{"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1903\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=7","prev":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1903\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=6","next":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1903\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=8","last":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1903\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=297"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":7,"next_page":8,"prev_page":6,"total_pages":297,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":60,"total_count":2967,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c13_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1880/1916","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c13_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c13_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c13_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c13_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c13","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c13","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Journals"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c13"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1880/1916"],"text":["A. General, 1880/1916","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Journals","3 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Journals"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Journals"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1880/1916"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1880-1916"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":59,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["3 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#12/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c13_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1881/1922","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1881/1922"],"text":["A. General, 1881/1922","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books","17 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1881/1922"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1881-1922"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":125,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["17 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#24/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1893/1920","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Outgoing"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c27"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1893/1920"],"text":["A. General, 1893/1920","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Outgoing","9 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Outgoing"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Outgoing"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1893/1920"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1893-1920"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":145,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["9 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#26/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General; many show occupation, daily\n                     rate, hours, 1875/1926","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c28"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General; many show occupation, daily\n                     rate, hours","title_ssm":["A. General; many show occupation, daily\n                     rate, hours"],"title_tesim":["A. General; many show occupation, daily\n                     rate, hours"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General; many show occupation, daily\n                     rate, hours, 1875/1926"],"text":["A. General; many show occupation, daily\n                     rate, hours, 1875/1926","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books","66 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1875/1926"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1875-1926"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":149,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["66 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#27/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General; numbered\n                     sequence, 1873/1925","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c06"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General; numbered\n                     sequence","title_ssm":["A. General; numbered\n                     sequence"],"title_tesim":["A. General; numbered\n                     sequence"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General; numbered\n                     sequence, 1873/1925"],"text":["A. General; numbered\n                     sequence, 1873/1925","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks","11 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1873/1925"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1873-1925"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":21,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["11 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#5/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n         1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00044_c04_c02","type":null,"attributes":{"title":"Agriculture, 1892/1906","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c04_c02#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c04_c02","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00044_c04_c02"],"id":"viu_viu00044_c04_c02","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c04","parent_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","Topical"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00044","viu_viu00044_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"Agriculture","title_ssm":["Agriculture"],"title_tesim":["Agriculture"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Agriculture, 1892/1906"],"text":["Agriculture, 1892/1906","Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","Topical","Box Box 33"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","Topical"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","Topical"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1892/1906"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1892-1906, n.d."],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":104,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"extent_ssm":["(2 folders)"],"extent_tesim":["(2 folders)"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 33"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#1","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00044","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00044.xml","title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"text":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","3918","16,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         Bondurant familyof \n         Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n         Morrison familyof \n         Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n         Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n         Alexander J. Bondurantand \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n         Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         Australia. His father, \n         Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n         Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         James Morrisonand \n         Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n         Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         Presbyterian Church; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n         Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         Buckingham Co., \n         Auburn University, the \n         University of Virginia, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n         Virginia, including the \n         James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n         the \n         Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n         Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         Australiaand the southern \n         United States, Rev. \n         James Morrison's education at the \n         University of North Carolina, his\n         pastorates in \n         North Carolinaand \n         Virginia, the \n         Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n         Bellevue Schoolin \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         Variety Shade, and \n         Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         Australiato various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         Australia. Some of the letters from \n         Charles W. Dabneyto \n         A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n         Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n         A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n         E.M. Bondurantfrom \n         A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n         E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n         George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         A.J. Bondurant. \n         Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n         George P. Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n         Whigagain and the \n         Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n         Floodand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).","Religion and the \n         Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         James Morrison, pastor of \n         New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n         James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3918"],"unitid_tesim":["3918"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["William Harrison"],"creator_ssim":["William Harrison"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"creators_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was deposited to the Library by \n            William G. Harrison, of the \n            University of Virginia, on May 14,\n            1952."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["16,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBondurant-Morrison Family\n            Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family\n            Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003ewho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Joseph Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ein 1859. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1836-1910) was a \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003esoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eschools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. His father, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Moseley Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sydney College\u003c/corpname\u003e, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Senate\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e. His oldest son, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Mississippi\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFrances (Brown) Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eA copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003ematerial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSubjects included in this collection are farms in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co., Va.\u003c/geogname\u003e, family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, immigrant land schemes in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, including the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eJames River Valley Immigrant Society\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Land and Immigrant Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eand the southern \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's education at the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of North Carolina\u003c/corpname\u003e, his\n         pastorates in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Carolina\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003ein the South, and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue School\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVariety Shade\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eto various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Some of the letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles W. Dabney\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J.Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson\u003c/persname\u003e. Letters to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003emention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePolitics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBondurants\u003c/persname\u003ewere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions that \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge [P. Bondurant]\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. A letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge P. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eWhig\u003c/corpname\u003eagain and the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant\u003c/famname\u003einterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJ.T. Bocock\u003c/persname\u003ementions Sen. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFlood\u003c/persname\u003eand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eReligion and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003eis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e, pastor of \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Providence Presbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eElam J. Morrison\u003c/persname\u003efrom Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         Bondurant familyof \n         Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n         Morrison familyof \n         Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n         Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n         Alexander J. Bondurantand \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n         Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         Australia. His father, \n         Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n         Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         James Morrisonand \n         Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n         Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         Presbyterian Church; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n         Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         Buckingham Co., \n         Auburn University, the \n         University of Virginia, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n         Virginia, including the \n         James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n         the \n         Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n         Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         Australiaand the southern \n         United States, Rev. \n         James Morrison's education at the \n         University of North Carolina, his\n         pastorates in \n         North Carolinaand \n         Virginia, the \n         Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n         Bellevue Schoolin \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         Variety Shade, and \n         Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         Australiato various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         Australia. Some of the letters from \n         Charles W. Dabneyto \n         A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n         Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n         A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n         E.M. Bondurantfrom \n         A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n         E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n         George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         A.J. Bondurant. \n         Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n         George P. Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n         Whigagain and the \n         Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n         Floodand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).","Religion and the \n         Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         James Morrison, pastor of \n         New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n         James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n      "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":268,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c04_c02"}},{"id":"viu_viu00036_c03_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Agriculture/Horticulture, 1898/1943","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00036_c03_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00036_c03_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00036_c03_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00036_c03_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00036","_root_":"viu_viu00036","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00036_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00036_c03","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Magruder Family","III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00036","viu_viu00036_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"Agriculture/Horticulture","title_ssm":["Agriculture/Horticulture"],"title_tesim":["Agriculture/Horticulture"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Agriculture/Horticulture, 1898/1943"],"text":["Agriculture/Horticulture, 1898/1943","Papers of the Magruder Family","III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers","Box Box 4"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Magruder Family","III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Magruder Family","III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1898/1943"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1898-1943, n.d."],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":36,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 4"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00036","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00036","_root_":"viu_viu00036","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00036","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00036.