{"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863\u0026page=2","prev":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863\u0026page=1","next":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863\u0026page=3","last":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863\u0026page=5"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":2,"next_page":3,"prev_page":1,"total_pages":5,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":10,"total_count":44,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02_c101","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"G.W. Randolph to his wife, Mary [Elizabeth Adams] Randolph. Four letters and several news clippings concerning George W. Randolph's service to the Confederacy during the Civil War.","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02_c101#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02_c101","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02_c101"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02_c101","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1395","viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1395","viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas","Series II: Randolph Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas","Series II: Randolph Papers"],"text":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas","Series II: Randolph Papers","G.W. Randolph to his wife, Mary [Elizabeth Adams] Randolph. Four letters and several news clippings concerning George W. Randolph's service to the Confederacy during the Civil War.","16 pp.","box 5","folder 101"],"title_filing_ssi":"G.W. Randolph to his wife, Mary [Elizabeth Adams] Randolph. Four letters and several news clippings concerning George W. Randolph's service to the Confederacy during the Civil War.","title_ssm":["G.W. Randolph to his wife, Mary [Elizabeth Adams] Randolph. Four letters and several news clippings concerning George W. Randolph's service to the Confederacy during the Civil War."],"title_tesim":["G.W. Randolph to his wife, Mary [Elizabeth Adams] Randolph. Four letters and several news clippings concerning George W. Randolph's service to the Confederacy during the Civil War."],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1862 - 1865"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1862/1865"],"normalized_title_ssm":["G.W. Randolph to his wife, Mary [Elizabeth Adams] Randolph. Four letters and several news clippings concerning George W. Randolph's service to the Confederacy during the Civil War."],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas"],"physdesc_tesim":["16 pp."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":542,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research use."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Materials in this collection, which were created in 1765-1869, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required."],"digital_objects_ssm":["{\"label\":\"G.W. Randolph to his wife, Mary [Elizabeth Adams] Randolph. Four letters and several news clippings concerning George W. Randolph's service to the Confederacy during the Civil War., 1862 - 1865\",\"href\":\"https://iiifman.lib.virginia.edu/pid/tsb:108036\"}"],"date_range_isim":[1862,1863,1864,1865],"containers_ssim":["box 5","folder 101"],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#100","timestamp":"2026-06-09T07:08:45.006Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1395","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1395.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/147346","title_filing_ssi":"Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas papers","title_ssm":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas"],"unitdate_ssm":["1765-1869"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1765-1869"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 5533","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1395"],"text":["MSS 5533","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1395","Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas","Slavery--United States -- Virginia","African Americans -- Virginia","The collection is open for research use.","The papers are arranged in three series:","Series: I) Wilson Cary Nicholas Papers\nSubseries A: Correspondence (Boxes 1-3)\nSubseries B: Financial, Legal, and Miscellaneous Papers (Boxes 3-4)\nSubseries C: Militia Papers (Box 4)","Series: II) Randolph Family Papers (Boxes 5-6)","Series: III) Drawings, Surveys, etc. (OS Edgehill-Randolph Box).","Wilson Cary Nicholas (January 31, 1761-October 10, 1820) was an American politician who served in the U.S. Senate from 1799 to 1804 and was the Governor of Virginia 1814 to 1816. Nicholas was born in Williamsburg, Virginia where he attended the College of William and Mary. According to Nicholas's entry in the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress , he served in the American Revolutionary War as commander of George Washington's Life Guard until the unit disbanded in 1783. This appears to be an error: his entry in American National Biography states that \"he commanded Virginia volunteer units from the fall of 1780 until the following fall, but there is no evidence that he was actually involved in battlefield action.\" He married Margaret Smith of Baltimore, Maryland, and settled at \"Warren\" in Albemarle County where he became a member of the Virginia House of Delegates 1784-1789 and a delegate to the ratifying convention of 1788 which approved the Federal Constitution.","Robert Carter Nicholas (1728-1780) was the nephew of Wilson Cary Nicholas and the son of Dr. George Nicholas and Elizabeth Carter Burwell Nicholas (widow of Nathaniel Burwell) of Williamsburg, Virginia. His father migrated to Virginia; his mother was the daughter of wealthy Virginia landowner, Robert \"King\" Carter of Corotoman . Born January 28, 1728/9, both parents were dead by 1734. He studied law at the College of William and Mary and practiced in the general court under the royal government. He served in the House of Burgesses, 1755-61 as the representative from York County, and from 1766-1775 as the representative of James City County, and was Treasurer for the colony of Virginia, 1766-1775. He was a member of the Virginia General Assembly from 1776 to 1778 and in 1779 was appointed to the high court of chancery. Nicholas married Anne Cary, daughter of Wilson Cary of Warwick County in 1751 and the couple had four daughters and six sons.","George Nicholas, born in Williamsburg about 1754, was the son of Robert Carter Nicholas, treasurer of Virginia from 1766 to 1776, and a great grandson of Robert \"King\" Carter. He attended the College of William and Mary and became a noted attorney. Nicholas was a lieutenant colonel in the Continental army but spent much of his time in Baltimore and did not participate in any significant engagements. During service in the House of Delegates in 1778-1779, 1781-1782, 1783, and from 1786 to 1788, the last three terms representing Albemarle County, Nicholas became friendly with James Madison. Elected to the Virginia Ratification Convention of 1788, Nicholas followed Madison's lead and spoke in favor of ratification of the proposed new Constitution. Soon after the convention, he moved west to Kentucky, where he had a distinguished career as an attorney, as a leading member of the Kentucky Constitutional Convention of 1792, and as the first attorney general of the state and professor of law at Transylvania University. Nicholas wrote important letters on western affairs to Madison and to Thomas Jefferson, which George Washington also read, and tried to convince the federal government to increase its military presence in the West to protect settlers from Indian incursions and to secure westerners' access to the Mississippi River. George Nicholas died in Lexington, Kentucky, on July 25, 1799.","Sources:\nRobert Carter Nicholas, Sr. (2009, September 8) In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia . Retrieved 13:10, October 15, 2009, from http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=Robert_Carter_Nicholas,_Sr.\u0026oldid=312497296","Library of Virginia website: http://www.virginiamemory.com/online_classroom/shaping_the_constitution/people/george_nicholas","This collection contains material which discusses enslavement and may contain racist language. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.","Funding for enhanced description and digitization of this collection was graciously provided by John C.R. Taylor, III.","This record is made available under a Universal 1.0 Public Domain Dedication Creative Commons license. The Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library of the University of Virginia makes its bibliographic records and the metadata contained therein available for public use under the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Designation.","The word \"slaves\" has been retained in this case because it is in the title of the document.","The word \"slave\" has been retained in this case because it is in the title of the document.","This collection consists of the papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill, (commonly called the Edgehill-Randolph Papers) and the Wilson Cary Nicholas papers, ca. 787 items (6 Hollinger boxes, 2.5 linear shelf feet), ca. 1765-1869, and undated.","All items pertaining to Thomas Jefferson have been transferred to the Thomas Jefferson Papers and are described in the online Calendar of the Jefferson Papers of the University of Virginia: Multiple numbers. A search for \"5533\" should find all the Jefferson items formerly in this collection, almost 400 items.","Materials in this collection, which were created in 1765-1869, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Edgehill (Albemarle County, Va. : Estate)","Randolph family","Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 5533","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1395"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Randolph family"],"creator_ssim":["Randolph family"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Randolph family"],"creators_ssim":["Randolph family"],"access_terms_ssm":["Materials in this collection, which were created in 1765-1869, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was originally loaned to the University of Virginia Library Special Collections Department by Mrs. Page Kirk, Miss Olivia Taylor, and Miss Margaret Taylor, \"Lochlyn,\" Charlottesville, Virginia, on January 29, 1957. Shares held by the Misses Margaret and Olivia Taylor were bequeathed to Special Collections on March 25, 1986. The share held by Mrs. Kirk's daughter, Mrs. Mary Mann Moyer, was given to Special Collections on January 5, 1987."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Slavery--United States -- Virginia","African Americans -- Virginia"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Slavery--United States -- Virginia","African Americans -- Virginia"],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"extent_ssm":["2.5 Cubic Feet 6 Hollinger document boxes and one oversize box"],"extent_tesim":["2.5 Cubic Feet 6 Hollinger document boxes and one oversize box"],"physfacet_tesim":["about 787 items"],"date_range_isim":[1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers are arranged in three series:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries: I) Wilson Cary Nicholas Papers\nSubseries A: Correspondence (Boxes 1-3)\nSubseries B: Financial, Legal, and Miscellaneous Papers (Boxes 3-4)\nSubseries C: Militia Papers (Box 4)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries: II) Randolph Family Papers (Boxes 5-6)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries: III) Drawings, Surveys, etc. (OS Edgehill-Randolph Box).\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The papers are arranged in three series:","Series: I) Wilson Cary Nicholas Papers\nSubseries A: Correspondence (Boxes 1-3)\nSubseries B: Financial, Legal, and Miscellaneous Papers (Boxes 3-4)\nSubseries C: Militia Papers (Box 4)","Series: II) Randolph Family Papers (Boxes 5-6)","Series: III) Drawings, Surveys, etc. (OS Edgehill-Randolph Box)."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilson Cary Nicholas (January 31, 1761-October 10, 1820) was an American politician who served in the U.S. Senate from 1799 to 1804 and was the Governor of Virginia 1814 to 1816. Nicholas was born in Williamsburg, Virginia where he attended the College of William and Mary. According to Nicholas's entry in the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress , he served in the American Revolutionary War as commander of George Washington's Life Guard until the unit disbanded in 1783. This appears to be an error: his entry in American National Biography states that \"he commanded Virginia volunteer units from the fall of 1780 until the following fall, but there is no evidence that he was actually involved in battlefield action.\" He married Margaret Smith of Baltimore, Maryland, and settled at \"Warren\" in Albemarle County where he became a member of the Virginia House of Delegates 1784-1789 and a delegate to the ratifying convention of 1788 which approved the Federal Constitution.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRobert Carter Nicholas (1728-1780) was the nephew of Wilson Cary Nicholas and the son of Dr. George Nicholas and Elizabeth Carter Burwell Nicholas (widow of Nathaniel Burwell) of Williamsburg, Virginia. His father migrated to Virginia; his mother was the daughter of wealthy Virginia landowner, Robert \"King\" Carter of Corotoman . Born January 28, 1728/9, both parents were dead by 1734. He studied law at the College of William and Mary and practiced in the general court under the royal government. He served in the House of Burgesses, 1755-61 as the representative from York County, and from 1766-1775 as the representative of James City County, and was Treasurer for the colony of Virginia, 1766-1775. He was a member of the Virginia General Assembly from 1776 to 1778 and in 1779 was appointed to the high court of chancery. Nicholas married Anne Cary, daughter of Wilson Cary of Warwick County in 1751 and the couple had four daughters and six sons.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eGeorge Nicholas, born in Williamsburg about 1754, was the son of Robert Carter Nicholas, treasurer of Virginia from 1766 to 1776, and a great grandson of Robert \"King\" Carter. He attended the College of William and Mary and became a noted attorney. Nicholas was a lieutenant colonel in the Continental army but spent much of his time in Baltimore and did not participate in any significant engagements. During service in the House of Delegates in 1778-1779, 1781-1782, 1783, and from 1786 to 1788, the last three terms representing Albemarle County, Nicholas became friendly with James Madison. Elected to the Virginia Ratification Convention of 1788, Nicholas followed Madison's lead and spoke in favor of ratification of the proposed new Constitution. Soon after the convention, he moved west to Kentucky, where he had a distinguished career as an attorney, as a leading member of the Kentucky Constitutional Convention of 1792, and as the first attorney general of the state and professor of law at Transylvania University. Nicholas wrote important letters on western affairs to Madison and to Thomas Jefferson, which George Washington also read, and tried to convince the federal government to increase its military presence in the West to protect settlers from Indian incursions and to secure westerners' access to the Mississippi River. George Nicholas died in Lexington, Kentucky, on July 25, 1799.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSources:\nRobert Carter Nicholas, Sr. (2009, September 8) In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia . Retrieved 13:10, October 15, 2009, from http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=Robert_Carter_Nicholas,_Sr.\u0026amp;oldid=312497296\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eLibrary of Virginia website: http://www.virginiamemory.com/online_classroom/shaping_the_constitution/people/george_nicholas\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Wilson Cary Nicholas (January 31, 1761-October 10, 1820) was an American politician who served in the U.S. Senate from 1799 to 1804 and was the Governor of Virginia 1814 to 1816. Nicholas was born in Williamsburg, Virginia where he attended the College of William and Mary. According to Nicholas's entry in the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress , he served in the American Revolutionary War as commander of George Washington's Life Guard until the unit disbanded in 1783. This appears to be an error: his entry in American National Biography states that \"he commanded Virginia volunteer units from the fall of 1780 until the following fall, but there is no evidence that he was actually involved in battlefield action.\" He married Margaret Smith of Baltimore, Maryland, and settled at \"Warren\" in Albemarle County where he became a member of the Virginia House of Delegates 1784-1789 and a delegate to the ratifying convention of 1788 which approved the Federal Constitution.","Robert Carter Nicholas (1728-1780) was the nephew of Wilson Cary Nicholas and the son of Dr. George Nicholas and Elizabeth Carter Burwell Nicholas (widow of Nathaniel Burwell) of Williamsburg, Virginia. His father migrated to Virginia; his mother was the daughter of wealthy Virginia landowner, Robert \"King\" Carter of Corotoman . Born January 28, 1728/9, both parents were dead by 1734. He studied law at the College of William and Mary and practiced in the general court under the royal government. He served in the House of Burgesses, 1755-61 as the representative from York County, and from 1766-1775 as the representative of James City County, and was Treasurer for the colony of Virginia, 1766-1775. He was a member of the Virginia General Assembly from 1776 to 1778 and in 1779 was appointed to the high court of chancery. Nicholas married Anne Cary, daughter of Wilson Cary of Warwick County in 1751 and the couple had four daughters and six sons.","George Nicholas, born in Williamsburg about 1754, was the son of Robert Carter Nicholas, treasurer of Virginia from 1766 to 1776, and a great grandson of Robert \"King\" Carter. He attended the College of William and Mary and became a noted attorney. Nicholas was a lieutenant colonel in the Continental army but spent much of his time in Baltimore and did not participate in any significant engagements. During service in the House of Delegates in 1778-1779, 1781-1782, 1783, and from 1786 to 1788, the last three terms representing Albemarle County, Nicholas became friendly with James Madison. Elected to the Virginia Ratification Convention of 1788, Nicholas followed Madison's lead and spoke in favor of ratification of the proposed new Constitution. Soon after the convention, he moved west to Kentucky, where he had a distinguished career as an attorney, as a leading member of the Kentucky Constitutional Convention of 1792, and as the first attorney general of the state and professor of law at Transylvania University. Nicholas wrote important letters on western affairs to Madison and to Thomas Jefferson, which George Washington also read, and tried to convince the federal government to increase its military presence in the West to protect settlers from Indian incursions and to secure westerners' access to the Mississippi River. George Nicholas died in Lexington, Kentucky, on July 25, 1799.","Sources:\nRobert Carter Nicholas, Sr. (2009, September 8) In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia . Retrieved 13:10, October 15, 2009, from http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=Robert_Carter_Nicholas,_Sr.\u0026oldid=312497296","Library of Virginia website: http://www.virginiamemory.com/online_classroom/shaping_the_constitution/people/george_nicholas"],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains material which discusses enslavement and may contain racist language. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFunding for enhanced description and digitization of this collection was graciously provided by John C.R. Taylor, III.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis record is made available under a Universal 1.0 Public Domain Dedication Creative Commons license. The Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library of the University of Virginia makes its bibliographic records and the metadata contained therein available for public use under the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Designation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"slaves\" has been retained in this case because it is in the title of the document.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"slave\" has been retained in this case because it is in the title of the document.\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Content Warning","Funding","Metadata Rights Declaration","Note:","Note:"],"odd_tesim":["This collection contains material which discusses enslavement and may contain racist language. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.","Funding for enhanced description and digitization of this collection was graciously provided by John C.R. Taylor, III.","This record is made available under a Universal 1.0 Public Domain Dedication Creative Commons license. The Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library of the University of Virginia makes its bibliographic records and the metadata contained therein available for public use under the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Designation.","The word \"slaves\" has been retained in this case because it is in the title of the document.","The word \"slave\" has been retained in this case because it is in the title of the document."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas, MSS 5533, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, VA.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas, MSS 5533, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, VA."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of the papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill, (commonly called the Edgehill-Randolph Papers) and the Wilson Cary Nicholas papers, ca. 787 items (6 Hollinger boxes, 2.5 linear shelf feet), ca. 1765-1869, and undated.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of the papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill, (commonly called the Edgehill-Randolph Papers) and the Wilson Cary Nicholas papers, ca. 787 items (6 Hollinger boxes, 2.5 linear shelf feet), ca. 1765-1869, and undated."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAll items pertaining to Thomas Jefferson have been transferred to the Thomas Jefferson Papers and are described in the online Calendar of the Jefferson Papers of the University of Virginia: Multiple numbers. A search for \"5533\" should find all the Jefferson items formerly in this collection, almost 400 items.\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["All items pertaining to Thomas Jefferson have been transferred to the Thomas Jefferson Papers and are described in the online Calendar of the Jefferson Papers of the University of Virginia: Multiple numbers. A search for \"5533\" should find all the Jefferson items formerly in this collection, almost 400 items."