{"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1912\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=293","prev":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1912\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=292","last":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1912\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=293"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":293,"next_page":null,"prev_page":292,"total_pages":293,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":2920,"total_count":2926,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":true}},"data":[{"id":"viu_viu00118_c03_c20","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Wythe County: Early Social\n Life, 1870/1985","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00118_c03_c20#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00118_c03_c20","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00118_c03_c20"],"id":"viu_viu00118_c03_c20","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00118","_root_":"viu_viu00118","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00118_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00118_c03","parent_ssim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","Research Papers of Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00118","viu_viu00118_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"Wythe County: Early Social\n Life","title_ssm":["Wythe County: Early Social\n Life"],"title_tesim":["Wythe County: Early Social\n Life"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Wythe County: Early Social\n Life, 1870/1985"],"text":["Wythe County: Early Social\n Life, 1870/1985","Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","Research Papers of Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley","Box Box 3"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","Research Papers of Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","Research Papers of Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1870/1985"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1870, 1977-1985"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":37,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 3"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#19","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:01.121Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00118","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00118","_root_":"viu_viu00118","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00118","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00118.xml","title_ssm":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"title_tesim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"text":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)","9232-p","ca. 1,000 items","This collection consists of ca. 1,000 items, 1844\n (1920-1990), including correspondence, personal and\n professional papers, genealogy and local history research\n files, photographs, and printed material, pertaining to the \n Graham, \n Sanders, and \n Tatefamilies, and \n Wythe County, Virginia. Among the\n correspondence are letters, 1955-1956, from \n Agnes Graham Sanders Rileywhile in \n South Africa, and letters from \n Andrew Trigg Sandersand \n Friel Tate Sanderswhile serving as \n U. S. Armyofficers during World War\n II.","Letters, 1955-1956, written by \n Agnes Graham Sanders Rileyfrom \n South Africareveal cultural customs,\n including labor, social, educational, and religious; life for\n the American family; and limited historical and political news\n (due to censorship). \n Edward Thompson Wailes, Ambassador to the\n Union of South Africa, is mentioned in\n letters of August 21 \u0026 25 and September 6, 1955 and\n February 9, 1956. \n Park Riley's education and the school\n system are discussed in letters of September 2 \u0026 6 and\n October 31, 1955 and January 13, 18, \u0026 21, 1956. There is\n mention of the Eisenhowers and/or U. S. politics in letters of\n September 27, October 18, and November 23 \u0026 29, 1955.","Highlights of the letters from South Africa are as follows:\n 1955 Aug 1 \u0026 3 --Onboard R.M.S. \"Queen Mary\" and\n arrival in \n London, England1955 Aug 16 --Near \n Capetown, Cape of Good Hope, South\n Africa, family news1955 Aug 21 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., arrived and taken to\n meet the American Consul, invitation for dinner at the home\n of the American Ambassador who graduated in Herbert's class\n at \n Oak Ridge, legislature in session\n putting hardship on housing conditions1955 Aug 25 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., dined with Ambassador\n Wailes, government in session1955 Sep 2 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., son Park's school\n attire, school run by Christian Brothers1955 Sep 6 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., to \n Margaret Faust, Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes, their own 20th wedding anniversary on August 25,\n British-Boer division, problems of school and housing,\n private school run by Christian Brothers, some customs and\n views in \n South Africa1955 Sep 8 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., strict customs, a\n visit to a Presbyterian church, a school house in \n Pretoriain which Churchill was held\n prisoner during the British-Boer War1955 Sep 21 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., attended a memorial\n for the Battle of \n Britainat the Cathedral, a meeting of\n the \n Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa1955 Sep 27 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., concern for Eisenhower\n and his illness and burdens1955 Oct 12 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., hotel life, being\n invited to so many social functions, Herbert being a public\n figure and probably being transferred to the \n University of Cape Town1955 Oct 18 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., politics -- \n [William Averell] Harriman, weather,\n meeting people from \n Holland1955 Oct 24 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., beauty of jacaranda\n trees, city celebrating its 100th anniversary,\n weather1955 Oct 31 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Park's school work,\n Herbert going to \n Rhodes University1955 Oct-Nov -- \n Livingstone, North Rhodesia, visiting \n Victoria Falls, \n [David] Livingstone's discovery of the\n falls in 1855, wild animals in the game reserve1955 Nov 11 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Herbert at \n Rhodes Universityin \n Grahamstown, English part of the\n Union1955 Nov 17 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., centenary\n celebration--bazaars for charity1955 Nov 23 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., moving to \n Cape Townsoon, \n Mamie's [Eisenhower]troubles1955 Nov 29 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Anglican Church\n service for Americans, Eisenhower's recovery, voting age in\n Kentuckybeing lowered to 181955 Dec 4 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., life in \n South Africa--winter clothes being\n packed, Herbert's talk at the \n South African National Laboratory,\n America-South Africa amateur baseball game1955 Dec 11 -- \n Durban, S.A., traveling to \n Cape Town, from \n Johannesburgto \n Durbanwas a 6,000 foot drop1955 Dec 14-16 -- \n East London, S.A., travelled through\n native reserve country; \n Port Elizabeth, S.A., snake farm,\n pineapple and banana farms, visiting baseball team from\n America1955 Dec 22 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., temporary living\n arrangements near the University1955 Dec 29 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Christmas celebration\n at home and church service1955 Dec 31 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., concern for\n mother1956 Jan 6 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., concern for mother,\n Park's new friends1956 Jan 8 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., \n Nannie Graham's birthday,\n congregational church service1956 Jan 13 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., saw Governor General\n ride to open parliament, problems finding a school for Park\n due to overcrowded conditions1956 Jan 18 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., mails, university\n president's wife got Park in a good school--Anglican1956 Jan 2 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Park's school, less\n American friends here than in \n Pretoria1956 Jan 25 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., view from window of \n Table Mountain, the University, and\n Rhodes Memorial, invited to Parliament--beautiful\n buildings1956 Feb 1 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., plans to return home,\n toured \n Cape Town, a beautiful city1956 Feb 9 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes in town and inviting them to dinner1956 Feb 13 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., went onboard British\n luxury liner Coronia, had luncheon in the dining room of\n the Houses of Parliament (former student's uncle a member\n of Parliament)1956 Feb 20 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., comparison of people\n in \n Pretoriaand \n Cape Town, attended the celebration of\n the World Day of Prayer1956 Feb 27 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., plans to leave for\n home, bought plants to send to \n Kentucky1956 Mar 7 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., heard bad news about \n Charlie Graham, careful not to comment\n on South African politics1957 --Typed manuscript: \"The Republic of \n South Africa\" by \n Agnes S. Riley. History accompanying\n Herbert's slide presentation.","During 1942-1947, \n Andrew Trigg Sanders(1910-) wrote about\n life in \n North Africaduring World War II, general\n news about the war and conditions, and family and other news\n from home. On February 27, 1942, he wrote about camp life\n [probably in North Africa]. During October through December\n 1942, he was at \n Camp Pickett, Virginia, the location of\n new headquarters. During 1943, he wrote from North Africa.\n There are letters revealing his work in the supply section and\n with the Special Services branch, planning athletic and\n entertainment programs, and commenting on Arab lifestyles\n (March 16); mentioning news of a friend \"Jean,\" who had her\n picture taken with \n Walt Disneyand that two Virginia medical\n units are nearby (April 24); discussing organizational changes\n and inquiring about rationing at home (May 17); referring to\n his teaching school, a class for 2nd lieutenants and enlisted\n men (July 9); remarking that recent developments make it\n harder to identify friend or enemy (October 3); and, relating\n news of the death of young Graham, son of Dave and Verna and\n the sale of the Graham farm (October 3, November 10). From\n November 1943 until October 30, 1945, he was in \n Italy. On November 27, 1943, he wrote,\n after arriving, that the people and the country were quite\n different than in \n North Africa, that fruits and nuts were\n plentiful but that there was a shortage of other foods, that\n the land was more fertile but that the destruction greater,\n and that the people were easier to talk to than the French. On\n May 29, 1944, he reported that he was doing special work away\n from his unit and having a chance to see more of the country.