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"text":["Papers of the Magruder Family","2733-b","There are no restrictions.","The collection is divided into six series: I. Correspondence; II. Family and Personal Papers; III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers; IV. Miscellaneous; V. Bound Volumes; and Oversize. Folders are arranged alphabetically within each series. Oversize items are arranged chronologically. Included in the miscellaneous series are printed material and photographs.","Egbert Watson Magruder was born on October\n         25, 1868, in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Anne Evalina (Norris) Magruder . After his\n         early education in public and private schools, he entered \n          Hampden-Sydney College in 1887, and\n         received his B.A. degree in 1891. He completed courses in\n         chemistry at the \n          University of Virginia, and entered \n          Johns Hopkins University in 1892, where he\n         was assistant in the department of chemistry during his last\n         two years. Afterwards, he received an appointment to the \n          Mississippi College of Agriculture . For\n         approximately fifteen years, until his resignation in 1915, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was the Chief\n         Chemist and Pure Food Expert of the \n          State Department of Agriculture . During\n         part of this time, he was also director of the \n          Virginia Test Farm at \n          Saxe, Charlotte County . In 1915, he\n         accepted an offer to become the Chief Chemist of the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia, where his duties\n         included taking charge of all chemical laboratories, and\n         performing analytical and investigation work.","On Novermber 8, 1916, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder married the former \n          Frances Byrd Alvey of \n          Richmond, Virginia . \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was a member of the\n         Board of Visitors of \n          Virginia Polytechnic Institute, \n          Blacksburg, Virginia, the \n          American Chemical Society, \n          Association of Official Agricultural\n         Chemists, \n          Virginia Academy of Science, and \n          American Society of Agronomy, as well as\n         being a member of the following clubs: \n          Virginia Chemists' Club, \n          Hampton Roads Chemists' Club (as one of\n         the organizers and first president of each), the \n          Kiwanis Club, \n          Norfolk Country Club, and the \n          Norfolk Town Club . In addition, he wrote\n         numerous articles on agricultural chemistry and agriculture,\n         including such topics as the manufacture and use of commercial\n         fertilizer, the cultivation of wheat and tobacco, and food and\n         food adulterations. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder owned a farm of ca.\n         100 acres at \n          Dry Bridge, Chesterfield County; he\n         remained with the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company until his\n         death in 1945.","Horatio \"Rashe\" Erskine Magruder was born\n         on September 8, 1846 in \n          Albemarle County, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . He was\n         educated in private country neighborhood schools before\n         entering the \n          Confederate Army at age seventeen in 1864.\n         He served in the \n          Rockbridge Artillery of Stonewall\n         Jackson's old Brigade, and took part in the battles of The \n          Wilderness and \n          Spotsylvania Courthouse. He was captured,\n         and imprisoned at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland; after a lengthy\n         illness in prison, he was exchanged, and returned to General \n          Robert E. Lee 's army in 1865 after his\n         recuperation. He was in the retreat of the \n          Confederate Army to \n          Appomattox .","After the war, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder attended the \n          University of Virginia, studying Latin,\n         Modern Languages, and Mathematics. He returned to \"Glenmore,\" the family home, where he\n         formed a partnership with his father, and eventually took over\n         management of the plantation. He was one of the most prominent\n         farmers in \n          Albemarle County . \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder married his\n         cousin, \n          Julia May Chewning, of \"Island Home,\" \n          Albemarle County, on December 12, 1894.\n         He was a member of the vestry of \n          Grace Episcopal Church in \n          Cismont, the \n          American Clan Gregor Society, and\n         president of the \n          Monticello Wine Company of \n          Charlottesville and the \n          Albemarle Mutual Fire Insurance Company .\n         He died on January 19, 1924 at \"Glenmore.\"","John Bowie Magruder was born on November\n         10, 1839, in \n          Albemarle County, the eldest son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . After\n         graduating from the \n          Albemarle Military Academy, he entered\n         the \n          University of Virginia, where he received\n         his M.A. degree in 1860. In the spring of 1861, he took a\n         special three-month military course at the \n          Virginia Military Institute in \n          Lexington, and raised a company in \n          Albemarle County known as the \n          Rivanna Guards . As captain, he took the\n         company to \n          Richmond in June 1861 where they were\n         mustered in with the \n          57th Regiment under \n          Lewis A. Armistead . He was promoted to\n         Colonel after the Battle of \n          Fredericksburg on December 22, 1862. He\n         was wounded during Pickett's Charge in the battle of \n          Gettysburg July 3, 1863, and carried to a\n         hospital near the battlefield where he died on July 5th.","This collection consists of ca. 2988 items (10 Hollinger\n         boxes and oversize items), ca. 1787-1945, pertaining chiefly\n         to the career of \n          Egbert Watson Magruder as an agricultural\n         chemist for the \n          Department of Agriculture of Virginia and,\n         later, for the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia . Included are\n         correspondence, reports, articles and speeches, laboratory\n         data, architectural drawings and blueprints, printed material,\n         and photographs. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder collected material,\n         18981945, on various subjects related to the different aspects\n         of his work, including agriculture, chemistry, chemists'\n         associations, fertilizer, horticulture, livestock, and\n         mineralogy. Also included are \n          Magruder family papers, consisting of\n         correspondence, legal and business papers, plats and surveys,\n         and related papers. Topics or items of interest include\n         several letters,1861-1863, from \n          John Bowie Magruder during his service in\n         the \n          Confederate Army during the Civil War\n         describing several battles, including \n          Fredericksburg and \n          Suffolk, and camp life at \n          Fort Dillard, \n          Fort Drury (near \n          Fredericksburg), and on White Marsh Road\n         near \n          Suffolk; an 1861 account book kept by \n          John Bowie Magruder for the \n          Rivanna Guards; a letter, October 17,\n         1864, to \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder from his son, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder while a prisoner\n         at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland, during the war;\n         papers pertaining to the purchase of \"Glenmore\"; papers concerning various \n          Virginia estates such as \"Edgehill\" and \"Glenmore\" in \n          Albemarle County, \"Blenheim\" in Caroline County, \"Union Mills\" in \n          Fluvanna County, and \"River Bend\" in \n          Spotsylvania County; an account book from\n         the Charlottesville Grange; and genealogical\n         and biographical information for the Magruder family and allied families.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Magruder Family"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["2733-b"],"unitid_tesim":["2733-b"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was donated to the Library on February 19, 1985, by: \n             R. Gregory Magruder, Evalina Magruder, Allaville Magruder, and Elizabeth Henshaw , all of Charlottesville, Virginia; Frances Lummis Lloyd of  Longmont, Colorado; Lt. Col. Mason M. Lummis of Alexandria, Virginia; and, Gen. Carter B. Magruder of Arlington, Virginia ."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is divided into six series: I. Correspondence; II. Family and Personal Papers; III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers; IV. Miscellaneous; V. Bound Volumes; and Oversize. Folders are arranged alphabetically within each series. Oversize items are arranged chronologically. Included in the miscellaneous series are printed material and photographs.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is divided into six series: I. Correspondence; II. Family and Personal Papers; III. Egbert Watson Magruder Papers; IV. Miscellaneous; V. Bound Volumes; and Oversize. Folders are arranged alphabetically within each series. Oversize items are arranged chronologically. Included in the miscellaneous series are printed material and photographs."