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials in this collection, which were created in 1765-1869, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["Materials in this collection, which were created in 1765-1869, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required."],"names_coll_ssim":["Edgehill (Albemarle County, Va. : Estate)","Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Edgehill (Albemarle County, Va. : Estate)","Randolph family","Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826"],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Edgehill (Albemarle County, Va. : Estate)"],"famname_ssim":["Randolph family"],"persname_ssim":["Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":653,"online_item_count_is":646,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-09T07:08:45.006Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1395_c02_c101"}},{"id":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01_c03","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Harvey Baldwin","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01_c03","ref_ssm":["vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01_c03"],"id":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01_c03","ead_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62","_root_":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62","_nest_parent_":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01","parent_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01","parent_ssim":["vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62","vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62","vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Sarah Tracy Collection","People - Identified"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Sarah Tracy Collection","People - Identified"],"text":["Sarah Tracy Collection","People - Identified","Harvey Baldwin","Albumen print on carte de visite mount, head-and-shoulders portrait, of 'Harvey Baldwin,' dressed in Union uniform. Photographer's stamp on the reverse read: Henry Ulke, 278 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D. C.","Ulke, Henry, 1821-1910","Cartes de visite","Photographs","Card Photographs","Albumen prints","English .","box Cartes de visite - Box 1"],"title_filing_ssi":"Harvey Baldwin","title_ssm":["Harvey Baldwin"],"title_tesim":["Harvey Baldwin"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1860-1870"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1860/1870"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Harvey Baldwin"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"collection_ssim":["Sarah Tracy Collection"],"physdesc_tesim":["Albumen print on carte de visite mount, head-and-shoulders portrait, of 'Harvey Baldwin,' dressed in Union uniform. Photographer's stamp on the reverse read: Henry Ulke, 278 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D. C."],"dimensions_tesim":["2 1/2 in. x 4 1/4 in."],"creator_ssim":["Ulke, Henry, 1821-1910"],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":4,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Material can be reproduced for study or personal use upon written approval from library staff."],"digital_objects_ssm":["{\"label\":\"Harvey Baldwin\",\"href\":\"http://catalog.mountvernon.org/digital/collection/p16829coll40/id/69/rec/1\"}"],"date_range_isim":[1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870],"names_ssim":["Ulke, Henry, 1821-1910"],"persname_ssim":["Ulke, Henry, 1821-1910"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Cartes de visite","Photographs","Card Photographs","Albumen prints"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Cartes de visite","Photographs","Card Photographs","Albumen prints"],"language_ssim":["English ."],"containers_ssim":["box Cartes de visite - Box 1"],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#2","timestamp":"2026-05-21T05:53:35.669Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62","ead_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62","_root_":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62","_nest_parent_":"vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/MV/repositories_4_resources_62.xml","title_ssm":["Sarah Tracy Collection"],"title_tesim":["Sarah Tracy Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1859-1868"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1859-1868"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["STC"],"text":["STC","Sarah Tracy Collection","Cartes de visite","The arrangement of the collection is divided between people (identified and unidentified) and places; and then arranged in alphabetical order.","Sarah Tracy was the secretary to the regent of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, Ann Pamela Cunningham of South Carolina. As the Civil War was descending on the nation, Sarah Tracy (and her sister as chaperone) moved into Mount Vernon to protect the estate and ensure absolute neutrality. This was a troubling time on the estate and at one point, she braved barricades, destroyed roads, and a night in a commandeered house, for promises of neutrality and supplies from General McClellan. For eight years, she served as doctor and manager at Mount Vernon while selling flowers, produce, and jewelry which she made out of coffee beans in order to raise money. The Ladies Association also appointed a Superintendent to care for the estate, Upton Herbert, who was trapped at Mount Vernon through the war. After Miss Tracy resigned in 1868, she married Mr. Herbert and they passed on the care of George Washington's home to make their own home together in Burke, Virginia.","Biography extracted from: Mount Vernon Education Department,\n\"Love \u0026 War at Mount Vernon\" in George Washington Wired, June 30, 2009","2 copies","Collection of 80 photographs which belonged to Miss Sarah C. Tracy (later Mrs. Upton H. Herbert), resident secretary at Mount Vernon during the Civil War years. The pictures most of which are cartes de visite were collected by Miss Tracy; some were obviously presented to her, after the fashion of the day, and are inscribed. Besides the one of herself there are three of Mount Vernon which must date from the years of her residence. Others include Leeds Castle, the English seat of Thomas, Lord Fairfax; the President's House at the Soldiers' Home, Washington, D.C.; the Milwaukee residence of Mrs. Mitchell, Vice-Regent for Wisconsin; General Winfield Scott; General George B. McClellan; W. W. Corcoran of Washington, D.C.; George W. Riggs, Treasurer of the Association; Lord Fairfax; Prince Napoleon; Louis de Geofroy (of the French Legation, who accompanied Price Napoleon to Mount Vernon in August, 1861), inscribed; and Miss Nettie Chase, daughter of Hon. Salmon P. Chase of the Lincoln Cabinet. Also included are pictures of others, chiefly celebrated figures of the nineteenth century; these were probably acquired through gift or purchases, and not presented by the subjects themselves. ","Gift of Miss Tracy's great-niece, Miss Caro Arnold of Montclair, N. J., 1953","Traveled with Prince Napoleon during his visit to Mount Vernon on August 6, 1861.","Sister of Sarah Tracy, \"Aunty Caro\"","This collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration From before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain material for preservation purposes.","Material can be reproduced for study or personal use upon written approval from library staff.","Photo Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association","C. R. Rees and Bro. (Richmond, Va.)","Charles Taber \u0026 Co.","Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union","E. \u0026 H.T. Anthony (Firm)","W. \u0026 D. Downey","Philip \u0026 Solomons","Charles D. Fredricks \u0026 Co.","Whitehurst Gallery (Washington, D.C.)","Silsbee, Case \u0026 Co. (Boston)","Franklin \u0026 Co. (Washington, D. C.)","Beniczky \u0026 Co. (New York)","The New York Photograph Co.","Anderson's Photographic Gallery","Bendann Bros.","Tracy, Sarah, 1820-1896","Baldwin, Charles H., 1822-1888","Ulke, Henry, 1821-1910","Barnes, Joseph K., 1817-1883","Brady, Mathew B., approximately 1823-1896","Butler, Benjamin F. (Benjamin Franklin), 1818-1893","Cavour, Camillo Benso, conte di, 1810-1861","Chase, Abby Wheaton Pearce, 1816-1892","Loeffler, J. (John Jacob), 1834-1901","Hoyt, Janet Ralston Chase, 1847-1925","Chase, Salmon P.  (Salmon Portland), 1808-1873","Chase, H. L., 1831-1901","Coan, Titus, 1801-1882","Levitsky, 1819-1898","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Davis, Jefferson, 1808-1889","Davis, Varina, 1826-1906","Smith-Stanley, Edward, 1752-1834","Glosser, Henry","Hunter, R. M. T. (Robert Mercer Taliaferro), 1809-1887","Lee, Robert E.  (Robert Edward), 1807-1870","Lee, George Washington Custis, 1832-1913","Taylor, Walter Herron, 1838-1916","Gardner, Alexander, 1821-1882","Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865","Lincoln, Mary Todd, 1818-1882","Lincoln, Robert Todd, 1843-1926","Lincoln, Thomas, 1853-1871","Bowron, G. J.","de Geofroy, Louis","Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875","Keith, Clarence","McClellan, George B.  (George Brinton), 1826-1885","Napier, Francis, Baron Napier and Ettrick, 1819-1898","Napier, Anne Jane Charlotte Lockwood, 1823-1911","Napier, William John George, 1846-1913","Napier, John Scott, 1848-1938","Polk, Leonidas, 1806-1864","Whitehurst, Jesse Harrison, 1819-1875","Riggs, George Washington, 1813-1881","Addis, R. W. (Robert W.), -1874","Riggs, Remus G.","Roszelle, Dulaney DeButts","Seward, William H.  (William Henry), 1801-1872","Scott, Winfield, 1786-1866","Stansbury, Edward Augustus, 1811-1873","Stanton, Edwin M.  (Edwin McMasters), 1814-1869","Stephens, Alexander H.  (Alexander Hamilton), 1812-1883","Stevens, Thaddeus, 1792-1868","Stoeckl, Eduard de, Baron","Tracy, Mary Caroline","Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901","Bonaparte, Napoléon-Joseph-Charles-Paul, Prince, 1822-1891","Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, 1808-1873","Eugénie, Empress, consort of Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, 1826-1920","Louis Napoléon, Prince Impérial of the French, 1856-1879","Washington, George, 1732-1799","Washington, Martha, 1731-1802","Welles, Gideon, 1802-1878","Winthrop, Theodore, 1828-1861","Hall, Augustus M.","Washburn, W. W.","Brown, Henry S.","Maucel, Henry","English \n.    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The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain material for preservation purposes.","Material can be reproduced for study or personal use upon written approval from library staff."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Cartes de visite"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Cartes de visite"],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"extent_ssm":["80 Photographic Prints"],"extent_tesim":["80 Photographic Prints"],"genreform_ssim":["Cartes de visite"],"date_range_isim":[1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe arrangement of the collection is divided between people (identified and unidentified) and places; and then arranged in alphabetical order.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The arrangement of the collection is divided between people (identified and unidentified) and places; and then arranged in alphabetical order."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSarah Tracy was the secretary to the regent of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, Ann Pamela Cunningham of South Carolina. As the Civil War was descending on the nation, Sarah Tracy (and her sister as chaperone) moved into Mount Vernon to protect the estate and ensure absolute neutrality. This was a troubling time on the estate and at one point, she braved barricades, destroyed roads, and a night in a commandeered house, for promises of neutrality and supplies from General McClellan. For eight years, she served as doctor and manager at Mount Vernon while selling flowers, produce, and jewelry which she made out of coffee beans in order to raise money. The Ladies Association also appointed a Superintendent to care for the estate, Upton Herbert, who was trapped at Mount Vernon through the war. After Miss Tracy resigned in 1868, she married Mr. Herbert and they passed on the care of George Washington's home to make their own home together in Burke, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBiography extracted from: Mount Vernon Education Department,\n\"Love \u0026amp; War at Mount Vernon\" in George Washington Wired, June 30, 2009\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Sarah Tracy was the secretary to the regent of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, Ann Pamela Cunningham of South Carolina. As the Civil War was descending on the nation, Sarah Tracy (and her sister as chaperone) moved into Mount Vernon to protect the estate and ensure absolute neutrality. This was a troubling time on the estate and at one point, she braved barricades, destroyed roads, and a night in a commandeered house, for promises of neutrality and supplies from General McClellan. For eight years, she served as doctor and manager at Mount Vernon while selling flowers, produce, and jewelry which she made out of coffee beans in order to raise money. The Ladies Association also appointed a Superintendent to care for the estate, Upton Herbert, who was trapped at Mount Vernon through the war. After Miss Tracy resigned in 1868, she married Mr. Herbert and they passed on the care of George Washington's home to make their own home together in Burke, Virginia.","Biography extracted from: Mount Vernon Education Department,\n\"Love \u0026 War at Mount Vernon\" in George Washington Wired, June 30, 2009"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Name and date of item], Sarah Tracy Collection, Photo Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, The George Washington Presidential Library [hereafter Washington Library], Mount Vernon, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Name and date of item], Sarah Tracy Collection, Photo Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, The George Washington Presidential Library [hereafter Washington Library], Mount Vernon, Virginia."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e2 copies\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["2 copies"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection of 80 photographs which belonged to Miss Sarah C. Tracy (later Mrs. Upton H. Herbert), resident secretary at Mount Vernon during the Civil War years. The pictures most of which are cartes de visite were collected by Miss Tracy; some were obviously presented to her, after the fashion of the day, and are inscribed. Besides the one of herself there are three of Mount Vernon which must date from the years of her residence. Others include Leeds Castle, the English seat of Thomas, Lord Fairfax; the President's House at the Soldiers' Home, Washington, D.C.; the Milwaukee residence of Mrs. Mitchell, Vice-Regent for Wisconsin; General Winfield Scott; General George B. McClellan; W. W. Corcoran of Washington, D.C.; George W. Riggs, Treasurer of the Association; Lord Fairfax; Prince Napoleon; Louis de Geofroy (of the French Legation, who accompanied Price Napoleon to Mount Vernon in August, 1861), inscribed; and Miss Nettie Chase, daughter of Hon. Salmon P. Chase of the Lincoln Cabinet. Also included are pictures of others, chiefly celebrated figures of the nineteenth century; these were probably acquired through gift or purchases, and not presented by the subjects themselves. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eGift of Miss Tracy's great-niece, Miss Caro Arnold of Montclair, N. J., 1953\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTraveled with Prince Napoleon during his visit to Mount Vernon on August 6, 1861.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSister of Sarah Tracy, \"Aunty Caro\"\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Collection of 80 photographs which belonged to Miss Sarah C. Tracy (later Mrs. Upton H. Herbert), resident secretary at Mount Vernon during the Civil War years. The pictures most of which are cartes de visite were collected by Miss Tracy; some were obviously presented to her, after the fashion of the day, and are inscribed. Besides the one of herself there are three of Mount Vernon which must date from the years of her residence. Others include Leeds Castle, the English seat of Thomas, Lord Fairfax; the President's House at the Soldiers' Home, Washington, D.C.; the Milwaukee residence of Mrs. Mitchell, Vice-Regent for Wisconsin; General Winfield Scott; General George B. McClellan; W. W. Corcoran of Washington, D.C.; George W. Riggs, Treasurer of the Association; Lord Fairfax; Prince Napoleon; Louis de Geofroy (of the French Legation, who accompanied Price Napoleon to Mount Vernon in August, 1861), inscribed; and Miss Nettie Chase, daughter of Hon. Salmon P. Chase of the Lincoln Cabinet. Also included are pictures of others, chiefly celebrated figures of the nineteenth century; these were probably acquired through gift or purchases, and not presented by the subjects themselves. ","Gift of Miss Tracy's great-niece, Miss Caro Arnold of Montclair, N. J., 1953","Traveled with Prince Napoleon during his visit to Mount Vernon on August 6, 1861.","Sister of Sarah Tracy, \"Aunty Caro\""],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration From before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain material for preservation purposes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMaterial can be reproduced for study or personal use upon written approval from library staff.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use","Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration From before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain material for preservation purposes.","Material can be reproduced for study or personal use upon written approval from library staff."],"names_ssim":["Photo Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association","C. R. Rees and Bro. (Richmond, Va.)","Charles Taber \u0026 Co.","Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union","E. \u0026 H.T. Anthony (Firm)","W. \u0026 D. Downey","Philip \u0026 Solomons","Charles D. Fredricks \u0026 Co.","Whitehurst Gallery (Washington, D.C.)","Silsbee, Case \u0026 Co. (Boston)","Franklin \u0026 Co. (Washington, D. C.)","Beniczky \u0026 Co. (New York)","The New York Photograph Co.","Anderson's Photographic Gallery","Bendann Bros.","Tracy, Sarah, 1820-1896","Baldwin, Charles H., 1822-1888","Ulke, Henry, 1821-1910","Barnes, Joseph K., 1817-1883","Brady, Mathew B., approximately 1823-1896","Butler, Benjamin F. (Benjamin Franklin), 1818-1893","Cavour, Camillo Benso, conte di, 1810-1861","Chase, Abby Wheaton Pearce, 1816-1892","Loeffler, J. (John Jacob), 1834-1901","Hoyt, Janet Ralston Chase, 1847-1925","Chase, Salmon P.  (Salmon Portland), 1808-1873","Chase, H. L., 1831-1901","Coan, Titus, 1801-1882","Levitsky, 1819-1898","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Davis, Jefferson, 1808-1889","Davis, Varina, 1826-1906","Smith-Stanley, Edward, 1752-1834","Glosser, Henry","Hunter, R. M. T. (Robert Mercer Taliaferro), 1809-1887","Lee, Robert E.  (Robert Edward), 1807-1870","Lee, George Washington Custis, 1832-1913","Taylor, Walter Herron, 1838-1916","Gardner, Alexander, 1821-1882","Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865","Lincoln, Mary Todd, 1818-1882","Lincoln, Robert Todd, 1843-1926","Lincoln, Thomas, 1853-1871","Bowron, G. J.","de Geofroy, Louis","Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875","Keith, Clarence","McClellan, George B.  (George Brinton), 1826-1885","Napier, Francis, Baron Napier and Ettrick, 1819-1898","Napier, Anne Jane Charlotte Lockwood, 1823-1911","Napier, William John George, 1846-1913","Napier, John Scott, 1848-1938","Polk, Leonidas, 1806-1864","Whitehurst, Jesse Harrison, 1819-1875","Riggs, George Washington, 1813-1881","Addis, R. W. (Robert W.), -1874","Riggs, Remus G.","Roszelle, Dulaney DeButts","Seward, William H.  (William Henry), 1801-1872","Scott, Winfield, 1786-1866","Stansbury, Edward Augustus, 1811-1873","Stanton, Edwin M.  (Edwin McMasters), 1814-1869","Stephens, Alexander H.  (Alexander Hamilton), 1812-1883","Stevens, Thaddeus, 1792-1868","Stoeckl, Eduard de, Baron","Tracy, Mary Caroline","Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901","Bonaparte, Napoléon-Joseph-Charles-Paul, Prince, 1822-1891","Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, 1808-1873","Eugénie, Empress, consort of Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, 1826-1920","Louis Napoléon, Prince Impérial of the French, 1856-1879","Washington, George, 1732-1799","Washington, Martha, 1731-1802","Welles, Gideon, 1802-1878","Winthrop, Theodore, 1828-1861","Hall, Augustus M.","Washburn, W. W.","Brown, Henry S.","Maucel, Henry"],"corpname_ssim":["Photo Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association","C. R. Rees and Bro. (Richmond, Va.)","Charles Taber \u0026 Co.","Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union","E. \u0026 H.T. Anthony (Firm)","W. \u0026 D. Downey","Philip \u0026 Solomons","Charles D. Fredricks \u0026 Co.","Whitehurst Gallery (Washington, D.C.)","Silsbee, Case \u0026 Co. (Boston)","Franklin \u0026 Co. (Washington, D. C.)","Beniczky \u0026 Co. (New York)","The New York Photograph Co.","Anderson's Photographic Gallery","Bendann Bros."],"persname_ssim":["Tracy, Sarah, 1820-1896","Baldwin, Charles H., 1822-1888","Ulke, Henry, 1821-1910","Barnes, Joseph K., 1817-1883","Brady, Mathew B., approximately 1823-1896","Butler, Benjamin F. (Benjamin Franklin), 1818-1893","Cavour, Camillo Benso, conte di, 1810-1861","Chase, Abby Wheaton Pearce, 1816-1892","Loeffler, J. (John Jacob), 1834-1901","Hoyt, Janet Ralston Chase, 1847-1925","Chase, Salmon P.  (Salmon Portland), 1808-1873","Chase, H. L., 1831-1901","Coan, Titus, 1801-1882","Levitsky, 1819-1898","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Davis, Jefferson, 1808-1889","Davis, Varina, 1826-1906","Smith-Stanley, Edward, 1752-1834","Glosser, Henry","Hunter, R. M. T. (Robert Mercer Taliaferro), 1809-1887","Lee, Robert E.  (Robert Edward), 1807-1870","Lee, George Washington Custis, 1832-1913","Taylor, Walter Herron, 1838-1916","Gardner, Alexander, 1821-1882","Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865","Lincoln, Mary Todd, 1818-1882","Lincoln, Robert Todd, 1843-1926","Lincoln, Thomas, 1853-1871","Bowron, G. J.","de Geofroy, Louis","Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875","Keith, Clarence","McClellan, George B.  (George Brinton), 1826-1885","Napier, Francis, Baron Napier and Ettrick, 1819-1898","Napier, Anne Jane Charlotte Lockwood, 1823-1911","Napier, William John George, 1846-1913","Napier, John Scott, 1848-1938","Polk, Leonidas, 1806-1864","Whitehurst, Jesse Harrison, 1819-1875","Riggs, George Washington, 1813-1881","Addis, R. W. (Robert W.), -1874","Riggs, Remus G.","Roszelle, Dulaney DeButts","Seward, William H.  (William Henry), 1801-1872","Scott, Winfield, 1786-1866","Stansbury, Edward Augustus, 1811-1873","Stanton, Edwin M.  (Edwin McMasters), 1814-1869","Stephens, Alexander H.  (Alexander Hamilton), 1812-1883","Stevens, Thaddeus, 1792-1868","Stoeckl, Eduard de, Baron","Tracy, Mary Caroline","Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901","Bonaparte, Napoléon-Joseph-Charles-Paul, Prince, 1822-1891","Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, 1808-1873","Eugénie, Empress, consort of Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, 1826-1920","Louis Napoléon, Prince Impérial of the French, 1856-1879","Washington, George, 1732-1799","Washington, Martha, 1731-1802","Welles, Gideon, 1802-1878","Winthrop, Theodore, 1828-1861","Hall, Augustus M.","Washburn, W. W.","Brown, Henry S.","Maucel, Henry"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"total_component_count_is":82,"online_item_count_is":62,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-21T05:53:35.669Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_4_resources_62_c01_c03"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1446#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of the history of Hugh Carr, an African American born in enslavement in 1843 and his family who lived on a tract of land (River View Farm) that Carr and his wife Texie Mae Hawkins bought in 1870 after emancipation. He became one of the largest African American landowners in Albemarle County, where he raised several generations of his family in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community, until his death in 1914.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1446#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1446.