\n By June 23, 1944, he returned to his unit and found many\n changes, which he also mentioned in his letter of August 18,\n 1944. In his letter of September 19, 1944, he speculated as to\n when the war would be over and whether they would go to the \n Pacific; mentioned casting his vote for\n Roosevelt; and being sent to \n Romein charge of a group of men going\n there to rest, where he got the chance to tour certain points\n of interest. There are several letters following that discuss\n general news about the war and his family at home. On May 9,\n 1945, he was anxious to hear about the point system and\n expected to remain in \n Naplesfor six or eight months. And, on\n May 25, he wrote that service troops would be the last to\n return home. On July 12, 1945, he wrote that they are now\n preparing equipment for the East, that there were 3,000\n soldiers, civilians, and POWs in one shop, and that he was now\n executive officer. Through the end of 1945, his letters are\n filled with hopes of returning home. There is also a letter,\n January 31, 1947, concerning a training session re: crude\n petroleum.","Letters, 1926-1947, from \n Edwin Hanson Sanders(1871-1948), and\n related correspondence, discuss family and business matters.\n There is a letter, April 5, 1929, from \n Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders(his\n mother) to \n William E. Fultonconcerning family news.\n A letter of August 18, 1933, from Rev. \n H. G. Allendiscusses the death of \n Shipton K. C. Sanders. \n Edwin Hanson Sanderswrote from the \n Department of Agricultureand Immigration,\n discussing breed of cattle and mentioning the effect of the\n war or prospects for war on farm products (November 10, 1939);\n and, giving a comparison of the business boom during the\n Spanish-American War, World War I, and the current one,\n mentioning the growing business activity at Radford with some\n eight thousand working, and commenting on low patriotism,\n partly due to salary conflicts.","Letters, 1924-1925, from \n Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.discuss life at \n Hampden-Sidney. Letters of March 1 and 22\n refer to his bid to an honorary fraternity [ \n The 13 Society], which chose \"all round\n good men,\" who were then only known as members during their\n senior year.","Letters, 1939-1946, from \n Friel Tate Sanders(1915-1959) cover\n chiefly the period during World War II. During February 1943\n through April 1945, he was stationed in China. On March 20, he\n wrote that he arrived at his assigned post and was living in a\n private home and described life there. His letter of July 20,\n 1943 mentioned that the foods were similar, such as new\n potatoes, beans, tomatoes, corn, chicken, and watermelon. On\n July 31, 1944, he has heard good news and broadcasts about the\n Germans and Japanese. On November 28, 1944, he wrote that he\n has been moved to a new station; and, on March 20, 1945, he\n wrote that he is awaiting orders to go home. He wrote, from \n Miami Beach, Florida, on May 18, 1945,\n that the war was over, that he has finished processing and is\n awaiting a new assignment, that some materials are being\n released, such as tires, and that there is a possibility of an\n increase in gas allowance. During June through August 1945, he\n wrote from \n Stuttgart, Arkansas, concerning work and\n continuing studies under the G.I. Bill. Letters of October 31\n and December 19, 1946, are concerned with his marriage to \n Nelda Rose Hunter.","Other correspondents or topics of interest are: \" \n Hollins College\" folder -- \n E. Lee Trinkle(May 24, 1924); \n Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson(October 20, 1930);\n Bessie Carter Randolph, President of \n Hollins College(January 10 and March 5,\n 1938). \"Kentucky, University of\" folder -- \n John Canaday(January 30, 1964), \n Mills E. Godwin, Jr.(November 13, 1969).\n \"Personal Papers\" folders -- \n Leslie Hellermanre method of testing\n stability of diazomium compounds (February 7, 1935); wedding\n announcements and photographs (August 21, 1935); war ration\n book (1943); \n John A. Logan, Jr., President of \n Hollins College(April 5, 1971 and June\n 26, 1974); \n W. R. Chitwood(December 2, 1974); \n Paula P. Brownlee, President of \n Hollins College(July 18, 1981, December\n 4, 1983, and May 5, 1986); and, an obituary/memorial to \n Herbert Parkes Riley(March 22, 1988).\n \"Southwest Virginia\" folder -- \n W. Edwin Hemphill(January 21, 1964); \n Ralph McGill(September 29, 1967); \n William H. Dumont(July 9, 1968); \n John Melville Jennings(January 14, 1970);\n W. R. Chitwood(March 2, 1971; November\n 24, 1975; June 20 \u0026 28, 1985); \n William M. E. Rachel(1971-1972); \n Harrison E. Salisbury(August 20, 1973);\n and \n Paul C. Nagel(September 23, 1985).","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of","Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family","Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"collection_ssim":["Graham, Tate and related families\n Papers \n 1844\n (1920-1990)"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["9232-p"],"unitid_tesim":["9232-p"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"creator_ssim":["Agnes Graham Sanders\n Riley"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family"],"creators_ssim":["Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of","Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was a gift to the Library from Mrs.\n Agnes Graham Sanders Riley of Lexington, Kentucky, on June\n 21, 1990."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["ca. 1,000 items"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 1,000 items, 1844\n (1920-1990), including correspondence, personal and\n professional papers, genealogy and local history research\n files, photographs, and printed material, pertaining to the \n Graham, \n Sanders, and \n Tatefamilies, and \n Wythe County, Virginia. Among the\n correspondence are letters, 1955-1956, from \n Agnes Graham Sanders Rileywhile in \n South Africa, and letters from \n Andrew Trigg Sandersand \n Friel Tate Sanderswhile serving as \n U. S. Armyofficers during World War\n II.","Letters, 1955-1956, written by \n Agnes Graham Sanders Rileyfrom \n South Africareveal cultural customs,\n including labor, social, educational, and religious; life for\n the American family; and limited historical and political news\n (due to censorship). \n Edward Thompson Wailes, Ambassador to the\n Union of South Africa, is mentioned in\n letters of August 21 \u0026 25 and September 6, 1955 and\n February 9, 1956. \n Park Riley's education and the school\n system are discussed in letters of September 2 \u0026 6 and\n October 31, 1955 and January 13, 18, \u0026 21, 1956. There is\n mention of the Eisenhowers and/or U. S. politics in letters of\n September 27, October 18, and November 23 \u0026 29, 1955.","Highlights of the letters from South Africa are as follows:\n 1955 Aug 1 \u0026 3 --Onboard R.M.S. \"Queen Mary\" and\n arrival in \n London, England1955 Aug 16 --Near \n Capetown, Cape of Good Hope, South\n Africa, family news1955 Aug 21 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., arrived and taken to\n meet the American Consul, invitation for dinner at the home\n of the American Ambassador who graduated in Herbert's class\n at \n Oak Ridge, legislature in session\n putting hardship on housing conditions1955 Aug 25 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., dined with Ambassador\n Wailes, government in session1955 Sep 2 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., son Park's school\n attire, school run by Christian Brothers1955 Sep 6 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., to \n Margaret Faust, Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes, their own 20th wedding anniversary on August 25,\n British-Boer division, problems of school and housing,\n private school run by Christian Brothers, some customs and\n views in \n South Africa1955 Sep 8 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., strict customs, a\n visit to a Presbyterian church, a school house in \n Pretoriain which Churchill was held\n prisoner during the British-Boer War1955 Sep 21 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., attended a memorial\n for the Battle of \n Britainat the Cathedral, a meeting of\n the \n Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa1955 Sep 27 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., concern for Eisenhower\n and his illness and burdens1955 Oct 12 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., hotel life, being\n invited to so many social functions, Herbert being a public\n figure and probably being transferred to the \n University of Cape Town1955 Oct 18 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., politics -- \n [William Averell] Harriman, weather,\n meeting people from \n Holland1955 Oct 24 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., beauty of jacaranda\n trees, city celebrating its 100th anniversary,\n weather1955 Oct 31 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Park's school work,\n Herbert going to \n Rhodes University1955 Oct-Nov -- \n Livingstone, North Rhodesia, visiting \n Victoria Falls, \n [David] Livingstone's discovery of the\n falls in 1855, wild animals in the game reserve1955 Nov 11 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Herbert at \n Rhodes Universityin \n Grahamstown, English part of the\n Union1955 Nov 17 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., centenary\n celebration--bazaars for charity1955 Nov 23 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., moving to \n Cape Townsoon, \n Mamie's [Eisenhower]troubles1955 Nov 29 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., Anglican Church\n service for Americans, Eisenhower's recovery, voting age in\n Kentuckybeing lowered to 181955 Dec 4 -- \n Pretoria, S.A., life in \n South Africa--winter clothes being\n packed, Herbert's talk at the \n South African National Laboratory,\n America-South Africa amateur baseball game1955 Dec 11 -- \n Durban, S.A., traveling to \n Cape Town, from \n Johannesburgto \n Durbanwas a 6,000 foot drop1955 Dec 14-16 -- \n East London, S.A., travelled through\n native reserve country; \n Port Elizabeth, S.A., snake farm,\n pineapple and banana farms, visiting baseball team from\n America1955 Dec 22 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., temporary living\n arrangements near the University1955 Dec 29 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Christmas celebration\n at home and church service1955 Dec 31 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., concern for\n mother1956 Jan 6 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., concern for mother,\n Park's new friends1956 Jan 8 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., \n Nannie Graham's birthday,\n congregational church service1956 Jan 13 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., saw Governor