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n          Egbert Watson Magruder was born on October\n         25, 1868, in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Anne Evalina (Norris) Magruder . After his\n         early education in public and private schools, he entered \n          Hampden-Sydney College in 1887, and\n         received his B.A. degree in 1891. He completed courses in\n         chemistry at the \n          University of Virginia, and entered \n          Johns Hopkins University in 1892, where he\n         was assistant in the department of chemistry during his last\n         two years. Afterwards, he received an appointment to the \n          Mississippi College of Agriculture . For\n         approximately fifteen years, until his resignation in 1915, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was the Chief\n         Chemist and Pure Food Expert of the \n          State Department of Agriculture . During\n         part of this time, he was also director of the \n          Virginia Test Farm at \n          Saxe, Charlotte County . In 1915, he\n         accepted an offer to become the Chief Chemist of the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia, where his duties\n         included taking charge of all chemical laboratories, and\n         performing analytical and investigation work.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn Novermber 8, 1916, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder married the former \n          Frances Byrd Alvey of \n          Richmond, Virginia . \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was a member of the\n         Board of Visitors of \n          Virginia Polytechnic Institute, \n          Blacksburg, Virginia, the \n          American Chemical Society, \n          Association of Official Agricultural\n         Chemists, \n          Virginia Academy of Science, and \n          American Society of Agronomy, as well as\n         being a member of the following clubs: \n          Virginia Chemists' Club, \n          Hampton Roads Chemists' Club (as one of\n         the organizers and first president of each), the \n          Kiwanis Club, \n          Norfolk Country Club, and the \n          Norfolk Town Club . In addition, he wrote\n         numerous articles on agricultural chemistry and agriculture,\n         including such topics as the manufacture and use of commercial\n         fertilizer, the cultivation of wheat and tobacco, and food and\n         food adulterations. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder owned a farm of ca.\n         100 acres at \n          Dry Bridge, Chesterfield County; he\n         remained with the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company until his\n         death in 1945.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\n          Horatio \"Rashe\" Erskine Magruder was born\n         on September 8, 1846 in \n          Albemarle County, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . He was\n         educated in private country neighborhood schools before\n         entering the \n          Confederate Army at age seventeen in 1864.\n         He served in the \n          Rockbridge Artillery of Stonewall\n         Jackson's old Brigade, and took part in the battles of The \n          Wilderness and \n          Spotsylvania Courthouse. He was captured,\n         and imprisoned at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland; after a lengthy\n         illness in prison, he was exchanged, and returned to General \n          Robert E. Lee 's army in 1865 after his\n         recuperation. He was in the retreat of the \n          Confederate Army to \n          Appomattox .\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter the war, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder attended the \n          University of Virginia, studying Latin,\n         Modern Languages, and Mathematics. He returned to \"Glenmore,\" the family home, where he\n         formed a partnership with his father, and eventually took over\n         management of the plantation. He was one of the most prominent\n         farmers in \n          Albemarle County . \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder married his\n         cousin, \n          Julia May Chewning, of \"Island Home,\" \n          Albemarle County, on December 12, 1894.\n         He was a member of the vestry of \n          Grace Episcopal Church in \n          Cismont, the \n          American Clan Gregor Society, and\n         president of the \n          Monticello Wine Company of \n          Charlottesville and the \n          Albemarle Mutual Fire Insurance Company .\n         He died on January 19, 1924 at \"Glenmore.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\n          John Bowie Magruder was born on November\n         10, 1839, in \n          Albemarle County, the eldest son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . After\n         graduating from the \n          Albemarle Military Academy, he entered\n         the \n          University of Virginia, where he received\n         his M.A. degree in 1860. In the spring of 1861, he took a\n         special three-month military course at the \n          Virginia Military Institute in \n          Lexington, and raised a company in \n          Albemarle County known as the \n          Rivanna Guards . As captain, he took the\n         company to \n          Richmond in June 1861 where they were\n         mustered in with the \n          57th Regiment under \n          Lewis A. Armistead . He was promoted to\n         Colonel after the Battle of \n          Fredericksburg on December 22, 1862. He\n         was wounded during Pickett's Charge in the battle of \n          Gettysburg July 3, 1863, and carried to a\n         hospital near the battlefield where he died on July 5th.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Egbert Watson Magruder was born on October\n         25, 1868, in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Anne Evalina (Norris) Magruder . After his\n         early education in public and private schools, he entered \n          Hampden-Sydney College in 1887, and\n         received his B.A. degree in 1891. He completed courses in\n         chemistry at the \n          University of Virginia, and entered \n          Johns Hopkins University in 1892, where he\n         was assistant in the department of chemistry during his last\n         two years. Afterwards, he received an appointment to the \n          Mississippi College of Agriculture . For\n         approximately fifteen years, until his resignation in 1915, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was the Chief\n         Chemist and Pure Food Expert of the \n          State Department of Agriculture . During\n         part of this time, he was also director of the \n          Virginia Test Farm at \n          Saxe, Charlotte County . In 1915, he\n         accepted an offer to become the Chief Chemist of the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia, where his duties\n         included taking charge of all chemical laboratories, and\n         performing analytical and investigation work.","On Novermber 8, 1916, \n          Egbert Watson Magruder married the former \n          Frances Byrd Alvey of \n          Richmond, Virginia . \n          Egbert Watson Magruder was a member of the\n         Board of Visitors of \n          Virginia Polytechnic Institute, \n          Blacksburg, Virginia, the \n          American Chemical Society, \n          Association of Official Agricultural\n         Chemists, \n          Virginia Academy of Science, and \n          American Society of Agronomy, as well as\n         being a member of the following clubs: \n          Virginia Chemists' Club, \n          Hampton Roads Chemists' Club (as one of\n         the organizers and first president of each), the \n          Kiwanis Club, \n          Norfolk Country Club, and the \n          Norfolk Town Club . In addition, he wrote\n         numerous articles on agricultural chemistry and agriculture,\n         including such topics as the manufacture and use of commercial\n         fertilizer, the cultivation of wheat and tobacco, and food and\n         food adulterations. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder owned a farm of ca.\n         100 acres at \n          Dry Bridge, Chesterfield County; he\n         remained with the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company until his\n         death in 1945.","Horatio \"Rashe\" Erskine Magruder was born\n         on September 8, 1846 in \n          Albemarle County, the son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . He was\n         educated in private country neighborhood schools before\n         entering the \n          Confederate Army at age seventeen in 1864.\n         He served in the \n          Rockbridge Artillery of Stonewall\n         Jackson's old Brigade, and took part in the battles of The \n          Wilderness and \n          Spotsylvania Courthouse. He was captured,\n         and imprisoned at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland; after a lengthy\n         illness in prison, he was exchanged, and returned to General \n          Robert E. Lee 's army in 1865 after his\n         recuperation. He was in the retreat of the \n          Confederate Army to \n          Appomattox .","After the war, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder attended the \n          University of Virginia, studying Latin,\n         Modern Languages, and Mathematics. He returned to \"Glenmore,\" the family home, where he\n         formed a partnership with his father, and eventually took over\n         management of the plantation. He was one of the most prominent\n         farmers in \n          Albemarle County . \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder married his\n         cousin, \n          Julia May Chewning, of \"Island Home,\" \n          Albemarle County, on December 12, 1894.\n         He was a member of the vestry of \n          Grace Episcopal Church in \n          Cismont, the \n          American Clan Gregor Society, and\n         president of the \n          Monticello Wine Company of \n          Charlottesville and the \n          Albemarle Mutual Fire Insurance Company .