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/147972","title_filing_ssi":"Hugh Carr family and River View Farm ","title_ssm":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"title_tesim":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"unitdate_ssm":["1843-1978"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1843-1978"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 10176","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1446"],"text":["MSS 10176","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1446","Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877)","African American families","Dwellings -- Virginia -- Albemarle County.","The collection is open for research use.","During the Reconstruction period of Virginia history, Hugh Carr (1843-1914), who was formerly enslaved by Richard Wingfield, began the long process of purchasing various tracts of land that eventually made up the model farm along Ivy Creek known as \"River View\" in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community.","He and his wife, Texie Mae Hawkins,(1865-1899) raised seven children at River View Farm: Mary Louise Carr Greer, (1884-1973), Fannie Carr Washington (1887-?), Peachie Carr Jackson (1889-1977), Emma Clorinda Carr (1892-1974), Virginia Carr Brown (1893-1935), Ann Hazel Carr (1895-?), and one son Marshall Hubert Carr (1886-1916).The farm continued to grow and by 1890 it was over 125 acres making Carr among the largest African American landowner in Albemarle County. ","\nAs Hugh Carr was deprived of any formal education, he placed an emphasis on education for his daughters and son, all of whom went to school. Many of his children earned college degrees, becoming teachers and community leaders. ","His oldest, Mary Louise Carr became principal of Albemarle Training School and was an influential educator in the local community. Later, she was honored for her commitment to education with the naming of Greer Elementary School after her. In 1916, Mary Carr married Conly Greer, the first African American extension agent for Albemarle County and the last family member to farm at Riverview Farm. After his death in 1957, Mary Carr Greer continued to live there but the land was rented to local farmers to farm. When she died in 1973, she left the estate to her only child, Evangeline Greer Jones, who in turn sold it.","Following its sale, the farm was slated to become one of Charlottesville's newest subdivisions with a projected 200 homes. Elizabeth Conant, a biology teacher at the University of Virginia, realized that the land was ideal for a nature preserve. She contacted the Nature Conservancy who bought the farm and held it until the City of Charlottesville and Albemarle County were able to buy the land. The Ivy Creek Foundation was incorporated on May 23, 1979, and the future management of the land lies with them. Paul Saunier, former University of Virginia administrator, was the first president of the Foundation.","The Ivy Creek Natural Area, which currently borders the South Rivanna Reservoir of the City of Charlottesville and consists of 215 acres of forest, field, and stream, was formed from several tracts of land. These include the original tract from the Mary Carr Greer Estate of eighty acres in 1975, a thirty-eight-acre tract from the City of Charlottesville in 1979, the James Fleming tract of eighty-acres in 1981, the Flamenco tract of sixteen acres in 1981, and four tenths of an acre from Bedford Moore in 1981. The Greer property was named the Rann Preserve when purchased by the Nature Conservancy and was renamed the Ivy Creek Natural Area. The organizers of the Ivy Creek Natural Area recognized the history of the Carr family and worked to save and preserve the land as well as the family documents that were found in the farmhouse. ","Sources: Ivy Creek Foundation, Accessed 1/27/2023 https://ivycreekfoundation.org/cultural-history ","Some items in this collection sustained damage from pests and/or mold prior to coming to the Library. Preservation staff has frozen and stabilized the items to prevent further damage from pests or mold and cleaned the items to facilitate handling.","This collection MSS 10176 is related to the Ivy Creek Natural Area MSS 10770, about the history of River View farm and Hugh Carr family which is now the Ivy Creek Natural Area. MSS 10770 is a deposit. It also contains the history of Ivy Creek Natural Area and how it was purchased by the local government to preserve the land and history.","This collection consists of the history of Hugh Carr, an African American born in enslavement in 1843 and his family who lived on a tract of land (River View Farm) that Carr and his wife Texie Mae Hawkins bought in 1870 after emancipation. He became one of the largest African American landowners in Albemarle County, where he raised several generations of his family in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community, until his death in 1914.","The papers show that Carr highly valued education for his daughters as well as his son. His eldest daughter, Mary Louise Carr Greer became a well-known educator and principal of Albemarle Training School. Her family continued to live on the farm until 1978 when it became the Ivy Creek Natural Area with the support of the Nature Conservancy. ","There are documents, newspaper clippings, photographs pertaining to the history of this prominent African American family. ","Included is the original receipt for the purchase of land for the farm by Hugh Carr in 1870 in the amount of $100 and contracts for when Carr worked as a farm manager for Richard Wingfield and A. A. Southerland. ","There are legal and financial papers of Conly Greer (1883-1956) and correspondence of Mary Carr Greer and her husband, Conly Greer.  Included is a letter written for Hugh Carr giving Conly approval to marry his daughter. (Hugh Carr could not read and write but he would sign his name with an X). There is also correspondence of their daughter, Evangeline Greer Jones while courting her husband, Hinton C. Jones.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 10176","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1446"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"collection_title_tesim":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"collection_ssim":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century"],"geogname_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century"],"places_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century"],"acqinfo_ssim":["MSS 10176,The Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm  was a gift from Evangeline Greer Jones to the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia Library 25 October, 1976."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877)","African American families","Dwellings -- Virginia -- Albemarle County."],"access_subjects_ssm":["Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877)","African American families","Dwellings -- Virginia -- Albemarle County."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"extent_ssm":["1 Cubic Feet"],"extent_tesim":["1 Cubic Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDuring the Reconstruction period of Virginia history, Hugh Carr (1843-1914), who was formerly enslaved by Richard Wingfield, began the long process of purchasing various tracts of land that eventually made up the model farm along Ivy Creek known as \"River View\" in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHe and his wife, Texie Mae Hawkins,(1865-1899) raised seven children at River View Farm: Mary Louise Carr Greer, (1884-1973), Fannie Carr Washington (1887-?), Peachie Carr Jackson (1889-1977), Emma Clorinda Carr (1892-1974), Virginia Carr Brown (1893-1935), Ann Hazel Carr (1895-?), and one son Marshall Hubert Carr (1886-1916).The farm continued to grow and by 1890 it was over 125 acres making Carr among the largest African American landowner in Albemarle County. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAs Hugh Carr was deprived of any formal education, he placed an emphasis on education for his daughters and son, all of whom went to school. Many of his children earned college degrees, becoming teachers and community leaders. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHis oldest, Mary Louise Carr became principal of Albemarle Training School and was an influential educator in the local community. Later, she was honored for her commitment to education with the naming of Greer Elementary School after her. In 1916, Mary Carr married Conly Greer, the first African American extension agent for Albemarle County and the last family member to farm at Riverview Farm. After his death in 1957, Mary Carr Greer continued to live there but the land was rented to local farmers to farm. When she died in 1973, she left the estate to her only child, Evangeline Greer Jones, who in turn sold it.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFollowing its sale, the farm was slated to become one of Charlottesville's newest subdivisions with a projected 200 homes. Elizabeth Conant, a biology teacher at the University of Virginia, realized that the land was ideal for a nature preserve. She contacted the Nature Conservancy who bought the farm and held it until the City of Charlottesville and Albemarle County were able to buy the land. The Ivy Creek Foundation was incorporated on May 23, 1979, and the future management of the land lies with them. Paul Saunier, former University of Virginia administrator, was the first president of the Foundation.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe Ivy Creek Natural Area, which currently borders the South Rivanna Reservoir of the City of Charlottesville and consists of 215 acres of forest, field, and stream, was formed from several tracts of land. These include the original tract from the Mary Carr Greer Estate of eighty acres in 1975, a thirty-eight-acre tract from the City of Charlottesville in 1979, the James Fleming tract of eighty-acres in 1981, the Flamenco tract of sixteen acres in 1981, and four tenths of an acre from Bedford Moore in 1981. The Greer property was named the Rann Preserve when purchased by the Nature Conservancy and was renamed the Ivy Creek Natural Area. The organizers of the Ivy Creek Natural Area recognized the history of the Carr family and worked to save and preserve the land as well as the family documents that were found in the farmhouse. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSources: Ivy Creek Foundation, Accessed 1/27/2023 https://ivycreekfoundation.org/cultural-history \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["During the Reconstruction period of Virginia history, Hugh Carr (1843-1914), who was formerly enslaved by Richard Wingfield, began the long process of purchasing various tracts of land that eventually made up the model farm along Ivy Creek known as \"River View\" in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community.","He and his wife, Texie Mae Hawkins,(1865-1899) raised seven children at River View Farm: Mary Louise Carr Greer, (1884-1973), Fannie Carr Washington (1887-?), Peachie Carr Jackson (1889-1977), Emma Clorinda Carr (1892-1974), Virginia Carr Brown (1893-1935), Ann Hazel Carr (1895-?), and one son Marshall Hubert Carr (1886-1916).The farm continued to grow and by 1890 it was over 125 acres making Carr among the largest African American landowner in Albemarle County. ","\nAs Hugh Carr was deprived of any formal education, he placed an emphasis on education for his daughters and son, all of whom went to school. Many of his children earned college degrees, becoming teachers and community leaders. ","His oldest, Mary Louise Carr became principal of Albemarle Training School and was an influential educator in the local community. Later, she was honored for her commitment to education with the naming of Greer Elementary School after her. In 1916, Mary Carr married Conly Greer, the first African American extension agent for Albemarle County and the last family member to farm at Riverview Farm. After his death in 1957, Mary Carr Greer continued to live there but the land was rented to local farmers to farm. When she died in 1973, she left the estate to her only child, Evangeline Greer Jones, who in turn sold it.","Following its sale, the farm was slated to become one of Charlottesville's newest subdivisions with a projected 200 homes. Elizabeth Conant, a biology teacher at the University of Virginia, realized that the land was ideal for a nature preserve. She contacted the Nature Conservancy who bought the farm and held it until the City of Charlottesville and Albemarle County were able to buy the land. The Ivy Creek Foundation was incorporated on May 23, 1979, and the future management of the land lies with them. Paul Saunier, former University of Virginia administrator, was the first president of the Foundation.","The Ivy Creek Natural Area, which currently borders the South Rivanna Reservoir of the City of Charlottesville and consists of 215 acres of forest, field, and stream, was formed from several tracts of land. These include the original tract from the Mary Carr Greer Estate of eighty acres in 1975, a thirty-eight-acre tract from the City of Charlottesville in 1979, the James Fleming tract of eighty-acres in 1981, the Flamenco tract of sixteen acres in 1981, and four tenths of an acre from Bedford Moore in 1981. The Greer property was named the Rann Preserve when purchased by the Nature Conservancy and was renamed the Ivy Creek Natural Area. The organizers of the Ivy Creek Natural Area recognized the history of the Carr family and worked to save and preserve the land as well as the family documents that were found in the farmhouse. ","Sources: Ivy Creek Foundation, Accessed 1/27/2023 https://ivycreekfoundation.org/cultural-history "],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome items in this collection sustained damage from pests and/or mold prior to coming to the Library. Preservation staff has frozen and stabilized the items to prevent further damage from pests or mold and cleaned the items to facilitate handling.\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Conservation"],"odd_tesim":["Some items in this collection sustained damage from pests and/or mold prior to coming to the Library. Preservation staff has frozen and stabilized the items to prevent further damage from pests or mold and cleaned the items to facilitate handling."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 10176, Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 10176, Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection MSS 10176 is related to the Ivy Creek Natural Area MSS 10770, about the history of River View farm and Hugh Carr family which is now the Ivy Creek Natural Area. MSS 10770 is a deposit. It also contains the history of Ivy Creek Natural Area and how it was purchased by the local government to preserve the land and history.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["This collection MSS 10176 is related to the Ivy Creek Natural Area MSS 10770, about the history of River View farm and Hugh Carr family which is now the Ivy Creek Natural Area. MSS 10770 is a deposit. It also contains the history of Ivy Creek Natural Area and how it was purchased by the local government to preserve the land and history."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of the history of Hugh Carr, an African American born in enslavement in 1843 and his family who lived on a tract of land (River View Farm) that Carr and his wife Texie Mae Hawkins bought in 1870 after emancipation. He became one of the largest African American landowners in Albemarle County, where he raised several generations of his family in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community, until his death in 1914.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe papers show that Carr highly valued education for his daughters as well as his son. His eldest daughter, Mary Louise Carr Greer became a well-known educator and principal of Albemarle Training School. Her family continued to live on the farm until 1978 when it became the Ivy Creek Natural Area with the support of the Nature Conservancy. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThere are documents, newspaper clippings, photographs pertaining to the history of this prominent African American family. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIncluded is the original receipt for the purchase of land for the farm by Hugh Carr in 1870 in the amount of $100 and contracts for when Carr worked as a farm manager for Richard Wingfield and A. A. Southerland. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThere are legal and financial papers of Conly Greer (1883-1956) and correspondence of Mary Carr Greer and her husband, Conly Greer.  Included is a letter written for Hugh Carr giving Conly approval to marry his daughter. (Hugh Carr could not read and write but he would sign his name with an X). There is also correspondence of their daughter, Evangeline Greer Jones while courting her husband, Hinton C. Jones.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of the history of Hugh Carr, an African American born in enslavement in 1843 and his family who lived on a tract of land (River View Farm) that Carr and his wife Texie Mae Hawkins bought in 1870 after emancipation. He became one of the largest African American landowners in Albemarle County, where he raised several generations of his family in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community, until his death in 1914.","The papers show that Carr highly valued education for his daughters as well as his son. His eldest daughter, Mary Louise Carr Greer became a well-known educator and principal of Albemarle Training School. Her family continued to live on the farm until 1978 when it became the Ivy Creek Natural Area with the support of the Nature Conservancy. ","There are documents, newspaper clippings, photographs pertaining to the history of this prominent African American family. ","Included is the original receipt for the purchase of land for the farm by Hugh Carr in 1870 in the amount of $100 and contracts for when Carr worked as a farm manager for Richard Wingfield and A. A. Southerland. ","There are legal and financial papers of Conly Greer (1883-1956) and correspondence of Mary Carr Greer and her husband, Conly Greer.  Included is a letter written for Hugh Carr giving Conly approval to marry his daughter. (Hugh Carr could not read and write but he would sign his name with an X). There is also correspondence of their daughter, Evangeline Greer Jones while courting her husband, Hinton C. Jones."],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":29,"online_item_count_is":21,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-20T23:45:23.850Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1446","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1446.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/147972","title_filing_ssi":"Hugh Carr family and River View Farm ","title_ssm":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"title_tesim":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"unitdate_ssm":["1843-1978"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1843-1978"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 10176","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1446"],"text":["MSS 10176","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1446","Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877)","African American families","Dwellings -- Virginia -- Albemarle County.","The collection is open for research use.","During the Reconstruction period of Virginia history, Hugh Carr (1843-1914), who was formerly enslaved by Richard Wingfield, began the long process of purchasing various tracts of land that eventually made up the model farm along Ivy Creek known as \"River View\" in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community.","He and his wife, Texie Mae Hawkins,(1865-1899) raised seven children at River View Farm: Mary Louise Carr Greer, (1884-1973), Fannie Carr Washington (1887-?), Peachie Carr Jackson (1889-1977), Emma Clorinda Carr (1892-1974), Virginia Carr Brown (1893-1935), Ann Hazel Carr (1895-?), and one son Marshall Hubert Carr (1886-1916).The farm continued to grow and by 1890 it was over 125 acres making Carr among the largest African American landowner in Albemarle County. ","\nAs Hugh Carr was deprived of any formal education, he placed an emphasis on education for his daughters and son, all of whom went to school. Many of his children earned college degrees, becoming teachers and community leaders. ","His oldest, Mary Louise Carr became principal of Albemarle Training School and was an influential educator in the local community. Later, she was honored for her commitment to education with the naming of Greer Elementary School after her. In 1916, Mary Carr married Conly Greer, the first African American extension agent for Albemarle County and the last family member to farm at Riverview Farm. After his death in 1957, Mary Carr Greer continued to live there but the land was rented to local farmers to farm. When she died in 1973, she left the estate to her only child, Evangeline Greer Jones, who in turn sold it.","Following its sale, the farm was slated to become one of Charlottesville's newest subdivisions with a projected 200 homes. Elizabeth Conant, a biology teacher at the University of Virginia, realized that the land was ideal for a nature preserve. She contacted the Nature Conservancy who bought the farm and held it until the City of Charlottesville and Albemarle County were able to buy the land. The Ivy Creek Foundation was incorporated on May 23, 1979, and the future management of the land lies with them. Paul Saunier, former University of Virginia administrator, was the first president of the Foundation.","The Ivy Creek Natural Area, which currently borders the South Rivanna Reservoir of the City of Charlottesville and consists of 215 acres of forest, field, and stream, was formed from several tracts of land. These include the original tract from the Mary Carr Greer Estate of eighty acres in 1975, a thirty-eight-acre tract from the City of Charlottesville in 1979, the James Fleming tract of eighty-acres in 1981, the Flamenco tract of sixteen acres in 1981, and four tenths of an acre from Bedford Moore in 1981. The Greer property was named the Rann Preserve when purchased by the Nature Conservancy and was renamed the Ivy Creek Natural Area. The organizers of the Ivy Creek Natural Area recognized the history of the Carr family and worked to save and preserve the land as well as the family documents that were found in the farmhouse. ","Sources: Ivy Creek Foundation, Accessed 1/27/2023 https://ivycreekfoundation.org/cultural-history ","Some items in this collection sustained damage from pests and/or mold prior to coming to the Library. Preservation staff has frozen and stabilized the items to prevent further damage from pests or mold and cleaned the items to facilitate handling.","This collection MSS 10176 is related to the Ivy Creek Natural Area MSS 10770, about the history of River View farm and Hugh Carr family which is now the Ivy Creek Natural Area. MSS 10770 is a deposit. It also contains the history of Ivy Creek Natural Area and how it was purchased by the local government to preserve the land and history.","This collection consists of the history of Hugh Carr, an African American born in enslavement in 1843 and his family who lived on a tract of land (River View Farm) that Carr and his wife Texie Mae Hawkins bought in 1870 after emancipation. He became one of the largest African American landowners in Albemarle County, where he raised several generations of his family in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community, until his death in 1914.","The papers show that Carr highly valued education for his daughters as well as his son. His eldest daughter, Mary Louise Carr Greer became a well-known educator and principal of Albemarle Training School. Her family continued to live on the farm until 1978 when it became the Ivy Creek Natural Area with the support of the Nature Conservancy. ","There are documents, newspaper clippings, photographs pertaining to the history of this prominent African American family. ","Included is the original receipt for the purchase of land for the farm by Hugh Carr in 1870 in the amount of $100 and contracts for when Carr worked as a farm manager for Richard Wingfield and A. A. Southerland. ","There are legal and financial papers of Conly Greer (1883-1956) and correspondence of Mary Carr Greer and her husband, Conly Greer.  Included is a letter written for Hugh Carr giving Conly approval to marry his daughter. (Hugh Carr could not read and write but he would sign his name with an X). There is also correspondence of their daughter, Evangeline Greer Jones while courting her husband, Hinton C. Jones.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 10176","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1446"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"collection_title_tesim":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"collection_ssim":["Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century"],"geogname_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century"],"places_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century"],"acqinfo_ssim":["MSS 10176,The Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm  was a gift from Evangeline Greer Jones to the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia Library 25 October, 1976."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877)","African American families","Dwellings -- Virginia -- Albemarle County."],"access_subjects_ssm":["Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877)","African American families","Dwellings -- Virginia -- Albemarle County."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"extent_ssm":["1 Cubic Feet"],"extent_tesim":["1 Cubic Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDuring the Reconstruction period of Virginia history, Hugh Carr (1843-1914), who was formerly enslaved by Richard Wingfield, began the long process of purchasing various tracts of land that eventually made up the model farm along Ivy Creek known as \"River View\" in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHe and his wife, Texie Mae Hawkins,(1865-1899) raised seven children at River View Farm: Mary Louise Carr Greer, (1884-1973), Fannie Carr Washington (1887-?), Peachie Carr Jackson (1889-1977), Emma Clorinda Carr (1892-1974), Virginia Carr Brown (1893-1935), Ann Hazel Carr (1895-?), and one son Marshall Hubert Carr (1886-1916).The farm continued to grow and by 1890 it was over 125 acres making Carr among the largest African American landowner in Albemarle County. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAs Hugh Carr was deprived of any formal education, he placed an emphasis on education for his daughters and son, all of whom went to school. Many of his children earned college degrees, becoming teachers and community leaders. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHis oldest, Mary Louise Carr became principal of Albemarle Training School and was an influential educator in the local community. Later, she was honored for her commitment to education with the naming of Greer Elementary School after her. In 1916, Mary Carr married Conly Greer, the first African American extension agent for Albemarle County and the last family member to farm at Riverview Farm. After his death in 1957, Mary Carr Greer continued to live there but the land was rented to local farmers to farm. When she died in 1973, she left the estate to her only child, Evangeline Greer Jones, who in turn sold it.