General\n ride to open parliament, problems finding a school for Park\n due to overcrowded conditions1956 Jan 18 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., mails, university\n president's wife got Park in a good school--Anglican1956 Jan 2 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Park's school, less\n American friends here than in \n Pretoria1956 Jan 25 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., view from window of \n Table Mountain, the University, and\n Rhodes Memorial, invited to Parliament--beautiful\n buildings1956 Feb 1 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., plans to return home,\n toured \n Cape Town, a beautiful city1956 Feb 9 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes in town and inviting them to dinner1956 Feb 13 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., went onboard British\n luxury liner Coronia, had luncheon in the dining room of\n the Houses of Parliament (former student's uncle a member\n of Parliament)1956 Feb 20 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., comparison of people\n in \n Pretoriaand \n Cape Town, attended the celebration of\n the World Day of Prayer1956 Feb 27 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., plans to leave for\n home, bought plants to send to \n Kentucky1956 Mar 7 -- \n Cape Town, S.A., heard bad news about \n Charlie Graham, careful not to comment\n on South African politics1957 --Typed manuscript: \"The Republic of \n South Africa\" by \n Agnes S. Riley. History accompanying\n Herbert's slide presentation.","During 1942-1947, \n Andrew Trigg Sanders(1910-) wrote about\n life in \n North Africaduring World War II, general\n news about the war and conditions, and family and other news\n from home. On February 27, 1942, he wrote about camp life\n [probably in North Africa]. During October through December\n 1942, he was at \n Camp Pickett, Virginia, the location of\n new headquarters. During 1943, he wrote from North Africa.\n There are letters revealing his work in the supply section and\n with the Special Services branch, planning athletic and\n entertainment programs, and commenting on Arab lifestyles\n (March 16); mentioning news of a friend \"Jean,\" who had her\n picture taken with \n Walt Disneyand that two Virginia medical\n units are nearby (April 24); discussing organizational changes\n and inquiring about rationing at home (May 17); referring to\n his teaching school, a class for 2nd lieutenants and enlisted\n men (July 9); remarking that recent developments make it\n harder to identify friend or enemy (October 3); and, relating\n news of the death of young Graham, son of Dave and Verna and\n the sale of the Graham farm (October 3, November 10). From\n November 1943 until October 30, 1945, he was in \n Italy. On November 27, 1943, he wrote,\n after arriving, that the people and the country were quite\n different than in \n North Africa, that fruits and nuts were\n plentiful but that there was a shortage of other foods, that\n the land was more fertile but that the destruction greater,\n and that the people were easier to talk to than the French. On\n May 29, 1944, he reported that he was doing special work away\n from his unit and having a chance to see more of the country.\n By June 23, 1944, he returned to his unit and found many\n changes, which he also mentioned in his letter of August 18,\n 1944. In his letter of September 19, 1944, he speculated as to\n when the war would be over and whether they would go to the \n Pacific; mentioned casting his vote for\n Roosevelt; and being sent to \n Romein charge of a group of men going\n there to rest, where he got the chance to tour certain points\n of interest. There are several letters following that discuss\n general news about the war and his family at home. On May 9,\n 1945, he was anxious to hear about the point system and\n expected to remain in \n Naplesfor six or eight months. And, on\n May 25, he wrote that service troops would be the last to\n return home. On July 12, 1945, he wrote that they are now\n preparing equipment for the East, that there were 3,000\n soldiers, civilians, and POWs in one shop, and that he was now\n executive officer. Through the end of 1945, his letters are\n filled with hopes of returning home. There is also a letter,\n January 31, 1947, concerning a training session re: crude\n petroleum.","Letters, 1926-1947, from \n Edwin Hanson Sanders(1871-1948), and\n related correspondence, discuss family and business matters.\n There is a letter, April 5, 1929, from \n Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders(his\n mother) to \n William E. Fultonconcerning family news.\n A letter of August 18, 1933, from Rev. \n H. G. Allendiscusses the death of \n Shipton K. C. Sanders. \n Edwin Hanson Sanderswrote from the \n Department of Agricultureand Immigration,\n discussing breed of cattle and mentioning the effect of the\n war or prospects for war on farm products (November 10, 1939);\n and, giving a comparison of the business boom during the\n Spanish-American War, World War I, and the current one,\n mentioning the growing business activity at Radford with some\n eight thousand working, and commenting on low patriotism,\n partly due to salary conflicts.","Letters, 1924-1925, from \n Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.discuss life at \n Hampden-Sidney. Letters of March 1 and 22\n refer to his bid to an honorary fraternity [ \n The 13 Society], which chose \"all round\n good men,\" who were then only known as members during their\n senior year.","Letters, 1939-1946, from \n Friel Tate Sanders(1915-1959) cover\n chiefly the period during World War II. During February 1943\n through April 1945, he was stationed in China. On March 20, he\n wrote that he arrived at his assigned post and was living in a\n private home and described life there. His letter of July 20,\n 1943 mentioned that the foods were similar, such as new\n potatoes, beans, tomatoes, corn, chicken, and watermelon. On\n July 31, 1944, he has heard good news and broadcasts about the\n Germans and Japanese. On November 28, 1944, he wrote that he\n has been moved to a new station; and, on March 20, 1945, he\n wrote that he is awaiting orders to go home. He wrote, from \n Miami Beach, Florida, on May 18, 1945,\n that the war was over, that he has finished processing and is\n awaiting a new assignment, that some materials are being\n released, such as tires, and that there is a possibility of an\n increase in gas allowance. During June through August 1945, he\n wrote from \n Stuttgart, Arkansas, concerning work and\n continuing studies under the G.I. Bill. Letters of October 31\n and December 19, 1946, are concerned with his marriage to \n Nelda Rose Hunter.","Other correspondents or topics of interest are: \" \n Hollins College\" folder -- \n E. Lee Trinkle(May 24, 1924); \n Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson(October 20, 1930);\n Bessie Carter Randolph, President of \n Hollins College(January 10 and March 5,\n 1938). \"Kentucky, University of\" folder -- \n John Canaday(January 30, 1964), \n Mills E. Godwin, Jr.(November 13, 1969).\n \"Personal Papers\" folders -- \n Leslie Hellermanre method of testing\n stability of diazomium compounds (February 7, 1935); wedding\n announcements and photographs (August 21, 1935); war ration\n book (1943); \n John A. Logan, Jr., President of \n Hollins College(April 5, 1971 and June\n 26, 1974); \n W. R. Chitwood(December 2, 1974); \n Paula P. Brownlee, President of \n Hollins College(July 18, 1981, December\n 4, 1983, and May 5, 1986); and, an obituary/memorial to \n Herbert Parkes Riley(March 22, 1988).\n \"Southwest Virginia\" folder -- \n W. Edwin Hemphill(January 21, 1964); \n Ralph McGill(September 29, 1967); \n William H. Dumont(July 9, 1968); \n John Melville Jennings(January 14, 1970);\n W. R. Chitwood(March 2, 1971; November\n 24, 1975; June 20 \u0026 28, 1985); \n William M. E. Rachel(1971-1972); \n Harrison E. Salisbury(August 20, 1973);\n and \n Paul C. Nagel(September 23, 1985)."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of"],"famname_ssim":["Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family"],"persname_ssim":["Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","U. S. Army","South Africa","Union of South Africa","Oak Ridge","Prebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa","University of Cape Town","Rhodes University","South African National Laboratory","Department of Agriculture","Hampden-Sidney","The 13 Society","Hollins College","Kentucky, University of","Graham","Sanders","Tate","Graham Family","Tate Family","Sanders Family","Trigg Family","Calhoun Family","Agnes Graham Sanders Riley","Andrew Trigg Sanders","Friel Tate Sanders","Edward Thompson Wailes","Park Riley","Margaret Faust","[William Averell] Harriman","[David] Livingstone","Mamie's [Eisenhower]","Nannie Graham","Charlie Graham","Agnes S. Riley","Walt Disney","Edwin Hanson Sanders","Shipton Kincannon Curran Sanders","William E. Fulton","H. G. Allen","Shipton K. C. Sanders","Edwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.","Nelda Rose Hunter","E. Lee Trinkle","Eleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson","Bessie Carter Randolph","John Canaday","Mills E. Godwin, Jr.","Leslie Hellerman","John A. Logan, Jr.","W. R. Chitwood","Paula P. Brownlee","Herbert Parkes Riley","W. Edwin Hemphill","Ralph McGill","William H. Dumont","John Melville Jennings","William M. E. Rachel","Harrison E. Salisbury","Paul C. Nagel","Nannie Montgomery\n Graham","William Tate Graham","Edwin Hanson Sanders,\n Jr.","Elizabeth Graham\n Sanders","William Campbell","Robert Graham","David Graham","David Peirce Graham","David Graham Sanders","Elizabeth Graham Sanders","John Thompson","Edith Bolling Wilson","John Montgomery"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":44,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:01.121Z","scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. 1,000 items, 1844\n (1920-1990), including correspondence, personal and\n professional papers, genealogy and local history research\n files, photographs, and printed material, pertaining to the \n \u003cfamname\u003eGraham\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003eSanders\u003c/famname\u003e, and \n \u003cfamname\u003eTate\u003c/famname\u003efamilies, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWythe County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Among the\n correspondence are letters, 1955-1956, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAgnes Graham Sanders Riley\u003c/persname\u003ewhile in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e, and letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAndrew Trigg Sanders\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFriel Tate Sanders\u003c/persname\u003ewhile serving as \n \u003ccorpname\u003eU. S. Army\u003c/corpname\u003eofficers during World War\n II.