\n         He died on January 19, 1924 at \"Glenmore.\"","John Bowie Magruder was born on November\n         10, 1839, in \n          Albemarle County, the eldest son of \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder and \n          Maria Louisa (Minor) Magruder . After\n         graduating from the \n          Albemarle Military Academy, he entered\n         the \n          University of Virginia, where he received\n         his M.A. degree in 1860. In the spring of 1861, he took a\n         special three-month military course at the \n          Virginia Military Institute in \n          Lexington, and raised a company in \n          Albemarle County known as the \n          Rivanna Guards . As captain, he took the\n         company to \n          Richmond in June 1861 where they were\n         mustered in with the \n          57th Regiment under \n          Lewis A. Armistead . He was promoted to\n         Colonel after the Battle of \n          Fredericksburg on December 22, 1862. He\n         was wounded during Pickett's Charge in the battle of \n          Gettysburg July 3, 1863, and carried to a\n         hospital near the battlefield where he died on July 5th."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Magruder Family, Accession #2733-b, Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Magruder Family, Accession #2733-b, Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. 2988 items (10 Hollinger\n         boxes and oversize items), ca. 1787-1945, pertaining chiefly\n         to the career of \n          Egbert Watson Magruder as an agricultural\n         chemist for the \n          Department of Agriculture of Virginia and,\n         later, for the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia . Included are\n         correspondence, reports, articles and speeches, laboratory\n         data, architectural drawings and blueprints, printed material,\n         and photographs. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder collected material,\n         18981945, on various subjects related to the different aspects\n         of his work, including agriculture, chemistry, chemists'\n         associations, fertilizer, horticulture, livestock, and\n         mineralogy. Also included are \n          Magruder family papers, consisting of\n         correspondence, legal and business papers, plats and surveys,\n         and related papers. Topics or items of interest include\n         several letters,1861-1863, from \n          John Bowie Magruder during his service in\n         the \n          Confederate Army during the Civil War\n         describing several battles, including \n          Fredericksburg and \n          Suffolk, and camp life at \n          Fort Dillard, \n          Fort Drury (near \n          Fredericksburg), and on White Marsh Road\n         near \n          Suffolk; an 1861 account book kept by \n          John Bowie Magruder for the \n          Rivanna Guards; a letter, October 17,\n         1864, to \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder from his son, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder while a prisoner\n         at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland, during the war;\n         papers pertaining to the purchase of \"Glenmore\"; papers concerning various \n          Virginia estates such as \"Edgehill\" and \"Glenmore\" in \n          Albemarle County, \"Blenheim\" in Caroline County, \"Union Mills\" in \n          Fluvanna County, and \"River Bend\" in \n          Spotsylvania County; an account book from\n         the Charlottesville Grange; and genealogical\n         and biographical information for the Magruder family and allied families.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 2988 items (10 Hollinger\n         boxes and oversize items), ca. 1787-1945, pertaining chiefly\n         to the career of \n          Egbert Watson Magruder as an agricultural\n         chemist for the \n          Department of Agriculture of Virginia and,\n         later, for the \n          F. S. Royster Guano Company of \n          Norfolk, Virginia . Included are\n         correspondence, reports, articles and speeches, laboratory\n         data, architectural drawings and blueprints, printed material,\n         and photographs. \n          Egbert Watson Magruder collected material,\n         18981945, on various subjects related to the different aspects\n         of his work, including agriculture, chemistry, chemists'\n         associations, fertilizer, horticulture, livestock, and\n         mineralogy. Also included are \n          Magruder family papers, consisting of\n         correspondence, legal and business papers, plats and surveys,\n         and related papers. Topics or items of interest include\n         several letters,1861-1863, from \n          John Bowie Magruder during his service in\n         the \n          Confederate Army during the Civil War\n         describing several battles, including \n          Fredericksburg and \n          Suffolk, and camp life at \n          Fort Dillard, \n          Fort Drury (near \n          Fredericksburg), and on White Marsh Road\n         near \n          Suffolk; an 1861 account book kept by \n          John Bowie Magruder for the \n          Rivanna Guards; a letter, October 17,\n         1864, to \n          Benjamin Henry Magruder from his son, \n          Horatio Erskine Magruder while a prisoner\n         at \n          Point Lookout, Maryland, during the war;\n         papers pertaining to the purchase of \"Glenmore\"; papers concerning various \n          Virginia estates such as \"Edgehill\" and \"Glenmore\" in \n          Albemarle County, \"Blenheim\" in Caroline County, \"Union Mills\" in \n          Fluvanna County, and \"River Bend\" in \n          Spotsylvania County; an account book from\n         the Charlottesville Grange; and genealogical\n         and biographical information for the Magruder family and allied families."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":118,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00036_c03_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c05","type":null,"attributes":{"title":"Agriculture: Virginia, 1835/1910","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c05#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05_c05","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00044_c05_c05"],"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c05","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00044","viu_viu00044_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"Agriculture: Virginia","title_ssm":["Agriculture: Virginia"],"title_tesim":["Agriculture: Virginia"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Agriculture: Virginia, 1835/1910"],"text":["Agriculture: Virginia, 1835/1910","Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","Printed","Box Box 38"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","Printed"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1835/1910"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1835-1910"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":131,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 38"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910],"_nest_path_":"/components#4/components#4","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00044","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00044.xml","title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"text":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936","3918","16,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         Bondurant familyof \n         Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n         Morrison familyof \n         Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n         Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n         Alexander J. Bondurantand \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n         Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         Australia. His father, \n         Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n         Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         James Morrisonand \n         Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n         Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         Presbyterian Church; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n         Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         Buckingham Co., \n         Auburn University, the \n         University of Virginia, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n         Virginia, including the \n         James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n         the \n         Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n         Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         Australiaand the southern \n         United States, Rev. \n         James Morrison's education at the \n         University of North Carolina, his\n         pastorates in \n         North Carolinaand \n         Virginia, the \n         Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n         Bellevue Schoolin \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         Variety Shade, and \n         Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         Australiato various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         Australia. Some of the letters from \n         Charles W. Dabneyto \n         A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n         Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n         A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n         E.M. Bondurantfrom \n         A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n         E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n         George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         A.J. Bondurant. \n         Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n         George P. Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n         Whigagain and the \n         Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n         Floodand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).","Religion and the \n         Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         James Morrison, pastor of \n         New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n         James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n         1787-1936"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3918"],"unitid_tesim":["3918"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["William Harrison"],"creator_ssim":["William Harrison"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"creators_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was deposited to the Library by \n            William G. Harrison, of the \n            University of Virginia, on May 14,\n            1952."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["16,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBondurant-Morrison Family\n            Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family\n            Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003ewho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Joseph Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ein 1859. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1836-1910) was a \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003esoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eschools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. His father, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Moseley Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sydney College\u003c/corpname\u003e, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Senate\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e. His oldest son, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Mississippi\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFrances (Brown) Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eA copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003ematerial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSubjects included in this collection are farms in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co., Va.\u003c/geogname\u003e, family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, immigrant land schemes in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, including the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eJames River Valley Immigrant Society\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Land and Immigrant Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eand the southern \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's education at the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of North Carolina\u003c/corpname\u003e, his\n         pastorates in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Carolina\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003ein the South, and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue School\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVariety Shade\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eto various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Some of the letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles W. Dabney\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J.Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson\u003c/persname\u003e. Letters to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003emention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePolitics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBondurants\u003c/persname\u003ewere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions that \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge [P. Bondurant]\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. A letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge P. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eWhig\u003c/corpname\u003eagain and the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant\u003c/famname\u003einterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJ.T. Bocock\u003c/persname\u003ementions Sen. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFlood\u003c/persname\u003eand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eReligion and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003eis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e, pastor of \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Providence Presbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eElam J. Morrison\u003c/persname\u003efrom Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         Bondurant familyof \n         Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n         Morrison familyof \n         Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n         Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n         Alexander J. Bondurantand \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n         Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         Australia. His father, \n         Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n         Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         James Morrisonand \n         Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n         Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         Presbyterian Church; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n         Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         Buckingham Co., \n         Auburn University, the \n         University of Virginia, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n         Virginia, including the \n         James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n         the \n         Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n         Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         Australiaand the southern \n         United States, Rev. \n         James Morrison's education at the \n         University of North Carolina, his\n         pastorates in \n         North Carolinaand \n         Virginia, the \n         Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n         Bellevue Schoolin \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         Variety Shade, and \n         Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         Australiato various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         Australia. Some of the letters from \n         Charles W. Dabneyto \n         A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n         Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n         A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n         E.M. Bondurantfrom \n         A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n         E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n         George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         A.J. Bondurant. \n         Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n         George P. Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n         Whigagain and the \n         Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n         Floodand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).","Religion and the \n         Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         James Morrison, pastor of \n         New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n         James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n      "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":268,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c05"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"A. H. Piequenard, 1876/1982","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03","parent_ssim":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","Etienne Cabet, 1787/2001"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_816","viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. H. Piequenard","title_ssm":["A. H. Piequenard"],"title_tesim":["A. H. Piequenard"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. H. Piequenard, 1876/1982"],"text":["A. H. Piequenard, 1876/1982","Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","Etienne Cabet, 1787/2001","box 8","folder 16"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","Etienne Cabet, 1787/2001"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","Etienne Cabet, 1787/2001"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1876/1982"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1876-1982"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":208,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005"],"containers_ssim":["box 8","folder 16"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is stored offsite.  Please allow 3 business days for delivery to the Small Library reading room."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The collection is open for research use."],"date_range_isim":[1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#22","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:38.998Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_816.