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFollowing its sale, the farm was slated to become one of Charlottesville's newest subdivisions with a projected 200 homes. Elizabeth Conant, a biology teacher at the University of Virginia, realized that the land was ideal for a nature preserve. She contacted the Nature Conservancy who bought the farm and held it until the City of Charlottesville and Albemarle County were able to buy the land. The Ivy Creek Foundation was incorporated on May 23, 1979, and the future management of the land lies with them. Paul Saunier, former University of Virginia administrator, was the first president of the Foundation.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe Ivy Creek Natural Area, which currently borders the South Rivanna Reservoir of the City of Charlottesville and consists of 215 acres of forest, field, and stream, was formed from several tracts of land. These include the original tract from the Mary Carr Greer Estate of eighty acres in 1975, a thirty-eight-acre tract from the City of Charlottesville in 1979, the James Fleming tract of eighty-acres in 1981, the Flamenco tract of sixteen acres in 1981, and four tenths of an acre from Bedford Moore in 1981. The Greer property was named the Rann Preserve when purchased by the Nature Conservancy and was renamed the Ivy Creek Natural Area. The organizers of the Ivy Creek Natural Area recognized the history of the Carr family and worked to save and preserve the land as well as the family documents that were found in the farmhouse. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSources: Ivy Creek Foundation, Accessed 1/27/2023 https://ivycreekfoundation.org/cultural-history \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["During the Reconstruction period of Virginia history, Hugh Carr (1843-1914), who was formerly enslaved by Richard Wingfield, began the long process of purchasing various tracts of land that eventually made up the model farm along Ivy Creek known as \"River View\" in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community.","He and his wife, Texie Mae Hawkins,(1865-1899) raised seven children at River View Farm: Mary Louise Carr Greer, (1884-1973), Fannie Carr Washington (1887-?), Peachie Carr Jackson (1889-1977), Emma Clorinda Carr (1892-1974), Virginia Carr Brown (1893-1935), Ann Hazel Carr (1895-?), and one son Marshall Hubert Carr (1886-1916).The farm continued to grow and by 1890 it was over 125 acres making Carr among the largest African American landowner in Albemarle County. ","\nAs Hugh Carr was deprived of any formal education, he placed an emphasis on education for his daughters and son, all of whom went to school. Many of his children earned college degrees, becoming teachers and community leaders. ","His oldest, Mary Louise Carr became principal of Albemarle Training School and was an influential educator in the local community. Later, she was honored for her commitment to education with the naming of Greer Elementary School after her. In 1916, Mary Carr married Conly Greer, the first African American extension agent for Albemarle County and the last family member to farm at Riverview Farm. After his death in 1957, Mary Carr Greer continued to live there but the land was rented to local farmers to farm. When she died in 1973, she left the estate to her only child, Evangeline Greer Jones, who in turn sold it.","Following its sale, the farm was slated to become one of Charlottesville's newest subdivisions with a projected 200 homes. Elizabeth Conant, a biology teacher at the University of Virginia, realized that the land was ideal for a nature preserve. She contacted the Nature Conservancy who bought the farm and held it until the City of Charlottesville and Albemarle County were able to buy the land. The Ivy Creek Foundation was incorporated on May 23, 1979, and the future management of the land lies with them. Paul Saunier, former University of Virginia administrator, was the first president of the Foundation.","The Ivy Creek Natural Area, which currently borders the South Rivanna Reservoir of the City of Charlottesville and consists of 215 acres of forest, field, and stream, was formed from several tracts of land. These include the original tract from the Mary Carr Greer Estate of eighty acres in 1975, a thirty-eight-acre tract from the City of Charlottesville in 1979, the James Fleming tract of eighty-acres in 1981, the Flamenco tract of sixteen acres in 1981, and four tenths of an acre from Bedford Moore in 1981. The Greer property was named the Rann Preserve when purchased by the Nature Conservancy and was renamed the Ivy Creek Natural Area. The organizers of the Ivy Creek Natural Area recognized the history of the Carr family and worked to save and preserve the land as well as the family documents that were found in the farmhouse. ","Sources: Ivy Creek Foundation, Accessed 1/27/2023 https://ivycreekfoundation.org/cultural-history "],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome items in this collection sustained damage from pests and/or mold prior to coming to the Library. Preservation staff has frozen and stabilized the items to prevent further damage from pests or mold and cleaned the items to facilitate handling.\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Conservation"],"odd_tesim":["Some items in this collection sustained damage from pests and/or mold prior to coming to the Library. Preservation staff has frozen and stabilized the items to prevent further damage from pests or mold and cleaned the items to facilitate handling."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 10176, Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 10176, Hugh Carr family papers and River View Farm, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection MSS 10176 is related to the Ivy Creek Natural Area MSS 10770, about the history of River View farm and Hugh Carr family which is now the Ivy Creek Natural Area. MSS 10770 is a deposit. It also contains the history of Ivy Creek Natural Area and how it was purchased by the local government to preserve the land and history.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["This collection MSS 10176 is related to the Ivy Creek Natural Area MSS 10770, about the history of River View farm and Hugh Carr family which is now the Ivy Creek Natural Area. MSS 10770 is a deposit. It also contains the history of Ivy Creek Natural Area and how it was purchased by the local government to preserve the land and history."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of the history of Hugh Carr, an African American born in enslavement in 1843 and his family who lived on a tract of land (River View Farm) that Carr and his wife Texie Mae Hawkins bought in 1870 after emancipation. He became one of the largest African American landowners in Albemarle County, where he raised several generations of his family in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community, until his death in 1914.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe papers show that Carr highly valued education for his daughters as well as his son. His eldest daughter, Mary Louise Carr Greer became a well-known educator and principal of Albemarle Training School. Her family continued to live on the farm until 1978 when it became the Ivy Creek Natural Area with the support of the Nature Conservancy. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThere are documents, newspaper clippings, photographs pertaining to the history of this prominent African American family. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIncluded is the original receipt for the purchase of land for the farm by Hugh Carr in 1870 in the amount of $100 and contracts for when Carr worked as a farm manager for Richard Wingfield and A. A. Southerland. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThere are legal and financial papers of Conly Greer (1883-1956) and correspondence of Mary Carr Greer and her husband, Conly Greer.  Included is a letter written for Hugh Carr giving Conly approval to marry his daughter. (Hugh Carr could not read and write but he would sign his name with an X). There is also correspondence of their daughter, Evangeline Greer Jones while courting her husband, Hinton C. Jones.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consists of the history of Hugh Carr, an African American born in enslavement in 1843 and his family who lived on a tract of land (River View Farm) that Carr and his wife Texie Mae Hawkins bought in 1870 after emancipation. He became one of the largest African American landowners in Albemarle County, where he raised several generations of his family in the Union Ridge Hydraulic Mills community, until his death in 1914.","The papers show that Carr highly valued education for his daughters as well as his son. His eldest daughter, Mary Louise Carr Greer became a well-known educator and principal of Albemarle Training School. Her family continued to live on the farm until 1978 when it became the Ivy Creek Natural Area with the support of the Nature Conservancy. ","There are documents, newspaper clippings, photographs pertaining to the history of this prominent African American family. ","Included is the original receipt for the purchase of land for the farm by Hugh Carr in 1870 in the amount of $100 and contracts for when Carr worked as a farm manager for Richard Wingfield and A. A. Southerland. ","There are legal and financial papers of Conly Greer (1883-1956) and correspondence of Mary Carr Greer and her husband, Conly Greer.  Included is a letter written for Hugh Carr giving Conly approval to marry his daughter. (Hugh Carr could not read and write but he would sign his name with an X). There is also correspondence of their daughter, Evangeline Greer Jones while courting her husband, Hinton C. Jones."],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":29,"online_item_count_is":21,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-20T23:45:23.850Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1446"}},{"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c15","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"James Booker, a camp in\n                  Williamsport, Maryland, letter to cousin, Chloe Unity\n                  Blair","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c15#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eWriting a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker describes the heavy losses suffered by his division during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's officers and many of the enlisted men were killed, wounded, or captured during the assault. James and John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles and expects another major battle imminently, although he does not expect his division to be involved because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where most of the citizens appear to favor the North.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c15#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01_c15","ref_ssm":["viu_viu01838_c01_c15"],"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c15","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"text":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts","James Booker, a camp in\n                  Williamsport, Maryland, letter to cousin, Chloe Unity\n                  Blair","ALS","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North."],"title_filing_ssi":"James Booker, a camp in\n                  Williamsport, Maryland, letter to cousin, Chloe Unity\n                  Blair","title_ssm":["James Booker, a camp in\n                  Williamsport, Maryland, letter to cousin, Chloe Unity\n                  Blair"],"title_tesim":["James Booker, a camp in\n                  Williamsport, Maryland, letter to cousin, Chloe Unity\n                  Blair"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1863 July 11"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1863"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James Booker, a camp in\n                  Williamsport, Maryland, letter to cousin, Chloe Unity\n                  Blair"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"physdesc_tesim":["ALS"],"extent_ssm":["4 p."],"extent_tesim":["4 p."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":16,"digital_objects_ssm":["{\"label\":\"Text transcription\",\"href\":\"http://xtf.lib.virginia.edu/xtf/view?docId=legacy_mss/uvaBook/tei/booker_letters/Boo3g11.xml\"}"],"date_range_isim":[1863],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWriting a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#14","timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu01838","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu01838.xml","title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["11237"],"text":["11237","James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","26 items","There are no restrictions.","Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.","See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)","English"],"unitid_tesim":["11237"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":[""],"creator_ssim":[""],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the University of Virginia\n            Library on May 20, 1996, by Mrs. Mary H. Payne, Danville,\n            Virginia, through P. L. Anderson, Jr., Danville,\n            Virginia."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"physdesc_tesim":["26 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003ePrint Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eElectronic Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eOther Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography","Print Sources","Electronic Sources","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web"],"bibliography_tesim":["Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eJames Booker and John Booker\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eChloe Unity Blair\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eThe 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information","James Booker and John Booker","Chloe Unity Blair","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["James and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information","Scope and Content","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters","Preparing for Battle","Health","Food and Supplies","Interactions with Civilians","Morale","Religion"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc/\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":[""],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital"],"persname_ssim":["John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":23,"online_item_count_is":22,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eScope and Content\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eOverview of Themes Discussed in the Letters\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003ePreparing for Battle\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eHealth\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eFood and Supplies\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eInteractions with Civilians\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eMorale\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eReligion\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOptimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClaiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eApparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBooker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e1 John\u003c/emph\u003e. The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.\u003c/p\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c15"}},{"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c13","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"James Booker, a camp near\n                  Culpeper Court House, Culpeper, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c13#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eWriting on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his cousin that both he and his brother are well. The members of Company D marched for the past ten days, and they expect to march again the next day, since they are following the movements of the Union troops. A few days previously, the Union had surprised the Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to drive their enemies across the river and take several hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that they steal and destroy Southern property, such as meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\" He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting several men, including Captain Herndon, were converted.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01_c13","ref_ssm":["viu_viu01838_c01_c13"],"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c13","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"text":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts","James Booker, a camp near\n                  Culpeper Court House, Culpeper, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair","ALS","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted."],"title_filing_ssi":"James Booker, a camp near\n                  Culpeper Court House, Culpeper, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair","title_ssm":["James Booker, a camp near\n                  Culpeper Court House, Culpeper, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair"],"title_tesim":["James Booker, a camp near\n                  Culpeper Court House, Culpeper, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1863 June 14"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1863"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James Booker, a camp near\n                  Culpeper Court House, Culpeper, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"physdesc_tesim":["ALS"],"extent_ssm":["4 p."],"extent_tesim":["4 p."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":14,"digital_objects_ssm":["{\"label\":\"Text transcription\",\"href\":\"http://xtf.lib.virginia.edu/xtf/view?docId=legacy_mss/uvaBook/tei/booker_letters/Boo3f14.xml\"}"],"date_range_isim":[1863],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWriting on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#12","timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu01838","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu01838.xml","title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["11237"],"text":["11237","James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","26 items","There are no restrictions.","Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.","See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)","English"],"unitid_tesim":["11237"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":[""],"creator_ssim":[""],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the University of Virginia\n            Library on May 20, 1996, by Mrs. Mary H. Payne, Danville,\n            Virginia, through P. L. Anderson, Jr., Danville,\n            Virginia."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"physdesc_tesim":["26 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003ePrint Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eElectronic Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eOther Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography","Print Sources","Electronic Sources","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web"],"bibliography_tesim":["Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eJames Booker and John Booker\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eChloe Unity Blair\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eThe 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information","James Booker and John Booker","Chloe Unity Blair","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["James and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information","Scope and Content","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters","Preparing for Battle","Health","Food and Supplies","Interactions with Civilians","Morale","Religion"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc/\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":[""],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital"],"persname_ssim":["John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":23,"online_item_count_is":22,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eScope and Content\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eOverview of Themes Discussed in the Letters\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003ePreparing for Battle\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eHealth\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eFood and Supplies\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eInteractions with Civilians\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eMorale\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eReligion\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOptimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClaiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eApparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBooker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e1 John\u003c/emph\u003e. The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.\u003c/p\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c13"}},{"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c14","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"James Booker, Chambersburg,\n                  Pennsylvania, letter to Chloe Unity Blair","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c14#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that he and his brother John are well. He mentions that local residents seem fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee has ordered his troops to respect private property. He describes the flourishing condition of Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the country has not yet felt the effects of the war. James perceives disunity in the people's attitude toward the war, comments on the abolitionists' motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a private house for free in return for guarding the owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity write soon, for he the last letter he received was dated the 13th.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c14#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01_c14","ref_ssm":["viu_viu01838_c01_c14"],"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c14","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"text":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts","James Booker, Chambersburg,\n                  Pennsylvania, letter to Chloe Unity Blair","ALS","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th."],"title_filing_ssi":"James Booker, Chambersburg,\n                  Pennsylvania, letter to Chloe Unity Blair","title_ssm":["James Booker, Chambersburg,\n                  Pennsylvania, letter to Chloe Unity Blair"],"title_tesim":["James Booker, Chambersburg,\n                  Pennsylvania, letter to Chloe Unity Blair"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1863 June 30"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1863"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James Booker, Chambersburg,\n                  Pennsylvania, letter to Chloe Unity Blair"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"physdesc_tesim":["ALS"],"extent_ssm":["4 p."],"extent_tesim":["4 p."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":15,"digital_objects_ssm":["{\"label\":\"Text transcription\",\"href\":\"http://xtf.lib.virginia.edu/xtf/view?docId=legacy_mss/uvaBook/tei/booker_letters/Boo3f30.xml\"}"],"date_range_isim":[1863],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_tesim":["James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#13","timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu01838","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu01838.xml","title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["11237"],"text":["11237","James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","26 items","There are no restrictions.","Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.","See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)","English"],"unitid_tesim":["11237"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":[""],"creator_ssim":[""],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the University of Virginia\n            Library on May 20, 1996, by Mrs. Mary H. Payne, Danville,\n            Virginia, through P. L. Anderson, Jr., Danville,\n            Virginia."