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters, 1955-1956, written by \n \u003cpersname\u003eAgnes Graham Sanders Riley\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003ccorpname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/corpname\u003ereveal cultural customs,\n including labor, social, educational, and religious; life for\n the American family; and limited historical and political news\n (due to censorship). \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Thompson Wailes\u003c/persname\u003e, Ambassador to the\n \u003ccorpname\u003eUnion of South Africa\u003c/corpname\u003e, is mentioned in\n letters of August 21 \u0026amp; 25 and September 6, 1955 and\n February 9, 1956. \n \u003cpersname\u003ePark Riley\u003c/persname\u003e's education and the school\n system are discussed in letters of September 2 \u0026amp; 6 and\n October 31, 1955 and January 13, 18, \u0026amp; 21, 1956. There is\n mention of the Eisenhowers and/or U. S. politics in letters of\n September 27, October 18, and November 23 \u0026amp; 29, 1955.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHighlights of the letters from South Africa are as follows:\n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Aug 1 \u0026amp; 3 --Onboard R.M.S. \"Queen Mary\" and\n arrival in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLondon, England\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Aug 16 --Near \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCapetown, Cape of Good Hope, South\n Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e, family news\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Aug 21 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, arrived and taken to\n meet the American Consul, invitation for dinner at the home\n of the American Ambassador who graduated in Herbert's class\n at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eOak Ridge\u003c/corpname\u003e, legislature in session\n putting hardship on housing conditions\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Aug 25 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, dined with Ambassador\n Wailes, government in session\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 2 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, son Park's school\n attire, school run by Christian Brothers\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 6 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMargaret Faust\u003c/persname\u003e, Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes, their own 20th wedding anniversary on August 25,\n British-Boer division, problems of school and housing,\n private school run by Christian Brothers, some customs and\n views in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 8 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, strict customs, a\n visit to a Presbyterian church, a school house in \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria\u003c/geogname\u003ein which Churchill was held\n prisoner during the British-Boer War\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 21 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, attended a memorial\n for the Battle of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBritain\u003c/geogname\u003eat the Cathedral, a meeting of\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePrebyterian Church of the Province of South\n Africa\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Sep 27 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, concern for Eisenhower\n and his illness and burdens\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct 12 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, hotel life, being\n invited to so many social functions, Herbert being a public\n figure and probably being transferred to the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Cape Town\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct 18 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, politics -- \n \u003cpersname\u003e[William Averell] Harriman\u003c/persname\u003e, weather,\n meeting people from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHolland\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct 24 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, beauty of jacaranda\n trees, city celebrating its 100th anniversary,\n weather\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct 31 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Park's school work,\n Herbert going to \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRhodes University\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Oct-Nov -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLivingstone, North Rhodesia\u003c/geogname\u003e, visiting \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVictoria Falls\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003e[David] Livingstone\u003c/persname\u003e's discovery of the\n falls in 1855, wild animals in the game reserve\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Nov 11 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Herbert at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRhodes University\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGrahamstown\u003c/geogname\u003e, English part of the\n Union\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Nov 17 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, centenary\n celebration--bazaars for charity\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Nov 23 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, moving to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town\u003c/geogname\u003esoon, \n \u003cpersname\u003eMamie's [Eisenhower]\u003c/persname\u003etroubles\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Nov 29 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Anglican Church\n service for Americans, Eisenhower's recovery, voting age in\n \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003ebeing lowered to 18\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 4 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, life in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e--winter clothes being\n packed, Herbert's talk at the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eSouth African National Laboratory\u003c/corpname\u003e,\n America-South Africa amateur baseball game\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 11 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eDurban, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, traveling to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town\u003c/geogname\u003e, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eJohannesburg\u003c/geogname\u003eto \n \u003cgeogname\u003eDurban\u003c/geogname\u003ewas a 6,000 foot drop\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 14-16 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEast London, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, travelled through\n native reserve country; \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePort Elizabeth, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, snake farm,\n pineapple and banana farms, visiting baseball team from\n America\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 22 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, temporary living\n arrangements near the University\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 29 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Christmas celebration\n at home and church service\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1955 Dec 31 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, concern for\n mother\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 6 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, concern for mother,\n Park's new friends\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 8 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eNannie Graham\u003c/persname\u003e's birthday,\n congregational church service\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 13 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, saw Governor General\n ride to open parliament, problems finding a school for Park\n due to overcrowded conditions\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 18 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, mails, university\n president's wife got Park in a good school--Anglican\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 2 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Park's school, less\n American friends here than in \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Jan 25 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, view from window of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eTable Mountain\u003c/geogname\u003e, the University, and\n Rhodes Memorial, invited to Parliament--beautiful\n buildings\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 1 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, plans to return home,\n toured \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town\u003c/geogname\u003e, a beautiful city\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 9 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, Ambassador and Mrs.\n Wailes in town and inviting them to dinner\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 13 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, went onboard British\n luxury liner Coronia, had luncheon in the dining room of\n the Houses of Parliament (former student's uncle a member\n of Parliament)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 20 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, comparison of people\n in \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePretoria\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town\u003c/geogname\u003e, attended the celebration of\n the World Day of Prayer\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Feb 27 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, plans to leave for\n home, bought plants to send to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1956 Mar 7 -- \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCape Town, S.A.\u003c/geogname\u003e, heard bad news about \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharlie Graham\u003c/persname\u003e, careful not to comment\n on South African politics\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e1957 --Typed manuscript: \"The Republic of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSouth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e\" by \n \u003cpersname\u003eAgnes S. Riley\u003c/persname\u003e. History accompanying\n Herbert's slide presentation.\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring 1942-1947, \n \u003cpersname\u003eAndrew Trigg Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e(1910-) wrote about\n life in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003eduring World War II, general\n news about the war and conditions, and family and other news\n from home. On February 27, 1942, he wrote about camp life\n [probably in North Africa]. During October through December\n 1942, he was at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCamp Pickett, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the location of\n new headquarters. During 1943, he wrote from North Africa.