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/724","title_filing_ssi":"Gontier, Fernande, papers","title_ssm":["Fernande Gontier papers"],"title_tesim":["Fernande Gontier papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1787-2005"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1787-2005"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1787/2005"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005"],"text":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","MSS 16416","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/816","cookbook","letters (correspondence)","Collection is stored offsite.  Please allow 3 business days for delivery to the Small Library reading room.","Dates and items pre-1970s reflect the initial publication dates of photocopies in the collection. These historical documents, like the Icarian periodicals and Simone de Beauvoir letters, are not originals.","Series 1. Simone de Beauvoir, 1943-1989 (1.75 cubic feet). This series primarily contains photocopies Gontier made of publications by and about Simone de Beauvoir.","Series 2. Colette, 1866-2009 (3.25 cubic feet). This series contains manuscripts of Gontier's scholarship on Colette, photocopies of research materials, press coverage of Gontier and Claude Francis's biography of Colette, and the authors' correspondence with editors and publishers.","Series 3. Etienne Cabet, 1787-2001 (1.4 cubic feet). This series contains research notes on Etienne Cabet and his Icarian colony as well as photocopies of relevant research material.","Series 4. Mathilde de Morny, 1990-2000 (1 cubic foot). This series primarily contains drafts and manuscripts of Gontier's book on Mathilde de Morny, as well as photocopies of research material and publisher correspondence.","Series 5. Cookbooks, 1970-1985 (0.5 cubic foot). This series contains manuscripts and loose recipes for Gontier's book of honey recipes and a planned, unpublished successor focusing on vinegar.","Series 6. Madame D'Aulnoy, 1988-2005 (0.7 cubic foot). This series contains drafts of and research notes on Gontier's work on Madame D'Aulnoy.","Dr. Fernande Gontier is a scholar who received her PhD in French from the University of Virginia in 1973. Her dissertation was titled \"Les Images de la Femme Dans le Roman Français de L'entre-Deux-Guerres\". Since then, she has published numberous works--many in collaboration with Claude Francis--on French literary figures including Colette and Simone de Beauvoir.","Source: Materials within the collection; University of Virginia.","The Fernande Gontier papers (1787-2005; 8.6 cubic feet) document Dr. Gontier's scholarship on Simone de Beauvoir; Colette; Etienne Cabet and his followers in Nauvoo, Illinois; Mathilde de Morny; and Comtesse Marie-Catherine d'Aulnoy. The collection includes manuscript drafts, research files, correspondence, and books representing Dr. Gontier's work. Materials also include manuscripts for cookbooks co-written by Dr. Gontier.  The papers are arranged into six series.","Books in the collection were transferred to the Rare Books division for cataloging.","The collection is open for research use.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Gontier, Fernande","Cabet, Étienne, 1788-1856","Beauvoir, Simone de, 1908-1986","Colette, 1873-1954","Morny, Mathilde de, 1862-1944","Materials are primarily in French, though a substantial minority of papers are in English."],"collection_title_tesim":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005"],"collection_ssim":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Series","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16416","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/816"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16416","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/816"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Gontier, Fernande"],"creator_ssim":["Gontier, Fernande"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Gontier, Fernande","Cabet, Étienne, 1788-1856","Beauvoir, Simone de, 1908-1986","Colette, 1873-1954","Morny, Mathilde de, 1862-1944"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Gontier, Fernande","Cabet, Étienne, 1788-1856","Beauvoir, Simone de, 1908-1986","Colette, 1873-1954","Morny, Mathilde de, 1862-1944","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["The collection is open for research use."],"access_subjects_ssim":["cookbook","letters (correspondence)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["cookbook","letters (correspondence)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["8.6 Cubic Feet 7 cubic foot boxes, 1 document box (letter), 1 document box (legal), 2 half-width document boxes (legal), 1 half-width document box (letter)"],"extent_tesim":["8.6 Cubic Feet 7 cubic foot boxes, 1 document box (letter), 1 document box (legal), 2 half-width document boxes (legal), 1 half-width document box (letter)"],"genreform_ssim":["letters (correspondence)"],"date_range_isim":[1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is stored offsite.  Please allow 3 business days for delivery to the Small Library reading room.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is stored offsite.  Please allow 3 business days for delivery to the Small Library reading room."],"altformavail_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDates and items pre-1970s reflect the initial publication dates of photocopies in the collection. These historical documents, like the Icarian periodicals and Simone de Beauvoir letters, are not originals.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"altformavail_heading_ssm":["Existence and Location of Copies"],"altformavail_tesim":["Dates and items pre-1970s reflect the initial publication dates of photocopies in the collection. These historical documents, like the Icarian periodicals and Simone de Beauvoir letters, are not originals."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSeries 1. Simone de Beauvoir, 1943-1989 (1.75 cubic feet). This series primarily contains photocopies Gontier made of publications by and about Simone de Beauvoir.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries 2. Colette, 1866-2009 (3.25 cubic feet). This series contains manuscripts of Gontier's scholarship on Colette, photocopies of research materials, press coverage of Gontier and Claude Francis's biography of Colette, and the authors' correspondence with editors and publishers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries 3. Etienne Cabet, 1787-2001 (1.4 cubic feet). This series contains research notes on Etienne Cabet and his Icarian colony as well as photocopies of relevant research material.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries 4. Mathilde de Morny, 1990-2000 (1 cubic foot). This series primarily contains drafts and manuscripts of Gontier's book on Mathilde de Morny, as well as photocopies of research material and publisher correspondence.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries 5. Cookbooks, 1970-1985 (0.5 cubic foot). 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This series contains research notes on Etienne Cabet and his Icarian colony as well as photocopies of relevant research material.","Series 4. Mathilde de Morny, 1990-2000 (1 cubic foot). This series primarily contains drafts and manuscripts of Gontier's book on Mathilde de Morny, as well as photocopies of research material and publisher correspondence.","Series 5. Cookbooks, 1970-1985 (0.5 cubic foot). This series contains manuscripts and loose recipes for Gontier's book of honey recipes and a planned, unpublished successor focusing on vinegar.","Series 6. Madame D'Aulnoy, 1988-2005 (0.7 cubic foot). This series contains drafts of and research notes on Gontier's work on Madame D'Aulnoy."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDr. Fernande Gontier is a scholar who received her PhD in French from the University of Virginia in 1973. Her dissertation was titled \"Les Images de la Femme Dans le Roman Français de L'entre-Deux-Guerres\". Since then, she has published numberous works--many in collaboration with Claude Francis--on French literary figures including Colette and Simone de Beauvoir.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource: Materials within the collection; University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Dr. Fernande Gontier is a scholar who received her PhD in French from the University of Virginia in 1973. Her dissertation was titled \"Les Images de la Femme Dans le Roman Français de L'entre-Deux-Guerres\". Since then, she has published numberous works--many in collaboration with Claude Francis--on French literary figures including Colette and Simone de Beauvoir.","Source: Materials within the collection; University of Virginia."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16416, Fernande Gontier papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16416, Fernande Gontier papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Fernande Gontier papers (1787-2005; 8.6 cubic feet) document Dr. Gontier's scholarship on Simone de Beauvoir; Colette; Etienne Cabet and his followers in Nauvoo, Illinois; Mathilde de Morny; and Comtesse Marie-Catherine d'Aulnoy. The collection includes manuscript drafts, research files, correspondence, and books representing Dr. Gontier's work. Materials also include manuscripts for cookbooks co-written by Dr. Gontier.  The papers are arranged into six series.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Fernande Gontier papers (1787-2005; 8.6 cubic feet) document Dr. Gontier's scholarship on Simone de Beauvoir; Colette; Etienne Cabet and his followers in Nauvoo, Illinois; Mathilde de Morny; and Comtesse Marie-Catherine d'Aulnoy. The collection includes manuscript drafts, research files, correspondence, and books representing Dr. Gontier's work. Materials also include manuscripts for cookbooks co-written by Dr. Gontier.  