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"physdesc_tesim":["26 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003ePrint Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eElectronic Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eOther Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography","Print Sources","Electronic Sources","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web"],"bibliography_tesim":["Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eJames Booker and John Booker\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eChloe Unity Blair\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eThe 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information","James Booker and John Booker","Chloe Unity Blair","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["James and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information","Scope and Content","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters","Preparing for Battle","Health","Food and Supplies","Interactions with Civilians","Morale","Religion"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc/\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":[""],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital"],"persname_ssim":["John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":23,"online_item_count_is":22,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eScope and Content\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eOverview of Themes Discussed in the Letters\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003ePreparing for Battle\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eHealth\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eFood and Supplies\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eInteractions with Civilians\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eMorale\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eReligion\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOptimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClaiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eApparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBooker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e1 John\u003c/emph\u003e. The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.\u003c/p\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c14"}},{"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c17","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"James Booker, encampment of the\n                  38th Regiment, near Petersburg, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c17#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eApparently upset that he did not receive a furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he should find satisfaction simply in having enough to eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be satisfied when speculators sell food to women and children at inflated prices. He observes that the married soldiers have sent for their wives and were boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther are stationed nearby but will be leaving for Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new one.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c17#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01_c17","ref_ssm":["viu_viu01838_c01_c17"],"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c17","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"text":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts","James Booker, encampment of the\n                  38th Regiment, near Petersburg, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair","ALS","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one."],"title_filing_ssi":"James Booker, encampment of the\n                  38th Regiment, near Petersburg, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair","title_ssm":["James Booker, encampment of the\n                  38th Regiment, near Petersburg, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair"],"title_tesim":["James Booker, encampment of the\n                  38th Regiment, near Petersburg, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1863 October 4"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1863"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James Booker, encampment of the\n                  38th Regiment, near Petersburg, Virginia, letter to\n                  Chloe Unity Blair"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"physdesc_tesim":["ALS"],"extent_ssm":["4 p."],"extent_tesim":["4 p."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":18,"digital_objects_ssm":["{\"label\":\"Text transcription\",\"href\":\"http://xtf.lib.virginia.edu/xtf/view?docId=legacy_mss/uvaBook/tei/booker_letters/Boo3j04.xml\"}"],"date_range_isim":[1863],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eApparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#16","timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu01838","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu01838.xml","title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["11237"],"text":["11237","James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","26 items","There are no restrictions.","Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.","See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)","English"],"unitid_tesim":["11237"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":[""],"creator_ssim":[""],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the University of Virginia\n            Library on May 20, 1996, by Mrs. Mary H. Payne, Danville,\n            Virginia, through P. L. Anderson, Jr., Danville,\n            Virginia."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"physdesc_tesim":["26 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003ePrint Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eElectronic Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eOther Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography","Print Sources","Electronic Sources","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web"],"bibliography_tesim":["Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eJames Booker and John Booker\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eChloe Unity Blair\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eThe 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information","James Booker and John Booker","Chloe Unity Blair","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["James and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information","Scope and Content","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters","Preparing for Battle","Health","Food and Supplies","Interactions with Civilians","Morale","Religion"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc/\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":[""],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital"],"persname_ssim":["John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":23,"online_item_count_is":22,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eScope and Content\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eOverview of Themes Discussed in the Letters\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003ePreparing for Battle\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eHealth\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eFood and Supplies\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eInteractions with Civilians\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eMorale\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eReligion\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOptimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClaiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eApparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBooker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e1 John\u003c/emph\u003e. The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.\u003c/p\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c17"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426_c971","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Jane Hollins Randolph to her granddaughter Eliza McDonald Ruffin; Reference to Cary is her brother Cary Randolph Ruffin","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1426_c971#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426_c971","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1426_c971"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426_c971","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1426"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1426"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill"],"text":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill","Jane Hollins Randolph to her granddaughter Eliza McDonald Ruffin; Reference to Cary is her brother Cary Randolph Ruffin","box 11","folder 60"],"title_filing_ssi":"Jane Hollins Randolph to her granddaughter Eliza McDonald Ruffin; Reference to Cary is her brother Cary Randolph Ruffin","title_ssm":["Jane Hollins Randolph to her granddaughter Eliza McDonald Ruffin; Reference to Cary is her brother Cary Randolph Ruffin"],"title_tesim":["Jane Hollins Randolph to her granddaughter Eliza McDonald Ruffin; Reference to Cary is her brother Cary Randolph Ruffin"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1860s-1871"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1860/1871"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Jane Hollins Randolph to her granddaughter Eliza McDonald Ruffin; Reference to Cary is her brother Cary Randolph Ruffin"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill"],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":971,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research use."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Materials in this collection, which were created in 1732-1860, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required."],"digital_objects_ssm":["{\"label\":\"Jane Hollins Randolph to her granddaughter Eliza McDonald Ruffin; Reference to Cary is her brother Cary Randolph Ruffin, circa 1860s-1871\",\"href\":\"https://iiifman.lib.virginia.edu/pid/tsb:107069\"}"],"date_range_isim":[1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871],"containers_ssim":["box 11","folder 60"],"_nest_path_":"/components#970","timestamp":"2026-06-09T07:08:45.006Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1426","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1426.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/147344","title_ssm":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill"],"unitdate_ssm":["1732-1860"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1732-1860"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 1397","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1426"],"text":["MSS 1397","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1426","Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill","Slavery--United States -- Virginia","African Americans -- Virginia","The collection is open for research use.","The materials are arranged chronologically. Oversized items are listed at the end of the inventory.","The Randolph familiy of Virginia began with William Randolph, who emigrated from Warwickshire, England between 1669 and 1673. He was the great-grandfather of Thomas Jefferson. ","Martha Jefferson Randolph (eldest daughter of Thomas Jefferson) married her third cousin, Thomas Mann Randolph in 1790. Together they had eleven children, whom Martha educated at home. Martha was known for her keen intellect and would often assist her father with his affairs. Thomas became a botanist and served as a Virginia delegate, senator, governor, and congressman.","Edgehill was Martha and Thomas' Virginia plantation, and later the chief residence of their eldest son, Thomas Jefferson Randolph. Martha and Thomas inherited the land from Thomas' father and built their first home there in 1799. A second, larger house was built in 1828. The family also operated a girls' school on the plantation, called \"Edgehill School\" from 1836 to 1896.","Source: Thomas Jefferson Encyclopedia. monticello.org. Accessed 13 January 2023.","This collection contains material which discusses enslavement and may contain racist language. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.","Funding for enhanced description and digitization of this collection was graciously provided by John C.R. Taylor, III.","The Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library also holds the Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas (MS 5533).","The collection primarily contains correspondence of the Randolph family and Nicholas family. Several land title records are also present.","Materials in this collection, which were created in 1732-1860, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Edgehill (Albemarle County, Va. : Estate)","Randolph family","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 1397","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1426"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Randolph family"],"creator_ssim":["Randolph family"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Randolph family"],"creators_ssim":["Randolph family"],"access_terms_ssm":["Materials in this collection, which were created in 1732-1860, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Slavery--United States -- Virginia","African Americans -- Virginia"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Slavery--United States -- Virginia","African Americans -- Virginia"],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"extent_ssm":["5.4 Cubic Feet 11 Hollinger document boxes and one oversize box"],"extent_tesim":["5.4 Cubic Feet 11 Hollinger document boxes and one oversize box"],"date_range_isim":[1732,1733,1734,1735,1736,1737,1738,1739,1740,1741,1742,1743,1744,1745,1746,1747,1748,1749,1750,1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe materials are arranged chronologically. Oversized items are listed at the end of the inventory.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The materials are arranged chronologically. Oversized items are listed at the end of the inventory."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Randolph familiy of Virginia began with William Randolph, who emigrated from Warwickshire, England between 1669 and 1673. He was the great-grandfather of Thomas Jefferson. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMartha Jefferson Randolph (eldest daughter of Thomas Jefferson) married her third cousin, Thomas Mann Randolph in 1790. Together they had eleven children, whom Martha educated at home. Martha was known for her keen intellect and would often assist her father with his affairs. Thomas became a botanist and served as a Virginia delegate, senator, governor, and congressman.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eEdgehill was Martha and Thomas' Virginia plantation, and later the chief residence of their eldest son, Thomas Jefferson Randolph. Martha and Thomas inherited the land from Thomas' father and built their first home there in 1799. A second, larger house was built in 1828. The family also operated a girls' school on the plantation, called \"Edgehill School\" from 1836 to 1896.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSource: Thomas Jefferson Encyclopedia. monticello.org. Accessed 13 January 2023.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Randolph familiy of Virginia began with William Randolph, who emigrated from Warwickshire, England between 1669 and 1673. He was the great-grandfather of Thomas Jefferson. ","Martha Jefferson Randolph (eldest daughter of Thomas Jefferson) married her third cousin, Thomas Mann Randolph in 1790. Together they had eleven children, whom Martha educated at home. Martha was known for her keen intellect and would often assist her father with his affairs. Thomas became a botanist and served as a Virginia delegate, senator, governor, and congressman.","Edgehill was Martha and Thomas' Virginia plantation, and later the chief residence of their eldest son, Thomas Jefferson Randolph. Martha and Thomas inherited the land from Thomas' father and built their first home there in 1799. A second, larger house was built in 1828. The family also operated a girls' school on the plantation, called \"Edgehill School\" from 1836 to 1896.","Source: Thomas Jefferson Encyclopedia. monticello.org. Accessed 13 January 2023."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains material which discusses enslavement and may contain racist language. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFunding for enhanced description and digitization of this collection was graciously provided by John C.R. Taylor, III.\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Content Warning","Funding"],"odd_tesim":["This collection contains material which discusses enslavement and may contain racist language. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.","Funding for enhanced description and digitization of this collection was graciously provided by John C.R. Taylor, III."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill, MSS 1397, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, VA.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill, MSS 1397, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, VA."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library also holds the Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas (MS 5533).\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["The Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library also holds the Papers of the Randolph Family of Edgehill and Wilson Cary Nicholas (MS 5533)."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection primarily contains correspondence of the Randolph family and Nicholas family. Several land title records are also present.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The collection primarily contains correspondence of the Randolph family and Nicholas family. Several land title records are also present."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials in this collection, which were created in 1732-1860, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["Materials in this collection, which were created in 1732-1860, are in the public domain. Permission to publish or reproduce is not required."],"names_coll_ssim":["Edgehill (Albemarle County, Va. : Estate)"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Edgehill (Albemarle County, Va. : Estate)","Randolph family"],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Edgehill (Albemarle County, Va. : Estate)"],"famname_ssim":["Randolph family"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":1011,"online_item_count_is":1004,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-09T07:08:45.006Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1426_c971"}},{"id":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection","creator":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65#creator","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","label":"Creator"}},"abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis collection concerns the inheritance, maintenance, and sale of the Mount Vernon estate by its last private owner, John Augustine Washington III. A large majority of the collection is correspondence to or from John Augustine Washington III with a significant portion relating to the purchase of the estate by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association. Three diaries kept by John Augustine are also included and contain important information about his slaves, agricultural practices, and finances. Other types of material in the collection include legal documents, receipts, photographs, and ephemera. Photocopies were made for most of the manuscripts and can be viewed as surrogates to the originals. \u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","ead_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","_root_":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","_nest_parent_":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/MV/repositories_3_resources_65.xml","title_ssm":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"title_tesim":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1834-1957"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1834-1957"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["RM.848","/repositories/3/resources/65"],"text":["RM.848","/repositories/3/resources/65","John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection","This collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes.","The collection is arranged chronologically with undated material listed at the beginning in alphabetical order by folder title. Addenda, photocopies, and bound volumes are described at the end of the collection.","(Taken from the Digital Encyclopedia entry by Matthew Costello, George Washington's Mount Vernon website)","John Augustine Washington III was the great-grand nephew of George Washington and the last private owner of Mount Vernon. The fourth of five children, he was born on May 3, 1821 to John Augustine Washington II and Jane Charlotte Blackburn Washington. John Augustine spent his young childhood at his parents' Blakeley plantation near present day Charles Town, West Virginia, but after the deaths of Bushrod Washington and his wife Julia in 1829, the Mount Vernon estate became the possession of Bushrod's nephew, John Augustine Washington II. As the son of a wealthy Virginia planter, John Augustine enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle at Mount Vernon, developing interests in politics, hunting, and agriculture. After John Augustine Washington II passed away in June 1832, the estate was left to his widow Jane Charlotte, who vowed to maintain the estate to the best of her ability without involving her children's inheritances. While John Augustine Washington III preferred his more aristocratic pastimes, Jane insisted that he attend college after his father's death. He graduated from the University of Virginia in 1840, returning to Mount Vernon in September 1841 with a proposition to manage the estate for his mother. She agreed, loaning him twenty-two slaves and contracting his employment for five hundred dollars per year for seven years.","As the oldest living male heir, John Augustine Washington III positioned himself to take possession of Mount Vernon from his mother. While she did not pass away until 1855, she gave John Augustine the proverbial keys to the kingdom, granting him full autonomy to run the plantation as he saw fit. However, John Augustine quickly realized that the deteriorating Mount Vernon estate was a far cry from the profitable plantation that his great-great uncle George Washington once presided over. His primary means of income came from wheat and potato production, woodcutting, selling slaves and outsourcing slave labor, collecting land rents, and his herring operation on the Potomac River. However, soil degradation, poor harvests, temperamental weather, and the devastation of crops by insects and pests limited his agricultural returns. While he managed to slow Mount Vernon's financial decline, these endeavors were not enough to stop the downward spiral. In addition to facing these hardships, John Augustine also experienced constant interruptions by sightseers, many of whom wanted the meet the living descendent of General George Washington, see the Mansion, and ask questions about Washington's life. ","These visitors were considered a nuisance to John Augustine's family, and their presence slowed plantation work for slaves, overseers, and hired farm laborers. Initially John Augustine followed the precedential policies of his mother, father, and uncle Bushrod, publishing trespassing notices around the property, requesting letters of introduction to enter the Mansion, and denying the landing of steamboats on the Potomac River. But with his lands yielding such little profit, John Augustine decided to embrace this historical tourism, implementing business strategies to extract money from the thousands of visitors who journeyed to the home of George Washington. In order to bring more people to the estate, he entered into a contract with the proprietors of the Thomas Collyer to permit their steamboat to dock directly at Mount Vernon. He also promoted and invested in the construction of the Alexandria, Mount Vernon, and Accotink Turnpike Road, which was designed to make travel easier to Mount Vernon over land. As more visitors descended upon the grounds, he instructed slaves and laborers to sell bouquets of flowers, fruit, milk, and hand-carved canes to tourists. Beyond the property boundaries, he went into business with James Crutchett, who purchased timber from the estate and manufactured wooden Washington trinkets near the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad depot in the nation's capital. While John Augustine Washington capitalized on the American fascination with George Washington, these sales were not substantial enough to convince him to retain Mount Vernon. He attempted to sell the property to both the federal government and the state of Virginia, but both bodies were deeply mired in sectional and political partisanship. Convinced that neither would meet his terms, he agreed to sell 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate, which included the Mansion, outlying buildings, and the family tomb to the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) in 1858 for $200,000. ","John Augustine and his family vacated Mount Vernon for their new home Waveland plantation in February 1860. About a year later the state of Virginia called for a convention to debate the issue of secession, and in April 1861, Virginia delegates responded to the firing on Fort Sumter by voting in favor of leaving the Union. John Augustine joined the Confederate Army as a lieutenant colonel, and he served as aide-de-camp to his relative by marriage, General Robert E. Lee. In September 1861, John Augustine was killed during a reconnaissance mission at the Battle of Cheat Mountain by a Union bushwhacker. In a letter to John's teenage daughter Louisa, Lee painfully informed her that her father \"fell in the cause to which he had devoted all his energies, and which his noble heart was earnestly enlisted.