\n There are letters revealing his work in the supply section and\n with the Special Services branch, planning athletic and\n entertainment programs, and commenting on Arab lifestyles\n (March 16); mentioning news of a friend \"Jean,\" who had her\n picture taken with \n \u003cpersname\u003eWalt Disney\u003c/persname\u003eand that two Virginia medical\n units are nearby (April 24); discussing organizational changes\n and inquiring about rationing at home (May 17); referring to\n his teaching school, a class for 2nd lieutenants and enlisted\n men (July 9); remarking that recent developments make it\n harder to identify friend or enemy (October 3); and, relating\n news of the death of young Graham, son of Dave and Verna and\n the sale of the Graham farm (October 3, November 10). From\n November 1943 until October 30, 1945, he was in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eItaly\u003c/geogname\u003e. On November 27, 1943, he wrote,\n after arriving, that the people and the country were quite\n different than in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Africa\u003c/geogname\u003e, that fruits and nuts were\n plentiful but that there was a shortage of other foods, that\n the land was more fertile but that the destruction greater,\n and that the people were easier to talk to than the French. On\n May 29, 1944, he reported that he was doing special work away\n from his unit and having a chance to see more of the country.\n By June 23, 1944, he returned to his unit and found many\n changes, which he also mentioned in his letter of August 18,\n 1944. In his letter of September 19, 1944, he speculated as to\n when the war would be over and whether they would go to the \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePacific\u003c/geogname\u003e; mentioned casting his vote for\n Roosevelt; and being sent to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRome\u003c/geogname\u003ein charge of a group of men going\n there to rest, where he got the chance to tour certain points\n of interest. There are several letters following that discuss\n general news about the war and his family at home. On May 9,\n 1945, he was anxious to hear about the point system and\n expected to remain in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNaples\u003c/geogname\u003efor six or eight months. And, on\n May 25, he wrote that service troops would be the last to\n return home. On July 12, 1945, he wrote that they are now\n preparing equipment for the East, that there were 3,000\n soldiers, civilians, and POWs in one shop, and that he was now\n executive officer. Through the end of 1945, his letters are\n filled with hopes of returning home. There is also a letter,\n January 31, 1947, concerning a training session re: crude\n petroleum.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters, 1926-1947, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdwin Hanson Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e(1871-1948), and\n related correspondence, discuss family and business matters.\n There is a letter, April 5, 1929, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eShipton Kincannon Curran Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e(his\n mother) to \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam E. Fulton\u003c/persname\u003econcerning family news.\n A letter of August 18, 1933, from Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eH. G. Allen\u003c/persname\u003ediscusses the death of \n \u003cpersname\u003eShipton K. C. Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdwin Hanson Sanders\u003c/persname\u003ewrote from the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eDepartment of Agriculture\u003c/corpname\u003eand Immigration,\n discussing breed of cattle and mentioning the effect of the\n war or prospects for war on farm products (November 10, 1939);\n and, giving a comparison of the business boom during the\n Spanish-American War, World War I, and the current one,\n mentioning the growing business activity at Radford with some\n eight thousand working, and commenting on low patriotism,\n partly due to salary conflicts.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters, 1924-1925, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdwin Hanson Sanders, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003ediscuss life at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sidney\u003c/corpname\u003e. Letters of March 1 and 22\n refer to his bid to an honorary fraternity [ \n \u003ccorpname\u003eThe 13 Society\u003c/corpname\u003e], which chose \"all round\n good men,\" who were then only known as members during their\n senior year.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters, 1939-1946, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eFriel Tate Sanders\u003c/persname\u003e(1915-1959) cover\n chiefly the period during World War II. During February 1943\n through April 1945, he was stationed in China. On March 20, he\n wrote that he arrived at his assigned post and was living in a\n private home and described life there. His letter of July 20,\n 1943 mentioned that the foods were similar, such as new\n potatoes, beans, tomatoes, corn, chicken, and watermelon. On\n July 31, 1944, he has heard good news and broadcasts about the\n Germans and Japanese. On November 28, 1944, he wrote that he\n has been moved to a new station; and, on March 20, 1945, he\n wrote that he is awaiting orders to go home. He wrote, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMiami Beach, Florida\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 18, 1945,\n that the war was over, that he has finished processing and is\n awaiting a new assignment, that some materials are being\n released, such as tires, and that there is a possibility of an\n increase in gas allowance. During June through August 1945, he\n wrote from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eStuttgart, Arkansas\u003c/geogname\u003e, concerning work and\n continuing studies under the G.I. Bill. Letters of October 31\n and December 19, 1946, are concerned with his marriage to \n \u003cpersname\u003eNelda Rose Hunter\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOther correspondents or topics of interest are: \" \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003e\" folder -- \n \u003cpersname\u003eE. Lee Trinkle\u003c/persname\u003e(May 24, 1924); \n \u003cpersname\u003eEleanor \"Siddy\" Wilson\u003c/persname\u003e(October 20, 1930);\n \u003cpersname\u003eBessie Carter Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e, President of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003e(January 10 and March 5,\n 1938). \"Kentucky, University of\" folder -- \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Canaday\u003c/persname\u003e(January 30, 1964), \n \u003cpersname\u003eMills E. Godwin, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003e(November 13, 1969).\n \"Personal Papers\" folders -- \n \u003cpersname\u003eLeslie Hellerman\u003c/persname\u003ere method of testing\n stability of diazomium compounds (February 7, 1935); wedding\n announcements and photographs (August 21, 1935); war ration\n book (1943); \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn A. Logan, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003e, President of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003e(April 5, 1971 and June\n 26, 1974); \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. R. Chitwood\u003c/persname\u003e(December 2, 1974); \n \u003cpersname\u003ePaula P. Brownlee\u003c/persname\u003e, President of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003e(July 18, 1981, December\n 4, 1983, and May 5, 1986); and, an obituary/memorial to \n \u003cpersname\u003eHerbert Parkes Riley\u003c/persname\u003e(March 22, 1988).\n \"Southwest Virginia\" folder -- \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. Edwin Hemphill\u003c/persname\u003e(January 21, 1964); \n \u003cpersname\u003eRalph McGill\u003c/persname\u003e(September 29, 1967); \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam H. Dumont\u003c/persname\u003e(July 9, 1968); \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Melville Jennings\u003c/persname\u003e(January 14, 1970);\n \u003cpersname\u003eW. R. Chitwood\u003c/persname\u003e(March 2, 1971; November\n 24, 1975; June 20 \u0026amp; 28, 1985); \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam M. E. Rachel\u003c/persname\u003e(1971-1972); \n \u003cpersname\u003eHarrison E. Salisbury\u003c/persname\u003e(August 20, 1973);\n and \n \u003cpersname\u003ePaul C. Nagel\u003c/persname\u003e(September 23, 1985).\u003c/p\u003e\n "]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00118_c03_c20"}},{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54_c02","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Yancey, Rosa (Faulkner), 1875/1936","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54_c02#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54_c02","ref_ssm":["viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54_c02"],"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54_c02","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54","parent_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54","parent_ssim":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951","Series 1: Biographical Sketches of Women","Biographical Material, Y-[?]"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_9298","viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01","viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54"],"title_filing_ssi":"Yancey, Rosa (Faulkner)","title_ssm":["Yancey, Rosa (Faulkner)"],"title_tesim":["Yancey, Rosa (Faulkner)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Yancey, Rosa (Faulkner), 1875/1936"],"text":["Yancey, Rosa (Faulkner), 1875/1936","Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951","Series 1: Biographical Sketches of Women","Biographical Material, Y-[?]","Box 9","Folder 7"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951","Series 1: Biographical Sketches of Women","Biographical Material, Y-[?]"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951","Series 1: Biographical Sketches of Women","Biographical Material, Y-[?]"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1875/1936"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1875-1936"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":568,"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"collection_ssim":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951"],"containers_ssim":["Box 9","Folder 7"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to all researchers. Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from the Manuscripts and Rare Books Librarian, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the William \u0026 Mary assumes no responsibility."],"date_range_isim":[1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#53/components#1","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:52:41.108Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9298","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_9298.