n Elizabeth Johnston; the first and last\n two siblings lived most of their adult lives with \n Mary Johnston until her death, and they\n are mentioned frequently in these papers.","The family moved to \n Birmingham, Alabama in 1886 and, except\n for a brief period spent in \n New York City around 1893 remained in \n Birmingham until 1902 when they moved to \n Richmond, Virginia. \n Elizabeth Alexander Johnston died in 1889\n soon after the birth of her last child. \n John W. Johnston, a \n Confederate soldier and cousin to General \n Joseph E. Johnston, died in 1905, and\n soon thereafter \n Mary Johnston became critically ill,\n hovering close to death for nearly a year. Although she\n recovered and lived until 1936, she was plagued with horrible\n headaches and ill health most of her life. In 1912 \n Mary Johnston and \n Eloise Johnston bought land and built a\n home, \"Three Hills,\" in \n Warm Springs, Virginia; this remained the\n Johnston family home until \n Elizabeth Johnston's death in the\n 1960's.","Mary Johnston was not formally educated\n but apparently did a great deal of undirected reading in her\n youth, particularly of literature, history, philosophy, and\n science. She loved nature and, as a young adult, travelled\n frequently in \n Europe. She began writing in 1893, and\n her novel, \n Prisoner of Hope,which appeared\n in 1898, was her first publication. \n Houghton, Mifflin and Co. published her\n novels until she changed to \n Harpers in 1918; in 1922 she moved to \n Little-Brown and Co. Her literary agent\n was \n Carl Brandt. \n Mary Johnston published twenty-three\n novels--the earlier ones such as \n To Have and To Hold,Audrey,Sir Mortimer,Lewis Rand,and \n The Long Roll were the most\n popular--one play, \n The Goddess of Reason; one\n historical work, \n The Pioneers of the Old\n South; and numerous short stories.","In addition to her literary and feminist activities, \n Mary Johnston was a self-declared pacifist\n in World War I and worked for peace through various\n organizations. She also had a great interest in socialism,\n although she never joined the \n Socialist Party. In later years she\n studied theosophy with much enthusiasm."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of Mary Johnston, Accession #3588, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Va.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of Mary Johnston, Accession #3588, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Papers of Mary Johnston consists of ca. 4000 items, including correspondence (both personal and professional), literary manuscripts, dramatic adaptations, diaries, accounts and cashbooks, photographs, speeches and news clippings.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Papers of Mary Johnston consists of ca. 4000 items, including correspondence (both personal and professional), literary manuscripts, dramatic adaptations, diaries, accounts and cashbooks, photographs, speeches and news clippings."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":423,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00040_c01_c55"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","value":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","hits":4198},"links":{"remove":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1915\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}}]},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1915\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"165th Depot Brigade Band photograph, 1914/1918","value":"165th Depot Brigade Band photograph, 1914/1918","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=165th+Depot+Brigade+Band+photograph%2C+1914%2F1918\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1915\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"A. 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