\" The two men had shared many conversations and moments together as tent mates, and Lee admired his unflinching \"devotion to Almighty God,\" assuring Louisa that \"He is now safely in Heaven.\" John Augustine was buried in the Zion Episcopal Churchyard in Charles Town, West Virginia, one of several Washington family members who fought and died for Southern independence. ","This diary may not actually be part of accession RM-848 as it is not mentioned in the initial inventory/correspondence. However, it was in the same box as the other diaries and the almanac when found on the shelf, therefore it was described with the collection.","Early Records of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Eleanor Love Selden Correspondence ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Descendants Papers ;\nHistoric Manuscripts Collection","This collection concerns the inheritance, maintenance, and sale of the Mount Vernon estate by its last private owner, John Augustine Washington III. A large majority of the collection is correspondence to or from John Augustine Washington III with a significant portion relating to the purchase of the estate by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association. Three diaries kept by John Augustine are also included and contain important information about his slaves, agricultural practices, and finances. Other types of material in the collection include legal documents, receipts, photographs, and ephemera. Photocopies were made for most of the manuscripts and can be viewed as surrogates to the originals. ","Descendants of John Augustine Washington III maintained ownership of these records until 1990 when they were sold to Gary Hendershott, a manuscripts dealer from Little Rock, Arkansas. The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association purchased the collection in October 1990.","Lists signatures and states that all members of Congress would sign if requested.","States they are now the \"best of friends.\" She is angry at people who denigrate his motives. Wants to make known his true nature.","Mrs. Ritchie requests he arrive at the theatre a little after 12:00 so all guests may be seated prior to the rise of the curtain.","She had sent her present of flowers to Mrs. Madison, and they were \"greatfully\" received.","His mother wants help valuing her sheep. Describes one offer for Mount Vernon with great disdain. They want to have entertainments there. He has great respect for \"your manly pride.\"","Apologizes for having intruded too much on his privacy during a recent visit when Mrs. Ritchie and others of the ladies \"took forcible possession of me\" and requested cuttings of flowers. Hopes he will establish a Botanic Garden and suggests a location for a Mausoleum.","Describes her return from Mount Vernon in much rain. Discusses crops. Gives instructions for sending things to her. Asks report of conversation that was \"highly derogatory to me.\" Feels items should be sold to visitors so they will not pilfer mementos.","Urges sale of Mount Vernon to Virginia rather than to a private sale.","Resolution wants to change the site of the Military Asylum to Mount Vernon if a part of the estate can be purchased at a reasonable price.","Introduces some friends who wish to visit Mount Vernon.","Gives family news and an account of a visit by a gentleman who spent the night at Mount Vernon and gave $5 to West Ford. Discusses sale of a slave to his cousin. Has heard of a bill by the federal government to purchase Mount Vernon and wishes it would be accepted. Mentions prices and terms.","Is sending oats and other items to Mount Vernon. Urges him to pursue his studies. Wishes him to send some oysters and sugar.","Sends funds for completing the vault at Mount Vernon and authorizes him to take more money from his bank if necessary.","Thanks him for the many civilities experienced by them during their visit to Mount Vernon. Sends a piece of a branch of a fig tree cut from the birth spot of \"your immortal ancestor.\"","Is against his plans for Mount Vernon and opening it to \"every low idler.\" Discusses payments and what form they would take.","Brief note of regards, translated by J. Perkins.","Heard about people being charged to enter the garden. Wishes he would stop this.","Wants to know price and terms of sale of Mount Vernon. If not for sale, could it be leased. (Contains typed transcript.)","Was glad to hear that Mount Vernon was not for sale as it should remain in the hands of the Washington family. Wishes to \"establish a house of entertainment in the vicinity of Mount Vernon.\" Asks questions as to materials and location of such. (Contains typed transcript.)","Is in the market to purchase negroes as one of his men, Alfred, has run off. Wants to know whether she still wishes to dispose of her negroes and what her price would be. He could pay $500 cash and then pay off the principal in a year or two.","Lists names of executors and legatees and their shares and values.","Tells him of an upcoming visit to Washington and Mount Vernon by a \"highly respectable volunteer corps.\" They wish to arrive by boat and see the tomb of Washington. He understands permission to do so is necessary.","Is worried his health is suffering by his labors at Mount Vernon. Hopes he will accept any reasonable offer by the U.S. Government for it. Went into town to have magistrates witness her acknowledgment of the deed of release. Discusses a suit brought by Judge Douglass and the health of various family members.","Doubts whether an offer will be made by the U.S. Government. Hopes it would as she feels his health is suffering from attending to business at Mount Vernon. Recommends someone to help him acquire an overseer. Was paid money for him. Discusses the failing health of Dr. Alexander's mother and others.","Is horrified to learn of auction of Wood Lawn. Proposes to run a steamboat between Washington to Wood Lawn, Fort Washington, Mount Vernon, and the White House. Gives references. Pledges to bring members of Congress there and feels it would enhance the chances of the purchase of Mount Vernon by the government. Suggests it could be used as a summer home for the President. Discusses various items left by Washington and the soon to be completed Chesapeake \u0026 Ohio Canal. (contains typed transcript)","Tells him of a letter he received from an unknown man who wants to obtain a tree from Mount Vernon to transplant in France to shade the bench of Christopher Columbus which he possesses.","Recommends leaving it to Congress to propose a price for the purchase of Mount Vernon. She feels he wants too much for it, and that it really should not be sold. Gives family news. Gives advice on his search for an overseer.","First letter discusses the Supreme Court taking on the suit of Mr. Hammond against General Washington. Bassett says he discharged all debts owed by Captain Lewis. There is another copy of the names of executors and legatees and their shares and values. Discussions of various debts owed to different people.","Discusses various suits, mostly Hammonds, against the estate and their current status. Many people have died since 1827 when they were last listed. Will take a long time to find people.","Discussion of the Hammond suit and payments still owed to various creditors, to be paid by all the legatees of General Washington's estate. Most dollar figures are left blank to be filled in later. Prompt payment by all legatees is required.","Discusses his father's will and his lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of various other people mentioned in JAW's letter.","Answering his inquiries as to various relatives. Suggests he write to the clerk of Kanawha County for the information he requires. Suggests he contact Andrew Parks who probably has all the facts.","Discusses sale of swamp land. He paid the taxes on it for the Washington heirs. The land is not worth much since the timber had been taken from it by many people over the years. Would like to be reimbursed for the money he paid.","He wishes to meet with him in the middle of November, at which time they can conclude their business.","Discusses the bill in Congress to purchase Mount Vernon. Wants assets divided up between her children so all are taken care of. Tells of Charles' upcoming marriage before he leaves for California.","Discusses the codicil of his father's will. Mrs. Washington is not compelled to sell. Upon her death, the heirs may sell despite the codicil. Suggests Mrs. Washington partition the land before her death in order that JAW may do \"what you please with the land.\"","Invites him to the wedding of his oldest daughter the next week.","Has been in Charlestown attending services for the week. Is amazed at the prospect of $200,000 being paid for Mount Vernon by the government. Wants him to send fish and to pickle some \"Rock.\"","(Typed transcription included) George Page and a surveyor from Maryland wanted to survey land in the Potomac River adjacent to Mount Vernon with the object of bringing steamboats there. Was notified he would be charged with some offense by Maryland. Makes him aware that the compact between the states means they have no claim on him.","First letter – wants to know if Mount Vernon Estate will be sold. Second letter – understands the government might become the owner of the estate and wants to meet.","Wants him to petition the Court to finally settle the estate of General Washington.","First letter – wants to examine Mount Vernon with a view to the establishment of a military asylum for the relief of soldiers. Second letter – tells him the price for Mount Vernon is too high, and purchase of a location nearer Washington will be undertaken.","An account by a boat company of receipts over the past year.","Discusses the landing of boats at Mount Vernon without JAW's previous knowledge. Wants them to be allowed to dock if they pay the usual fare to him.","Acknowledges payment for the pianoforte. Wants four walking sticks cut from near General Washington's tomb to be sent to monks in Italy.","Agreement to sell 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000. Includes all buildings and the tomb, as well as furnishings currently there. Also will allow heirs to be buried there. He may not sell the estate without first offering it to the U.S. Government and the State of Virginia for no more than $350,000.","Has been unable to contact other parties to the contract. Hopes to be able to do so soon.","A committee of the House of Delegates has been appointed to consider the purchase of Mount Vernon. Wants to meet him in Alexandria to discuss this.","Encloses a newspaper clipping about the acquisition of Mount Vernon by the State of Virginia. Tells him the committee of five will look into the will of the people as to this acquisition.","Addressed only to \"Mrs. Washington.\" Unclear whether it is addressed to Mrs. Jane C.B. Washington or Mrs. Eleanor L.S. Washington. (Typed transcription included) Has heard that Mount Vernon is for sale, possibly to northern people. Feels the Ladies of the South might instead procure it and wants to know the price.","Does not wish to part with Mount Vernon but wishes to keep it from the changeable fortunes of a family and to ally it to the State. Would sell 200 acres with stipulations for $200,000. If the State wants to establish a model farm there, he would sell an additional 1,000 acres for $300,000. Invites them to visit.","Discusses his offer to sell Mount Vernon to the state. Says $200,000 is less than the property could sell for on the market. Talks about having a model farm as nothing meant more to Washington than farming. Would welcome them to visit. Reminds them that his terms cannot be materially modified.","(Typed transcription included) Says he is asking less money of the state than he had been offered by others. Tells them of his desire for a model farm as the pursuit of an improved system of agriculture was of great importance to General Washington. Would welcome a visit from them.","Wants to clear up suggestions that he is falsely referring to higher offers for Mount Vernon.","The Committee feels the price for Mount Vernon \"is enormous.\" Would prefer the money to be used for a rail road.","Draft in writing of John Augustine Washington III. Addressed to \"Miss Cunningham\" but could also be a response to Louisa Cunningham's letter instead of Ann Pamela Cunningham. Praises the women of the south for their affection for Washington. Does not wish to dispose of the property except to the government of the United States or Virginia and so declines the proposition from the \"Ladies of the South.\"","Draft thought to be in the writing of Jane C.B. Washington. Identical text to previous letter (draft in the hand of John Augustine Washington III).","Encloses a power of attorney and some other letters. Has agreed to reduction of $50,000 on 1000 acres. Will accept nothing less than $200,000 for the 200 acres. Agrees to pay him 5% of what he gets from either government agency, provided it occurs in the current session.","The state might be willing to pay $50,000 per year for four years for Mount Vernon but not the total of $200,000 at once. Wonders what is happening with the federal government. \"Things are coming to a head rapidly.\"","As long as negotiations with Virginia remain open, it would not be proper for him to entertain any proposals from other parties for the purchase of Mount Vernon. Might be interested in the future in making an offer.","Feels priority should be given to Congress to purchase Mount Vernon, and therefore Virginia is holding off on more committee meetings. Wants him to be there for future committee meetings.","Urges him to meet with Arthur Taylor as his representative in the proposed sale of Mount Vernon. Requests that he not send papers to Col. Bissell before meeting with him.","Has the papers from Mr. Washington and wants to meet with him to discuss the sale of Mount Vernon to the U.S. Government.","Assures him that he has not given the letters from him to Mr. Bissell and has requested Mr. Taylor to come see him.","Encloses the previous letter and hopes they will be able to meet soon. Feels it best to not commit to any course with the U.S. until a definite answer comes from the Virginia Legislature.","Invites him to come to his lodgings at any time at 9 a.m.","Is unable to return to his \"hospitable roof\" at this time. Values the time she was there and having been \"entrusted with the training of such bright intelligences.\"","Reports on his share of earnings from \"Washington's Writings.\" Many copies of the book were destroyed in a fire, but the stereotype and engraved plates were in a fire proof vault.","Feels it is very important for him to communicate with the federal government and is willing to help in any way.","Mr. Taylor shared his letter proposing to bring the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon again before Congress. His terms are already known to him – the same as those agreed to for the State of Virginia.","Wants to bring up the purchase of Mount Vernon in Congress but wants to know just what terms he agreed to with Virginia. Wants the Northern States to purchase it.","Gives terms of sale, including that family members still living may also be buried there. Additional property to total 1000 acres may be purchased for $300,000, for a model farm as suggested by Gen. Washington. Tells him the state of Virginia had proposed the sale for less than he wanted which he refused.","Encloses a copy of the bill reported to the House of Delegates Committee for the purchase of Mount Vernon. He told them it would not meet with JAW's approval. Urges him to move quickly on the Turnpike matter for this session.","Is very desirous of having the State of Virginia take possession of Mount Vernon and \"have the sole control and ownership forever.\" Wants to know what terms he proposes.","Gives him the terms of sale. The Washington family shall be permitted to be buried on the site, and no remains shall ever be disturbed. The price shall be $200,000, with an additional 800 acres available for $100,000 more","Will not accede to propositions of the steamboat company. Will be busy for a few weeks but wants to see a copy of the agreement currently in effect.","Tells him of Mrs. Mason presenting \"a remonstrance against your turnpike.\" Wants access to $250 at Farmers Bank in Alexandria.","Discusses payments based on sales of \"Washington's Writings.\" Tells percentages paid to various legatees.","Discusses quarrelling and squabbling among the ladies purchasing Mount Vernon. Is concerned about security around the remains of George Washington.","Wants him to send a letter to him so he may correct disparaging remarks made about his impending sale of Mount Vernon.","Is writing to her as requested by JAW. Describes a woman mourning her deceased eight-year-old son. Includes a poem about grief and moving on after death of a child.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Mr. Mason very much wants to meet him and getting a letter from JAW that would announce the news of their \"progress.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for the kindness of him and Mrs. Washington on her recent visit to Mount Vernon. Urges him to send a letter to be published about the sale of Mount Vernon before the news is released by someone else.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Assures her he does not care what others say about him and remains hopeful of selling Mount Vernon to the State of Virginia.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Explains the absence of Mr. Toombs when JAW came to see him. Tells him why she is now dealing with Mr. Toombs rather than Mr. Mason.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes to meet him in Washington City as she will be there for a few days during her travel south. Wants a thorough understanding of his wishes and intentions before meeting with the governor of Virginia.","Wants him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter in the National Intelligencer and put the estate under the care of the State of Virginia. (This is a copy of a letter written by Anna's husband.) Second letter, dated March 5, 1857 on same paper: Refers to letter copied out by her. Is certain a sufficient sum will have been raised by February 22 to enable Virginia to purchase Mount Vernon.","Urges him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter to the National Intelligencer and consent to place the estate once more at the disposal of Virginia which has an arrangement with the \"Ladies' Mount Vernon Association of the Union.\"","His musical association played a concert on behalf of the \"Ladies Mt. Vernon Association\" at which $100 was raised. The musical group would benefit greatly from receiving this money back if Mr. Washington has no plans to sell to the Ladies Association.","Would love to spend time at Mount Vernon, but his schedule will not allow at this time. His book will be published during the winter and spring, but he doesn't feel a visit would add anything.","He remains willing to place Mount Vernon in the hands of the State of Virginia, under his terms which the state has not seemed to want to meet. The proposal to have Mount Vernon by under the Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union is unacceptable to him. Doubts they could maintain the estate in perpetuity. It would then be taken over by the state.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Identical to previous letter.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Responding to his letter to Mr. Ritchie. Urges him to put out that the Ladies are to raise $200,000 on behalf of the State of Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not wish to publish parts of letters. Feels \"nothing but silent contempt can put them at rest.\"","(W.L. Underwood – most likely Warner Lewis Underwood, Kentucky Senator) Tells JAW that if his current negotiations for Mount Vernon should fall through that his organization would be pleased to enter into further discussions.","Again says he wishes Mount Vernon to go to the State of Virginia, to be decided upon by the current session of the General Assembly.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to know who told her that he was \"willing… for a pecuniary consideration to break engagements and promises.\"","The Masonic Brotherhood is interested in purchasing Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the tour the previous day. Apologizes for the bad behavior of one member and hopes that will not prejudice him against the Fraternity.","(Typed transcription enclosed) She met with the governor who told her the \"Extra Session\" of the Legislature was for the \"presidential contest,\" so the Legislature will not be meeting again until the next winter. Realizes this delay is not pleasing to him.","Inquires whether any action has been taken by the Legislature or is likely to be.","Tells him no action has yet been taken by the Legislature but feels sure it will be taken up after the Christmas recess, after which the ladies will be enabled to purchase Mount Vernon and have its title transferred to Virginia.","Discusses various prices for Mount Vernon and quotes JAW as vehemently denying that he wanted the remains of General Washington moved. He wishes the estate to be the property of the United States and all the people.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him she has been very ill but is sure that the Legislature will act.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Tells him Gov. Wise is \"inimical to our 'cause'\" which is the reason the Legislature has not taken up the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon.\" Talks of the financial crisis which is being felt by \"we victimized cotton planters.\" Tells him of the impending sale of copies of a portrait of Washington.","(Typed transcription enclosed) She writes of her illness and lack of strength. The Constitution of the Association was signed by the governor. Tells him various Masonic orders have decided to become allies of the Association. Hopes to have the contract signed between Virginia and him on the 22nd of February.","Invites recipient to the elevation of the Statue of Washington on February 22 in Richmond.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Is looking forward to the inauguration of the Washington statue. Wants him to vow that the Ladies of the Association are the \"very best friends you have in the world.\" Tells him that Gov. Wise is no friend to him or to her and this cause.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Has a document that states Virginia will purchase Mount Vernon from him and encloses a copy of the bill. Is sure the governor will act strongly to defeat this. Wants him to attend the address by Mr. Everett a few days before the 22nd of February. Tells him how lucky he is to get $200,000 in \"these awful times.\"","Gives price of sale of $200,000 for 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate and pledges the MVLA to guarantee to not disturb any remains currently there and to allow descendants of JAW to also be interred there.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Praises him for agreeing that Mount Vernon is to be a public shrine and to limit interments there. Gen. Chapman included that in the third reading of the bill. Discusses the building of a new mausoleum for Washington which would not go against his will. Talks of her illness.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the disposition of family remains, as well as those of General Washington, are his biggest concerns in the sale.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes he is happy about the bill as read in the Legislature. Tells him it is she and not the Committee who wants to arrange for a magnificent mausoleum. Closes by saying she is too exhausted to \"even give a hint of the nature of woman's revenge should you not be in a state of delight over our bill!!!