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Tyler Family Papers, Group D","title_ssm":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D"],"title_tesim":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D"],"unitdate_ssm":["1939-1951"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1939-1951"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1939/1951"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951"],"text":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951","Mss. 65 T97 Group D","/repositories/2/resources/9298","Women--History--Virginia","Correspondence","Manuscripts (document genre)","Collection is open to all researchers. Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from the Manuscripts and Rare Books Librarian, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the William \u0026 Mary assumes no responsibility.","Sue Ruffin Tyler was a scholar and wife of Lyon Gardiner Tyler, son of US President John Tyler.","See also Tyler Family Papers, Groups A-C, E-H, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.","Papers, 1939-1951, of Sue Ruffin Tyler concerning a projected work, The Women of Virginia. Includes biographical sketches of women, correspondence with women who had sent sketches and were subscribers, and correspondence of Robert Hendrix who collected money from the subscribers but was unable to publish the book. Sue Ruffin Tyler contracted to write the historical material for a book on women in Virginia, to have been entitled The Women of Virginia. Living women were to submit sketches of themselves and their organizations and to subscribe to the volume. The volume was never published.","Special Collections Research Center","Tyler Family","Tyler family","Tyler, Sue Ruffin, 1889-1953","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951"],"collection_ssim":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, 1939/1951"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Mss. 65 T97 Group D","/repositories/2/resources/9298"],"unitid_tesim":["Mss. 65 T97 Group D","/repositories/2/resources/9298"],"repository_ssm":["College of William and Mary"],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"creator_ssm":["Tyler, Sue Ruffin, 1889-1953","Tyler Family"],"creator_ssim":["Tyler, Sue Ruffin, 1889-1953","Tyler Family"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Tyler, Sue Ruffin, 1889-1953"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Tyler Family","Tyler family"],"creators_ssim":["Tyler, Sue Ruffin, 1889-1953","Special Collections Research Center","Tyler Family","Tyler family"],"acqinfo_ssim":["W\u0026amp;M Special Collections Research Center began acquiring and collecting Tyler family papers in 1922 and the collection has grown considerably since. The vast majority of this collection was donated by generous family and friends of the Tyler family between 1922 and 2002, with the bulk of the collection being donated to in 1949 by Mrs. Sue Ruffin Tyler and in 1955 by the children of Lyon G. Tyler. Some materials in this collection were purchased by W\u0026M Libraries, Special Collections Research Center."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Women--History--Virginia","Correspondence","Manuscripts (document genre)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Women--History--Virginia","Correspondence","Manuscripts (document genre)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["14.00 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["14.00 Linear Feet"],"genreform_ssim":["Correspondence","Manuscripts (document genre)"],"date_range_isim":[1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to all researchers. Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from the Manuscripts and Rare Books Librarian, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the William \u0026amp; Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access:"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to all researchers. Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from the Manuscripts and Rare Books Librarian, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the William \u0026 Mary assumes no responsibility."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSue Ruffin Tyler was a scholar and wife of Lyon Gardiner Tyler, son of US President John Tyler.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Information:"],"bioghist_tesim":["Sue Ruffin Tyler was a scholar and wife of Lyon Gardiner Tyler, son of US President John Tyler."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eTyler Family Papers, Group D, Special Collections Research Center, William \u0026amp; Mary Libraries\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["Tyler Family Papers, Group D, Special Collections Research Center, William \u0026 Mary Libraries"],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee also Tyler Family Papers, Groups A-C, E-H, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials:"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["See also Tyler Family Papers, Groups A-C, E-H, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers, 1939-1951, of Sue Ruffin Tyler concerning a projected work, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Women of Virginia\u003c/emph\u003e. Includes biographical sketches of women, correspondence with women who had sent sketches and were subscribers, and correspondence of Robert Hendrix who collected money from the subscribers but was unable to publish the book. Sue Ruffin Tyler contracted to write the historical material for a book on women in Virginia, to have been entitled The Women of Virginia. Living women were to submit sketches of themselves and their organizations and to subscribe to the volume. The volume was never published.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Papers, 1939-1951, of Sue Ruffin Tyler concerning a projected work, The Women of Virginia. Includes biographical sketches of women, correspondence with women who had sent sketches and were subscribers, and correspondence of Robert Hendrix who collected money from the subscribers but was unable to publish the book. Sue Ruffin Tyler contracted to write the historical material for a book on women in Virginia, to have been entitled The Women of Virginia. Living women were to submit sketches of themselves and their organizations and to subscribe to the volume. The volume was never published."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"famname_ssim":["Tyler Family","Tyler family"],"names_coll_ssim":["Tyler family"],"persname_ssim":["Tyler, Sue Ruffin, 1889-1953"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Tyler Family","Tyler family","Tyler, Sue Ruffin, 1889-1953"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":678,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:52:41.108Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_9298_c01_c54_c02"}},{"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01_c31","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"\"Year in Richmond\" Calendar account, Correspondence, Memoranda, Notes, 1912/1913","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01_c31#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01_c31","ref_ssm":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01_c31"],"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01_c31","ead_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_root_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_nest_parent_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01","parent_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01","parent_ssim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978","Series XIV: Art, 1850/1971","Subseries A: Art Club of Richmond, 1895/1919"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14","vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"\"Year in Richmond\" Calendar account, Correspondence, Memoranda, Notes,","title_ssm":["\"Year in Richmond\" Calendar account, Correspondence, Memoranda, Notes"],"title_tesim":["\"Year in Richmond\" Calendar account, Correspondence, Memoranda, Notes"],"normalized_title_ssm":["\"Year in Richmond\" Calendar account, Correspondence, Memoranda, Notes, 1912/1913"],"text":["\"Year in Richmond\" Calendar account, Correspondence, Memoranda, Notes, 1912/1913","Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978","Series XIV: Art, 1850/1971","Subseries A: Art Club of Richmond, 1895/1919","box 169"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978","Series XIV: Art, 1850/1971","Subseries A: Art Club of Richmond, 1895/1919"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978","Series XIV: Art, 1850/1971","Subseries A: Art Club of Richmond, 1895/1919"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1912/1913"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1912-1913"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":2590,"repository_ssim":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"collection_ssim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978"],"containers_ssim":["box 169"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"date_range_isim":[1912,1913],"_nest_path_":"/components#13/components#0/components#30","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:26:30.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","ead_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_root_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_nest_parent_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VCU/repositories_5_resources_279.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Clark, Adele Goodman, papers","title_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"title_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1849-1978"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1849-1978"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1849/1978"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978"],"text":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978","M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279","Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond","Collection is open to research.","Series I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)","A founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.","The second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*","Clark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.","After passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.","Selected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.","In addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.","Clark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.","During the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.","In the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.","Clark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.","Clark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"","Adèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.","[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]","The Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.","The collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman","Willoughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).","The collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.","While the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.","The suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.","The bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.","The