The papers are arranged into six series."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBooks in the collection were transferred to the Rare Books division for cataloging.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["Books in the collection were transferred to the Rare Books division for cataloging."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"persname_ssim":["Gontier, Fernande","Cabet, Étienne, 1788-1856","Beauvoir, Simone de, 1908-1986","Colette, 1873-1954","Morny, Mathilde de, 1862-1944"],"names_coll_ssim":["Cabet, Étienne, 1788-1856","Beauvoir, Simone de, 1908-1986","Colette, 1873-1954","Morny, Mathilde de, 1862-1944"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Gontier, Fernande","Cabet, Étienne, 1788-1856","Beauvoir, Simone de, 1908-1986","Colette, 1873-1954","Morny, Mathilde de, 1862-1944"],"language_ssim":["Materials are primarily in French, though a substantial minority of papers are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":328,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:38.998Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02_c04","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Albert E. Walker papers, 1893/1913","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02_c04#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eresearch papers and deeds for property\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02_c04","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02_c04"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02_c04","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02","parent_ssim":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005","Addition: Meade, Walker, Valentine papers and Rebecca McGinness papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_22","viu_repositories_3_resources_22_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"Albert E. Walker papers","title_ssm":["Albert E. Walker papers"],"title_tesim":["Albert E. Walker papers"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Albert E. Walker papers, 1893/1913"],"text":["Albert E. Walker papers, 1893/1913","Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005","Addition: Meade, Walker, Valentine papers and Rebecca McGinness papers","box 3","folder 4","English","research papers and deeds for property"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005","Addition: Meade, Walker, Valentine papers and Rebecca McGinness papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005","Addition: Meade, Walker, Valentine papers and Rebecca McGinness papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1893/1913"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1893-1913"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":31,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005"],"containers_ssim":["box 3","folder 4"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eresearch papers and deeds for property\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["research papers and deeds for property"],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#3","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:28:59.529Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_22","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_22.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/159731","title_filing_ssi":"Howard Elizabeth papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family papers","title_ssm":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family"],"title_tesim":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family"],"unitdate_ssm":["1873-2005"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1873-2005"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1873/2005"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005"],"text":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005","MSS 11777","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/22","African American women teachers","These papers, 1873-1980, consist of ca. 290 items pertaining to the Meade, Valentine and Walker families of Charlottesville, Virginia. Included are correspondence, financial and legal papers, newspaper clippings, photographs, and scrapbooks. Among those represented are: Albert Edward Walker, Bessie Carroll Valentine Walker, Ida M. Payne Valentine, Robert Poore Valentine, Virginia W. Meade, and Everard W. Meade.","Ida Payne and Robert Valentine correspond during their courtship in 1873 discussing matters of the heart, plans for accommodations after marriage, and the wedding. Copies of correspondence are from the Valentine family .","There is a letter from James L. Cabell to Robert Poore Valentine, as President of the Charlottesville and University Railway Company, relating an incident which occurred on the street car the previous evening between two ladies and a Black man.","There is a letter from John B. Minor speaking against violation of the Sabbath.","Letters to Albert Walker discuss chiefly business matters as editor, reporter and solicitor for various newspapers. Among the topics mentioned are special editions of newspapers and costs for printing.","Financial and legal papers for the Meade family include specifications for the general contract and invoices for work done on their home on Valley Road. Among the papers of the Valentine family are a deed and survey of city land purchased at auction by Robert Poore Valentine; land and business transactions; and, lists of the property of Valentine.","The papers of the Walker family include a deed of city land purchased by Bessie V. Walker; Bessie's application for membership to the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution; general conditions and detail specifications of the contract between Bessie Walker and Stanislaw J. Makielski; letters from Bessie Walker on letterhead, \"The Student Union, Madison Hall, University, Virginia;\" last will and testament of Bessie Walker; and memoranda of agreement between Walker and publishing companies.","postcard and photocopy of deeds of land","Newspaper article \"Family Mammy lived to a Hundred\".","research papers and deeds for property","Includes papers about the University of Virginia, particularly admission of women. Bessie Walker (wife of Albert E. Walker and daughter of Robert and Ida Valentine, was a hostess for the University of Virginia and worked at the University of Virginia Student Union Center.) There are also photographs of Bessie Walker.","6 DV cams, 18 audiocassettes, 1 video Hampton University Commencement 1992, 1 broadcast tape from the Community Idea Station.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005"],"collection_ssim":["Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family, 1873/2005"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 11777","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/22"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 11777","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/22"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was a gift to the Small Special Collections LIbrary at the University of Virginia Library by Elizabeth Meade Howard of Charlottesville in August 2000 and August 28, 2018."],"access_subjects_ssim":["African American women teachers"],"access_subjects_ssm":["African American women teachers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["290 items"],"extent_tesim":["290 items"],"date_range_isim":[1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 11777 addition, Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family papers, Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 11777 addition, Elizabeth Howard papers on Meade, Valentine, and Walker family papers, Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers, 1873-1980, consist of ca. 290 items pertaining to the Meade, Valentine and Walker families of Charlottesville, Virginia. Included are correspondence, financial and legal papers, newspaper clippings, photographs, and scrapbooks. Among those represented are: Albert Edward Walker, Bessie Carroll Valentine Walker, Ida M. Payne Valentine, Robert Poore Valentine, Virginia W. Meade, and Everard W. Meade.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIda Payne and Robert Valentine correspond during their courtship in 1873 discussing matters of the heart, plans for accommodations after marriage, and the wedding. Copies of correspondence are from the Valentine family . \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere is a letter from James L. Cabell to Robert Poore Valentine, as President of the Charlottesville and University Railway Company, relating an incident which occurred on the street car the previous evening between two ladies and a Black man. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere is a letter from John B. 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Makielski; letters from Bessie Walker on letterhead, \"The Student Union, Madison Hall, University, Virginia;\" last will and testament of Bessie Walker; and memoranda of agreement between Walker and publishing companies.\u003c/p\u003e  ","\u003cp\u003epostcard and photocopy of deeds of land\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNewspaper article \"Family Mammy lived to a Hundred\".\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eresearch papers and deeds for property\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes papers about the University of Virginia, particularly admission of women. Bessie Walker (wife of Albert E. Walker and daughter of Robert and Ida Valentine, was a hostess for the University of Virginia and worked at the University of Virginia Student Union Center.) 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