\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Remains adamant as to a future mausoleum as Washington stated where he wished his remains to be. Cannot travel to Richmond at present due to the illness of Mrs. Washington.","(Agreement ends with reference to the 10th of February) Deals with payment of $6,000 to heirs of W.F. Alexander and Anna Alexander as a share of Mount Vernon. Expressly says none of these heirs have any claim to the proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon, other than the $6,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that though Gov. Wise is no friend to the Mount Vernon cause, he did not intend to put his remarks under the head of Lunatic Asylum. It was a complete accident.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses another article by Mr. Pryor who is \"using his art to arouse the fear, \u0026 cupidity of the timid \u0026 narrow minded of this Legislature.\" Asks him about his previous offer from a company to purchase the estate, and that he wanted to wait for Congress to act.","(Typed transcription enclosed) States that his price for Mount Vernon has always been $200,000, since he gained control of it in 1849. Asks whether he ever made an offer for Mount Vernon for $100,000. If so, under whose authority was it made?","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to confirm with him that his offer to sell Mount Vernon as a site for the Military Asylum in 1851 was for $200,000 and not $100,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of a contract with a gentleman to sell him 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000 with the condition that the property should be offered to the U.S. and to Virginia. If neither purchased it, he should take the property. He then offered $50,000 to release him from that obligation, but JAW refused. Says he never has offered it for sale in public or private.","Says he was authorized by JAW to offer Mount Vernon for a Military Asylum for $100,000. Will search for papers to confirm this.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Advises that on March 25, 1851, he made an offer to sell about 150 acres of the Mount Vernon estate for $200,000 for an Army Asylum or some other government purpose.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Thanks him for sending a copy of the correspondence of Gen. Scott. Miss C. is intensely engaged in getting past Mr. Pryor's malicious misrepresentation of the Bill. If he can defeat us, he will.","Reiterates that Alexander and his heirs have no claim to any proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon beyond the agreed upon $6,000 and requests him to add a paragraph to that effect to the agreement they will both sign.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her in Richmond, despite his recent fall. Refers to the animosity of Mr. Pryor toward the bill. Wishes there could be an Extra Session for it to pass.","Again states his disagreement with Mr. McKenzie's assertion of his having offered $100,000 for Mount Vernon. No one else knew of such an offer. Gen. Scott agrees with JAW in his recollections. Tells her of a recent fall from a horse which will prevent his visit to Richmond on the 22nd.","Urges him and his family to attend the inauguration of the equestrian statue of Washington on the Capital Square in Richmond. Says he would be pleased to host them at their home near the city.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is uncertain whether he will be able to travel to Richmond and wants her to update him on matters related to the Bill as \"I have not in any manner approached\" any of his friends or acquaintances on the subject. It is important for her to convince members that the association only needs the name of the State which will not be called upon to pay any of the money for the purchase.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham begs him to attend Mr. Everett's oration and hopes to speak to him on the Square tomorrow.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Continues to be unwell. Introduces him to Mr. A.H.H. Dawson of Georgia, \"an eccentric genius.\" He is devoted to the purposes of the Association and has delivered an address about it in 30 towns in Georgia. Urges him to come to Richmond to meet with members of the Legislature.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is sorry he was unable to call on her before leaving Richmond. Wants clarification about alterations Mr. Yancy thought necessary in the paper he left with her. He wants a decision by the Legislature, yes or no, soon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that the Legislature is \"in a row\" and will not pass any bills before an Extra Session. Wants him to bring a contract to her so they are prepared for any contingencies. Tells him of her illness of the lungs and her treatment.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Reiterates the importance of the sanctity of the family burying ground. Wants to have some alterations and additions of a substantial permanent character made to the present vault, with a durable enclosure around it. He is open to payment in stocks or cash for the estate. Says they should have an act of incorporation before signing a contract.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Gen. Chapman was drawing up an act of incorporation before the bill comes up. He said Virginia must not hold the tomb; the Association must hold it. She remains very ill. \"yrs in much suffering\"","Is preparing a pamphlet to defend JAW against detractors and wants copies of correspondence he had with Gen. Scott and others about possible purchase of Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The bill in Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon, to be refunded by the MVLA, was defeated in the House of Delegates. In addition Congress cannot purchase land in a sovereign state without its consent. Tells him it should be the property of the Nation and should be sold to the MVLA. \"With grateful women pledged to guard the sacred ashes of Washington and to adorn his home for a national shrine.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Says it has become obvious that neither Virginia nor the U.S. wish to purchase Mount Vernon. Therefore \"the women of the land will probably be the safest as they will certainly be the purest guardians of a national shrine.\" He waits for her to make a proposal to him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham requests that he answer the letter she gave him relating to the purchase of Mount Vernon and to return it to her. She will give him a copy.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is returning her letter to him as it seemed to be improperly dated and lacked her signature. When she remedies those defects, he will send an answer.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to meet with him on Saturday morning in Alexandria to sign the contract.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is very unhappy about delays put forth by Messrs. Macfarland \u0026 Myers. They felt there had to be an acceptance of the contract by all or a majority of the Vice Regents before it could be signed. They can do this by telegraph, permitting Mrs. Ritchie to act for them.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to come without delay. It was thought things would be delayed as Mrs. Walton's husband had died, but now Mr. McFarland advised them to send for him at once. Miss Cunningham is not good and needs to bring matters to a close \"ere it be too late.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her that afternoon or evening as Dr. Beale \"considers it necessary to apply a severe blister without delay.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Upon reflection she feels the letter she sent him for publication is not to be published. She does not wish to \"make enemies even in a State which has given me so little cause to respect it.\" Mrs. Ritchie will work on a better worded one which she will send to him.","He deposited money to his credit for the contract and wants to know if this was correct. Tells him the pony he was inquiring about is not for sale. Also felt much concern about the accounts of the fisheries. Looks forward to a visit with him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the plat of the 200 acres of land he agreed to sell to the MVLA. Wants him to sign it and return it.","(Typed transcription enclosed) About the plat, he is having the land resurveyed and \"have the necessary corners stones set.\" He will send it back with a signature after that. Also encloses her letter of March 12 and wants a copy of her letter as published with her signature.","Wants to know if George Thorburn may visit Mount Vernon in the 28th of May to inspect the grounds in regards to the improvements to be made. He is \"no doubt the first horticulturist in America\" and a plain, unpolished person. It would be good for JAW's surveyor to meet with Mr. Thorburn to go over the grounds.","He is \"exceedingly provoked\" at the newspaper coverage in connection with the sale of Mount Vernon. As a college friend he felt he had to contact an editor and correct the information. He hopes he did not make the situation worse.","Again requests he host the \"celebrated florist\" at Mount Vernon to look over the grounds before they come to Mount Vernon on the 29th for a few hours.","Agrees to have Mr. Thorburn come and meet with surveyors. Asks if Mr. Thorburn could be appointed the Agent of the Association in drawing up with the surveyors the lines of the 200 acres. He will \"grant any reasonable request of the Association.\" Hopes to see Mr. Ritchie and her while he yet resides at Mount Vernon.","The first attests to receipt of interest on the $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington. \tThe second is for $2,000 as part of the $6,000 owed.","Urges him to reduce the price of Mount Vernon to $150,000 so as to better fund all the expenses associated with its ownership by the MVLA. Tells him to buy land in \"some of the new states\" with that money.","Wants to know what stocks or bonds would be acceptable as part of the purchase price. Gives the current rate of Virginia stock.","Acknowledges his decline to the proposition.","Replying to a previous letter. Cannot answer the questions of Miss Lewis as he does not remember where Col. Fielding Lewis died. Her wishes are an illusion. Wonders if some land in Kentucky is what she is dreaming of. Hopes the Ladies will be able to preserve Mount Vernon after they complete the purchase.","As a new Mason, wants to know if he will amend the contract to state that the property will revert to the United States or the Masonic Fraternity in the event of a dissolution of the MVLA and not to the state of Virginia.","Writes to her cousin about an article in the paper that morning that was a \"vile abolition libel on you.\" Wants to assure her lady friends that it is untrue.","Is involved in illustrating an article about Mount Vernon as it is of interest to the American people. Wants to visit to sketch objects that have not been drawn. The MVLA is in favor of such an article to assist with their fund raising.","Is amazed at the scurrilous attacks made on him by Northern Papers which are calculated to embarrass the Mount Vernon Association.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for his letter about the calumnies in some Northern newspapers but has no desire to enter into a controversy with the papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants him to tell her of his agreement with Mr. Crutchett of Mount Vernon Cane Factory who was given permission to come and cut trees on the estate. Asks what value he puts on the remainder of the estate contiguous to the 200 acres.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Gives details of his contract with Mr. Crutchett which expired in February 1856. He was permitted to take more trees before January 1857. He has no right to \"come upon the property I have sold the Association to cut timber.\" Has not put a price on the remainder of Mount Vernon.","Thanks him for the hospitality given to him and his sister on their visit to Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham was happy to hear his account of the transactions with Mr. Crutchett. Wants him to come to Philadelphia to confer upon private matters of great importance to the Association and himself. She is equally interested in the final settlement of the boundary lines.","First letter (incomplete) congratulates him on the sale of Mount Vernon. Requests return of portrait of his mother. Second letter thanks him for agreeing to return the portrait. He and his family would very much like to visit Mount Vernon again before it becomes public.","Hopes he can come to Washington to meet with him. Wants Mr. Washington to stay with him to \"pay off the debt of visiting you at Mt. Vernon.\" Miss Cunningham is making arrangements to pay the first bond with interest in December.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Looks forward to making payment of the first installment. Mr. Riggs will pay sums of $5,000 as soon as it is raised. Hopes to be able to pay the remainder of 2d installment on 1st of January 1859. Begs him to keep these matters as a \"profound secret.\"","Miss Cunningham wants to make the first payment on December 14, the anniversary of Washington's death.","Tells him of payment to Burke \u0026 Herbert of $10,000 on that day.","Tells him the box containing the chairs has not yet arrived. He wants to be allowed to pay for the repairs necessary to the chairs. Invites him and his family to visit him in Richmond before they go farther away from it.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to make the first payment on the 1st, but this is a holiday. Urges him not to risk sending the plat executed by Washington himself but to have it be lithographed. Wants to clear up the boundaries. Tells him to keep the discussion of the sale of additional land private.","Wants to gather branches from the estate in order to make canes to sell to aid in the purchase of Mount Vernon.","Their project would require the consent of the Regent of the MVLA.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Confidential) Miss Cunningham is too ill to reply to his last letter. Lets him know his presence might be required on the 22nd but all arrangements must be kept private. The upcoming payment will be about $14,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to accept the money already paid to him (for the \"selling your relations bones.\") He already received more money than the estate was worth. Note on the letter states he ensured his control over the remains in \"such a way that they can never be sold by any one.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not want to go to Philadelphia unless it is absolutely necessary. He recently heard that Mrs. Esther M. Lewis (widow of Lorenzo Lewis) wants to present the harpsichord that was given to Nelly to the MVLA.","Thanks him for copy of the inscription on a bust. He realized he had not copied the pencil sketch of the Destruction of the Bastille. Would JAW please have a photograph of it sent to him for an upcoming book on the history of Mount Vernon. Will send a copy of the book to him in September when it is published.","Acknowledges receipt of $1,000 which completes the payment of $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington.","The Regent wants JAW to not allow any more sketches to be made of Mount Vernon or the grounds without her consent. Attached is a copy of an advertisement for sale of a portrait of Washington. The Mount Vernon Record gives an account of fund raising to date. Mr. Everett thanks Devereux for sending him a copy of the Farewell Address.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Requests her to send him definite instructions to enable him to prohibit people from making sketches of Mount Vernon.","Tells them he has written to the Regent requesting her instructions about the matter they raised with him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent now feels that it would \"not be practicable for you to refuse privileges hitherto granted\" in the matter of sketches. There is also a newspaper clipping with letters from JAW and the Regent about the sale of Mount Vernon.","They wrote to him on the 14th as the Regent was prostrated. Requests any material he might have about the area in England where Washington's ancestor came from.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of terms under which they ran their steamboat to Mount Vernon. They paid him money with the understanding that he would make repairs to the wharf and footway, under the agreement, but he did not. He ordered his captain to have it done and will retain that money.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses a copy of the previous letter and asks him to advise her as to her response to Mr. Bryan.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham much enjoyed his previous letter and its humor. Hopes he will waive the requisition of 10 days notice before receiving payments. Can give him at least 30 days notice before requiring possession, and hopefully 60 days. She has \"been very much of an invalid for many weeks.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come to Philadelphia around the 10th or 12th so they may consult in regard to the future. They can have the boundary line settled and put many business affairs in order. Miss Cunningham intends to make a payment on the last installment as soon \"as you will receive it.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) He will travel to Philadelphia and meet with her on Wednesday. Will give directions to Messrs. Burke \u0026 Herbert for the last installment.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham wants him to arrive on Thursday and then accompany her to hear Mr. Everett in the evening. She and Mr. Everett would then meet with him on Friday.","(Typed transcription enclosed) He agrees to come to Philadelphia on Thursday and meet as she suggests.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent wants him to \"have the kindness not to speak of the particulars of your interview with her.\" She also requests him to confer with Mr. Herbert, after which Mr. Herbert should meet with Mr. Riggs and let her know the arrangements he would be willing to make. \"This matter she particularly desires should be confidential.\"","Wants him to send him the photographs of the Picture of the Bastille and let him know what he owes for this service. Thanks him for his kindness in all this matter.","Again asks for the photograph of the Bastille picture as his book is finished, and he is only waiting for that.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham regrets that he and Mr. Riggs were unable to meet at Mount Vernon to discuss all it is possible to do without annoyance to the family. Would like to commence work on the outbuildings near the garden and to rebuild the roof and pillars of the piazza. Also wants to do work around the Tomb.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Apologizes for delay in responding to his recent letter, but the news of Captain Cunningham's decease has made it impossible for Miss Cunningham to \"think of even the most pressing business.\"","Thanks him for sending the photograph and encloses $5. Apologizes for keeping three documents for so long. Wants to return the documents and send him a copy of the book in September. Asks whether he may keep the Pohick elevation as it is in Washington's hand.","Details work done on various dresses.","Is sorry to hear that JAW will be leaving Mount Vernon before Hubard can get there to visit. Wants to know whether Mr. Mills does possess the moulds made by Houdon. Wants to see a cast made from the mould as he is convinced it is a fraud.","Cannot say whether the Richmond statue is accurate but to him the head looks identical to the Mount Vernon bust. Has never heard of the moulds being left at Mount Vernon and does not believe Mr. Mills would have removed anything without his permission.","Wants to clarify his original assertion that he feels Houdon did not use the moulds made from Washington's face as he asserts they are very different from the head of Houdon. Also wants to know whether the table on which Washington lay when the moulds were made is still at Mount Vernon.","Thanks him for sending money from the steamboat company for the MVLA.","Will be writing an article for Encyclopedia Britannica and is \"desirous of stating the facts relative to the emancipation of the Genl's slaves.\" Also wants to know whether Mrs. Washington left a will and whether she freed her slaves in it.","Wishes to obtain a copy of the inventory of General Washington's estate.","Makes assertion that General Washington was sued and judgment rendered against him. Also some northern papers are speculating that he lost his money and had mortgaged the Mount Vernon estate for $400,000. Encloses a copy of the certificate of the appraiser as entered in 1810.","Is returning the papers lent to him and sending a copy of his book on Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the use of the papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Reminds her that his request for her lawyer to sift through an abstract of his title to Mount Vernon has not been complied with. This would answer questions raised by anonymous persons which have \"caused you some uneasiness.\"","Miss Cunningham wants to conclusively prove the falsehood of assertions of the invalidity of his title to the estate. The Clerk of Fairfax County will attest to the truth but wants to see his father's will and evidence of the payment of $6,000 charged to the estate. Looks forward to putting to rest this falsehood.","Is still waiting for the certificate from the Clerk of Fairfax County. That will give the \"lie to any slander of title.\" Is unable to visit due to his duties in the Legislature.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham thanks him for sending the package of papers and hopes to be able to write herself in a few days about other matters.","Thanks him for sending the papers. Does not appear from them that \"Mrs. Washington emancipated the dower negroes.\" Requests more information on that point.","Sees that Miss Cunningham has published an abstract of title furnished her by the Clerk of Fairfax Court, so imagines she will not require further information. Will soon return the other papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Has forwarded to her a package of papers which he recovered, apparently detailing the kinds and locations of trees planted at Mount Vernon.","Tells her his lack of response to her letter is due to being away most of the month and having visits from friends, possibly for the last time at Mount Vernon. Pointed out the lines of the old vistas marked by ancient trees. The insurance policies he had were on the house only, not the outbuildings. Recommends she make a new road. Also recommends repairing the wharf.","Sends a newspaper copy of an advertisement she placed wishing to obtain a copy of the photograph taken the previous August at the tomb of Washington which included her daughter, now deceased. She would like to know if she could obtain a list of the attendees of that day so she might write and request this as it is the only photograph of her daughter.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the Association still must raise $140,000 to support the Estate which will require extraordinary effort on the part of the Association. Asks her to address visitors at Mount Vernon on the imperative nature of this.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to arrange a \"Grand Ceremonial in connection with the taking of the title\" in order to let people know fund raising is not complete after the purchase. Refers to political turmoil and the impending dissolution of the Union and all the difficulties this will cause. Plans to be at Mount Vernon for 10 days and wants to meet with him to finalize things.","He is fine with executing a deed for the sale of Mount Vernon to the Association and feels there would be no difficulty in the event of his death. He worries about Virginia's seceding from the Union that she might object to selling part of her soil to a corporation composed \"in part of unfriendly foreigners.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham is gratified that he concurs in her proposition and feels her decease would be the most serious difficulty to be apprehended. Wants to meet him at Mount Vernon to place the deed in escrow. Does not feel the possibilities for Virginia he suggested would form a significant barrier.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses an order to Mr. Riggs for steamboat receipts through December 31st. Would be happy to meet her at Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the order on Mr. Bryan for the steamboat receipts. Has been paying insurance which continues until June next and has deducted that from the receipts.","Acknowledges his letter but does not need receipts for premiums of insurance.","Reports that Mr. Herbert only wants to clear the lot of land offered him. Also Mr. Norris has rented out his farm. Turner is not sure where he moved to in Kentucky. Discusses acquisition of material to make shirts for servants.