records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.","Documentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.","Clark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.","The collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.","The fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.","The final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.","The collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.","Significant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.","Special Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items.","There are no restrictions.","VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978"],"collection_ssim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279"],"unitid_tesim":["M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"creator_ssm":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"creator_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives"],"creators_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives","VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["128 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["128 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Restrictions on Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSeries I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Series I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eA founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSelected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAdèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["A founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.","The second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*","Clark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.","After passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.","Selected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.","In addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.","Clark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.","During the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.","In the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.","Clark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.","Clark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"","Adèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.","[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAdele Goodman Clark papers, Collection # M 9, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, Collection # M 9, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilloughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhile the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDocumentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSignificant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSpecial Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.","The collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman","Willoughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).","The collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.","While the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.","The suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.","The bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.","The records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.","Documentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.","Clark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.","The collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.","The fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.","The final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.","The collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.","Significant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.","Special Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"corpname_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives"],"names_coll_ssim":["League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"persname_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"names_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3079,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:26:30.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c01_c31"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c595","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations, 1902/1915","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c595#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c595","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c595"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c595","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations","title_ssm":["Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations"],"title_tesim":["Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations, 1902/1915"],"text":["Y.M.C.A. - about membership, programs, and\n donations, 1902/1915","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 173"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1902/1915"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1902 -1915"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":596,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 173"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#594","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n to another large collection received only a year before, that\n of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n 1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n contained material about his diverse business interests\n outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n successfully that the series should not be separated.\n Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n it was very much a personal operation. There are\n interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n different folders in the same box, and the processors\n correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n when the processors had to complete their work with the\n project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n However, in the container listing which follows the three\n series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n 1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n 1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n gained control of the business and became president of the\n company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n gave money to support French children who had been left\n fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n 1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n 1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n 1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n 1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n 1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n 1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n 1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n 1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n 10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n COAL COMPANY \n Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n This is a free country and this company is not going\n to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n join the Union, but for your information and for the\n information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n one of you will continue in our employ. \n Yours very truly, \n L. E. Armentrout, \n Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n have already remarked that they could not support their\n families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n bed at night when their children were crying for something\n to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n some injunctions against them. \n For your information, please do not place any more\n printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n 1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n 1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n 6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n 1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n 110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n 100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n that the employee would never again leave without asking\n Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n 9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n local union should sign any individual or private contract\n with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n 1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n business that we had last year but the increased\n organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n faith\" that we do not possess. \n If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n bills, would mean disaster. \n Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n resources, in wartime. \n I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n Very Sincerely, \n Edward L. Stone \n Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n principal officer for many years. Because these series\n basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n there are interrelationships between material in one series\n and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c595"}},{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"YWCA Posters, 1909/1916","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_446_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446_c01","ref_ssm":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_446_c01"],"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446_c01","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","parent_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","parent_ssim":["YWCA Records, 1909/1958"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_446"],"title_filing_ssi":"YWCA Posters","title_ssm":["YWCA Posters"],"title_tesim":["YWCA Posters"],"normalized_title_ssm":["YWCA Posters, 1909/1916"],"text":["YWCA Posters, 1909/1916","YWCA Records, 1909/1958","box OV 1"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["YWCA Records, 1909/1958"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["YWCA Records, 1909/1958"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1909/1916"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1909-1916"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":1,"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"collection_ssim":["YWCA Records, 1909/1958"],"containers_ssim":["box OV 1"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright for materials authored or otherwise produced as official business of James Madison University is retained by James Madison University. Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"date_range_isim":[1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916],"_nest_path_":"/components#0","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:22:07.934Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/JMU/repositories_4_resources_446.xml","title_ssm":["YWCA Records"],"title_tesim":["YWCA Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1909-1958"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1909-1958"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1909/1958"],"normalized_title_ssm":["YWCA Records, 1909/1958"],"text":["YWCA Records, 1909/1958","UA 0028","/repositories/4/resources/446","Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History","Programs (documents)","Posters","Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.","Digitized images of select YWCA posters are available at Founding Documents in Special Collections: https://www.lib.jmu.edu/special/FoundingDocs/studentlife/","Items are arranged by material type.","Dingledine, Raymond C. Madison College, the First Fifty Years, 1908-1958. Harrisonburg, VA: Madison College, 1959.","The State Normal and Industrial School for Women branch of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was established in 1909, during the first term of the school. There were 72 founding members (representing approximately half of the student body), and it eventually grew to 100 members by the end of 1909. In its first year, the YWCA organized seven Bible-study classes and a mission study class. In its early years, YWCA held weekly devotional meetings and sponsored informal social events for the students.","The bound volumes of posters were previously part of the collection, SU 93-0315, Scrapbooks 1909-1916. Programs were transferred from vertical file, \"Young Women's Christian Association.\"","The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs, advertising events created by the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA. The posters detail meeting and events hosted from 1909-1916. Meetings were often organized around a topic, and included a musical performance, readings, prayer and songs.","The programs include an \"Annual Christmas Pageant\" from 1951 and vesper services from 1931, 1948, and 1952.","Copyright for materials authored or otherwise produced as official business of James Madison University is retained by James Madison University. Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).","The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958.","James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["YWCA Records, 1909/1958"],"collection_ssim":["YWCA Records, 1909/1958"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["UA 0028","/repositories/4/resources/446"],"unitid_tesim":["UA 0028","/repositories/4/resources/446"],"repository_ssm":["James Madison University"],"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"geogname_ssm":["Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History"],"geogname_ssim":["Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History"],"places_ssim":["Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"creators_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright for materials authored or otherwise produced as official business of James Madison University is retained by James Madison University. Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Items were in Special Collections at time of founding, in 1982. Items were in Special Collections at time of founding, in 1982."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Programs (documents)","Posters"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Programs (documents)","Posters"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.26 cubic feet 1 box"],"extent_tesim":["0.26 cubic feet 1 box"],"genreform_ssim":["Programs (documents)","Posters"],"date_range_isim":[1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"altformavail_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDigitized images of select YWCA posters are available at Founding Documents in Special Collections: https://www.lib.jmu.edu/special/FoundingDocs/studentlife/\u003c/p\u003e "],"altformavail_heading_ssm":["Other Formats Available"],"altformavail_tesim":["Digitized images of select YWCA posters are available at Founding Documents in Special Collections: https://www.lib.jmu.edu/special/FoundingDocs/studentlife/"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eItems are arranged by material type.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Items are arranged by material type."],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibref\u003eDingledine, Raymond C. \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMadison College, the First Fifty Years, 1908-1958.\u003c/emph\u003e Harrisonburg, VA: Madison College, 1959.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n "],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography"],"bibliography_tesim":["Dingledine, Raymond C. Madison College, the First Fifty Years, 1908-1958. Harrisonburg, VA: Madison College, 1959."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe State Normal and Industrial School for Women branch of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was established in 1909, during the first term of the school. There were 72 founding members (representing approximately half of the student body), and it eventually grew to 100 members by the end of 1909. In its first year, the YWCA organized seven Bible-study classes and a mission study class. In its early years, YWCA held weekly devotional meetings and sponsored informal social events for the students.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Administrative History"],"bioghist_tesim":["The State Normal and Industrial School for Women branch of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was established in 1909, during the first term of the school. There were 72 founding members (representing approximately half of the student body), and it eventually grew to 100 members by the end of 1909. In its first year, the YWCA organized seven Bible-study classes and a mission study class. In its early years, YWCA held weekly devotional meetings and sponsored informal social events for the students."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[identification of item], [box #, folder #], YWCA Records, 1909-1958, UA 0028, Special Collections, Carrier Library, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["[identification of item], [box #, folder #], YWCA Records, 1909-1958, UA 0028, Special Collections, Carrier Library, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe bound volumes of posters were previously part of the collection, SU 93-0315, Scrapbooks 1909-1916. Programs were transferred from vertical file, \"Young Women's Christian Association.\"\u003c/p\u003e "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The bound volumes of posters were previously part of the collection, SU 93-0315, Scrapbooks 1909-1916. Programs were transferred from vertical file, \"Young Women's Christian Association.\""],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs, advertising events created by the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA. The posters detail meeting and events hosted from 1909-1916. Meetings were often organized around a topic, and included a musical performance, readings, prayer and songs.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe programs include an \"Annual Christmas Pageant\" from 1951 and vesper services from 1931, 1948, and 1952.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs, advertising events created by the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA. The posters detail meeting and events hosted from 1909-1916. Meetings were often organized around a topic, and included a musical performance, readings, prayer and songs.","The programs include an \"Annual Christmas Pageant\" from 1951 and vesper services from 1931, 1948, and 1952."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright for materials authored or otherwise produced as official business of James Madison University is retained by James Madison University. Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright for materials authored or otherwise produced as official business of James Madison University is retained by James Madison University. Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_3f8c2890ee7d7c2e2dfe1df3259eb169\"\u003eThe collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n "],"abstract_tesim":["The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958."],"corpname_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"names_coll_ssim":["Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"names_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":2,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:22:07.934Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_446_c01"}},{"id":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158_c02_c02","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"YWCA Scrapbook, 1904/1916","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158_c02_c02#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158_c02_c02","ref_ssm":["vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158_c02_c02"],"id":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158_c02_c02","ead_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158","_root_":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158","_nest_parent_":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158_c02","parent_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158_c02","parent_ssim":["Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection, 1898/1973","Scrapbooks, 1904/1971"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158","vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"YWCA Scrapbook","title_ssm":["YWCA Scrapbook"],"title_tesim":["YWCA Scrapbook"],"normalized_title_ssm":["YWCA Scrapbook, 1904/1916"],"text":["YWCA Scrapbook, 1904/1916","Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection, 1898/1973","Scrapbooks, 1904/1971","box 02 of 06"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection, 1898/1973","Scrapbooks, 1904/1971"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection, 1898/1973","Scrapbooks, 1904/1971"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1904/1916"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1904-1916"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":22,"repository_ssim":["Longwood University"],"collection_ssim":["Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection, 1898/1973"],"containers_ssim":["box 02 of 06"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes."],"date_range_isim":[1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#1","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:19:42.076Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158","ead_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158","_root_":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158","_nest_parent_":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_158","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/LONG/repositories_2_resources_158.xml","title_ssm":["Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection"],"title_tesim":["Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1898-1973"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1898-1973"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1898/1973"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection, 1898/1973"],"text":["Young Women's Christian Association Records and Scrapbook Collection, 1898/1973","LU.049","/repositories/2/resources/158","There are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes.","The Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was organized at then State Female Normal School in May 1896. 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