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Had not replied to his earlier letter due to excessive fatigue from her journey from Columbia. Hopes to use patriotic influence to get the \"Agent\" to remit or reduce his fee.","Tells him of a minister who will be in Alexandria and is looking for a vacant church where he could officiate.","Funeral was conducted at Waveland. There is a description of the body and the family. Invoked the Gospel. JAW began family prayers following the death of his wife. Description of his activities over the following days.","Asks Mrs. Howard for a biographical sketch of her father (John Augustine Washington III) for the National Cyclopedia of American Biography.","Two leaflets advertising the writings of Dr. Lyon G. Tyler.","Full title \"A Confederate catechism: The war of 1861-1865.\" Third edition, November 21, 1929. Series of 20 questions and answers about the war.","Wants to know whether the Ladies will discuss the purchase of the pictures and maps he has been offering. He will offer them elsewhere.","Photographic print, cabinet card of a drawing of the east view of the Mansion by unknown artist. Reverse side of card reads \"D.H. Naramore, Photographer, No. 321 King Street, Alexandria, VA.\"","Small engraving probably clipped from a publication. Unknown location or residence shown in image.","Hair clippings in envelope with note \"Hair of the late Lawrence Washington - 1856 - Found among articles bequested to MVLA by Miss Cunningham. Miss Comegys, Regent (1923) directs Supt. to send this to the widow of Mr. Lawrence W.\"","Small black and white photographic print showing the gravestone for Lt. Col. John Augustine Washington.","Black and white photographic print mounted on gray board. Shows Waveland residence with man, two women, and several children visible (unidentified).","Boston: Published by Charles Bowen. Front page signed \"Jane C. Washington, Mount Vernon, 1834.\"","Diary inscribed \"Account of all my recpts. \u0026 expenditures beginning with Sept. 16th, 1841, that being the date at which I came to Mount Vernon to reside.\" There are intermittent entries through November 1859. This is not as full a diary but includes lists of food, clothing, and china, table, and cookware.","Includes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details. Loose note at the front reads \"Extracts from the diary of my father\" with notes on this diary and previous ones.","Includes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details.","Photocopies of undated manuscripts from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1834-1838 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1841-1845 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1846-1849 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1851-1853 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1854-1855 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1856-1857 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (1 of 2)","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (2 of 2)","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1859 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1860-1861 from the collection.","Handwritten notes probably by a librarian or other Mount Vernon staff member including summaries of the letters within the collection.","Special Collections at The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865","Washington, George Corbin, 1789-1854","Lewis, Lawrence, 1767-1839","Lewis, Eleanor Parke Custis, 1779-1852","Davis, Henry Winter, 1817-1865","Bassett, George Washington, 1800-1878","Johnson, Joseph, 1785-1877","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Custis, George Washington Parke, 1781-1857","McKenzie, Lewis, 1810-1895","Cunningham, Louisa Bird, 1794-1873","Washington, Eleanor Love Selden, 1824-1860","Taylor, John L. (John Lampkin), 1805-1870","Sparks, Jared, 1789-1866","Washington, Bushrod C. (Bushrod Corbin), 1839-1919","Tyler, Nathaniel, 1828-1917","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["RM.848","/repositories/3/resources/65"],"normalized_title_ssm":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"collection_ssim":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"repository_ssm":["The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"repository_ssim":["The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"creator_ssm":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865"],"creator_ssim":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865"],"creators_ssim":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865"],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"extent_ssm":["3 Linear Feet 7 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["3 Linear Feet 7 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged chronologically with undated material listed at the beginning in alphabetical order by folder title. Addenda, photocopies, and bound volumes are described at the end of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged chronologically with undated material listed at the beginning in alphabetical order by folder title. Addenda, photocopies, and bound volumes are described at the end of the collection."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e(Taken from the Digital Encyclopedia entry by Matthew Costello, George Washington's Mount Vernon website)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJohn Augustine Washington III was the great-grand nephew of George Washington and the last private owner of Mount Vernon. The fourth of five children, he was born on May 3, 1821 to John Augustine Washington II and Jane Charlotte Blackburn Washington. John Augustine spent his young childhood at his parents' Blakeley plantation near present day Charles Town, West Virginia, but after the deaths of Bushrod Washington and his wife Julia in 1829, the Mount Vernon estate became the possession of Bushrod's nephew, John Augustine Washington II. As the son of a wealthy Virginia planter, John Augustine enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle at Mount Vernon, developing interests in politics, hunting, and agriculture. After John Augustine Washington II passed away in June 1832, the estate was left to his widow Jane Charlotte, who vowed to maintain the estate to the best of her ability without involving her children's inheritances. While John Augustine Washington III preferred his more aristocratic pastimes, Jane insisted that he attend college after his father's death. He graduated from the University of Virginia in 1840, returning to Mount Vernon in September 1841 with a proposition to manage the estate for his mother. She agreed, loaning him twenty-two slaves and contracting his employment for five hundred dollars per year for seven years.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAs the oldest living male heir, John Augustine Washington III positioned himself to take possession of Mount Vernon from his mother. While she did not pass away until 1855, she gave John Augustine the proverbial keys to the kingdom, granting him full autonomy to run the plantation as he saw fit. However, John Augustine quickly realized that the deteriorating Mount Vernon estate was a far cry from the profitable plantation that his great-great uncle George Washington once presided over. His primary means of income came from wheat and potato production, woodcutting, selling slaves and outsourcing slave labor, collecting land rents, and his herring operation on the Potomac River. However, soil degradation, poor harvests, temperamental weather, and the devastation of crops by insects and pests limited his agricultural returns. While he managed to slow Mount Vernon's financial decline, these endeavors were not enough to stop the downward spiral. In addition to facing these hardships, John Augustine also experienced constant interruptions by sightseers, many of whom wanted the meet the living descendent of General George Washington, see the Mansion, and ask questions about Washington's life. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThese visitors were considered a nuisance to John Augustine's family, and their presence slowed plantation work for slaves, overseers, and hired farm laborers. Initially John Augustine followed the precedential policies of his mother, father, and uncle Bushrod, publishing trespassing notices around the property, requesting letters of introduction to enter the Mansion, and denying the landing of steamboats on the Potomac River. But with his lands yielding such little profit, John Augustine decided to embrace this historical tourism, implementing business strategies to extract money from the thousands of visitors who journeyed to the home of George Washington. In order to bring more people to the estate, he entered into a contract with the proprietors of the Thomas Collyer to permit their steamboat to dock directly at Mount Vernon. He also promoted and invested in the construction of the Alexandria, Mount Vernon, and Accotink Turnpike Road, which was designed to make travel easier to Mount Vernon over land. As more visitors descended upon the grounds, he instructed slaves and laborers to sell bouquets of flowers, fruit, milk, and hand-carved canes to tourists. Beyond the property boundaries, he went into business with James Crutchett, who purchased timber from the estate and manufactured wooden Washington trinkets near the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad depot in the nation's capital. While John Augustine Washington capitalized on the American fascination with George Washington, these sales were not substantial enough to convince him to retain Mount Vernon. He attempted to sell the property to both the federal government and the state of Virginia, but both bodies were deeply mired in sectional and political partisanship. Convinced that neither would meet his terms, he agreed to sell 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate, which included the Mansion, outlying buildings, and the family tomb to the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) in 1858 for $200,000. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJohn Augustine and his family vacated Mount Vernon for their new home Waveland plantation in February 1860. About a year later the state of Virginia called for a convention to debate the issue of secession, and in April 1861, Virginia delegates responded to the firing on Fort Sumter by voting in favor of leaving the Union. John Augustine joined the Confederate Army as a lieutenant colonel, and he served as aide-de-camp to his relative by marriage, General Robert E. Lee. In September 1861, John Augustine was killed during a reconnaissance mission at the Battle of Cheat Mountain by a Union bushwhacker. In a letter to John's teenage daughter Louisa, Lee painfully informed her that her father \"fell in the cause to which he had devoted all his energies, and which his noble heart was earnestly enlisted.\" The two men had shared many conversations and moments together as tent mates, and Lee admired his unflinching \"devotion to Almighty God,\" assuring Louisa that \"He is now safely in Heaven.\" John Augustine was buried in the Zion Episcopal Churchyard in Charles Town, West Virginia, one of several Washington family members who fought and died for Southern independence. \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["(Taken from the Digital Encyclopedia entry by Matthew Costello, George Washington's Mount Vernon website)","John Augustine Washington III was the great-grand nephew of George Washington and the last private owner of Mount Vernon. The fourth of five children, he was born on May 3, 1821 to John Augustine Washington II and Jane Charlotte Blackburn Washington. John Augustine spent his young childhood at his parents' Blakeley plantation near present day Charles Town, West Virginia, but after the deaths of Bushrod Washington and his wife Julia in 1829, the Mount Vernon estate became the possession of Bushrod's nephew, John Augustine Washington II. As the son of a wealthy Virginia planter, John Augustine enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle at Mount Vernon, developing interests in politics, hunting, and agriculture. After John Augustine Washington II passed away in June 1832, the estate was left to his widow Jane Charlotte, who vowed to maintain the estate to the best of her ability without involving her children's inheritances. While John Augustine Washington III preferred his more aristocratic pastimes, Jane insisted that he attend college after his father's death. He graduated from the University of Virginia in 1840, returning to Mount Vernon in September 1841 with a proposition to manage the estate for his mother. She agreed, loaning him twenty-two slaves and contracting his employment for five hundred dollars per year for seven years.","As the oldest living male heir, John Augustine Washington III positioned himself to take possession of Mount Vernon from his mother. While she did not pass away until 1855, she gave John Augustine the proverbial keys to the kingdom, granting him full autonomy to run the plantation as he saw fit. However, John Augustine quickly realized that the deteriorating Mount Vernon estate was a far cry from the profitable plantation that his great-great uncle George Washington once presided over. His primary means of income came from wheat and potato production, woodcutting, selling slaves and outsourcing slave labor, collecting land rents, and his herring operation on the Potomac River. However, soil degradation, poor harvests, temperamental weather, and the devastation of crops by insects and pests limited his agricultural returns. While he managed to slow Mount Vernon's financial decline, these endeavors were not enough to stop the downward spiral. In addition to facing these hardships, John Augustine also experienced constant interruptions by sightseers, many of whom wanted the meet the living descendent of General George Washington, see the Mansion, and ask questions about Washington's life. ","These visitors were considered a nuisance to John Augustine's family, and their presence slowed plantation work for slaves, overseers, and hired farm laborers. Initially John Augustine followed the precedential policies of his mother, father, and uncle Bushrod, publishing trespassing notices around the property, requesting letters of introduction to enter the Mansion, and denying the landing of steamboats on the Potomac River. But with his lands yielding such little profit, John Augustine decided to embrace this historical tourism, implementing business strategies to extract money from the thousands of visitors who journeyed to the home of George Washington. In order to bring more people to the estate, he entered into a contract with the proprietors of the Thomas Collyer to permit their steamboat to dock directly at Mount Vernon. He also promoted and invested in the construction of the Alexandria, Mount Vernon, and Accotink Turnpike Road, which was designed to make travel easier to Mount Vernon over land. As more visitors descended upon the grounds, he instructed slaves and laborers to sell bouquets of flowers, fruit, milk, and hand-carved canes to tourists. Beyond the property boundaries, he went into business with James Crutchett, who purchased timber from the estate and manufactured wooden Washington trinkets near the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad depot in the nation's capital. While John Augustine Washington capitalized on the American fascination with George Washington, these sales were not substantial enough to convince him to retain Mount Vernon. He attempted to sell the property to both the federal government and the state of Virginia, but both bodies were deeply mired in sectional and political partisanship. Convinced that neither would meet his terms, he agreed to sell 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate, which included the Mansion, outlying buildings, and the family tomb to the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) in 1858 for $200,000. ","John Augustine and his family vacated Mount Vernon for their new home Waveland plantation in February 1860. About a year later the state of Virginia called for a convention to debate the issue of secession, and in April 1861, Virginia delegates responded to the firing on Fort Sumter by voting in favor of leaving the Union. John Augustine joined the Confederate Army as a lieutenant colonel, and he served as aide-de-camp to his relative by marriage, General Robert E. Lee. In September 1861, John Augustine was killed during a reconnaissance mission at the Battle of Cheat Mountain by a Union bushwhacker. In a letter to John's teenage daughter Louisa, Lee painfully informed her that her father \"fell in the cause to which he had devoted all his energies, and which his noble heart was earnestly enlisted.\" The two men had shared many conversations and moments together as tent mates, and Lee admired his unflinching \"devotion to Almighty God,\" assuring Louisa that \"He is now safely in Heaven.\" John Augustine was buried in the Zion Episcopal Churchyard in Charles Town, West Virginia, one of several Washington family members who fought and died for Southern independence. "],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Name and date of item], John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) Collection, [Folder], Special Collections, The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon [hereafter Washington Library], Mount Vernon, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Name and date of item], John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) Collection, [Folder], Special Collections, The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon [hereafter Washington Library], Mount Vernon, Virginia."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis diary may not actually be part of accession RM-848 as it is not mentioned in the initial inventory/correspondence. However, it was in the same box as the other diaries and the almanac when found on the shelf, therefore it was described with the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["This diary may not actually be part of accession RM-848 as it is not mentioned in the initial inventory/correspondence. However, it was in the same box as the other diaries and the almanac when found on the shelf, therefore it was described with the collection."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEarly Records of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Eleanor Love Selden Correspondence ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Descendants Papers ;\nHistoric Manuscripts Collection\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Early Records of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Eleanor Love Selden Correspondence ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Descendants Papers ;\nHistoric Manuscripts Collection"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection concerns the inheritance, maintenance, and sale of the Mount Vernon estate by its last private owner, John Augustine Washington III. A large majority of the collection is correspondence to or from John Augustine Washington III with a significant portion relating to the purchase of the estate by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association. Three diaries kept by John Augustine are also included and contain important information about his slaves, agricultural practices, and finances. Other types of material in the collection include legal documents, receipts, photographs, and ephemera. Photocopies were made for most of the manuscripts and can be viewed as surrogates to the originals. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDescendants of John Augustine Washington III maintained ownership of these records until 1990 when they were sold to Gary Hendershott, a manuscripts dealer from Little Rock, Arkansas. The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association purchased the collection in October 1990.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLists signatures and states that all members of Congress would sign if requested.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStates they are now the \"best of friends.\" She is angry at people who denigrate his motives. Wants to make known his true nature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMrs. Ritchie requests he arrive at the theatre a little after 12:00 so all guests may be seated prior to the rise of the curtain.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eShe had sent her present of flowers to Mrs. Madison, and they were \"greatfully\" received.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis mother wants help valuing her sheep. Describes one offer for Mount Vernon with great disdain. They want to have entertainments there. He has great respect for \"your manly pride.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eApologizes for having intruded too much on his privacy during a recent visit when Mrs. Ritchie and others of the ladies \"took forcible possession of me\" and requested cuttings of flowers. Hopes he will establish a Botanic Garden and suggests a location for a Mausoleum.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDescribes her return from Mount Vernon in much rain. Discusses crops. Gives instructions for sending things to her. Asks report of conversation that was \"highly derogatory to me.\" Feels items should be sold to visitors so they will not pilfer mementos.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges sale of Mount Vernon to Virginia rather than to a private sale.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eResolution wants to change the site of the Military Asylum to Mount Vernon if a part of the estate can be purchased at a reasonable price.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIntroduces some friends who wish to visit Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGives family news and an account of a visit by a gentleman who spent the night at Mount Vernon and gave $5 to West Ford. Discusses sale of a slave to his cousin. Has heard of a bill by the federal government to purchase Mount Vernon and wishes it would be accepted. Mentions prices and terms.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs sending oats and other items to Mount Vernon. Urges him to pursue his studies. Wishes him to send some oysters and sugar.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSends funds for completing the vault at Mount Vernon and authorizes him to take more money from his bank if necessary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for the many civilities experienced by them during their visit to Mount Vernon. Sends a piece of a branch of a fig tree cut from the birth spot of \"your immortal ancestor.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs against his plans for Mount Vernon and opening it to \"every low idler.\" Discusses payments and what form they would take.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBrief note of regards, translated by J. Perkins.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHeard about people being charged to enter the garden. Wishes he would stop this.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to know price and terms of sale of Mount Vernon. If not for sale, could it be leased. (Contains typed transcript.)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWas glad to hear that Mount Vernon was not for sale as it should remain in the hands of the Washington family. Wishes to \"establish a house of entertainment in the vicinity of Mount Vernon.\" Asks questions as to materials and location of such. (Contains typed transcript.)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs in the market to purchase negroes as one of his men, Alfred, has run off. Wants to know whether she still wishes to dispose of her negroes and what her price would be. He could pay $500 cash and then pay off the principal in a year or two.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLists names of executors and legatees and their shares and values.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of an upcoming visit to Washington and Mount Vernon by a \"highly respectable volunteer corps.\" They wish to arrive by boat and see the tomb of Washington. He understands permission to do so is necessary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs worried his health is suffering by his labors at Mount Vernon. Hopes he will accept any reasonable offer by the U.S. Government for it. Went into town to have magistrates witness her acknowledgment of the deed of release. Discusses a suit brought by Judge Douglass and the health of various family members.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDoubts whether an offer will be made by the U.S. Government. Hopes it would as she feels his health is suffering from attending to business at Mount Vernon. Recommends someone to help him acquire an overseer. Was paid money for him. Discusses the failing health of Dr. Alexander's mother and others.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs horrified to learn of auction of Wood Lawn. Proposes to run a steamboat between Washington to Wood Lawn, Fort Washington, Mount Vernon, and the White House. Gives references. Pledges to bring members of Congress there and feels it would enhance the chances of the purchase of Mount Vernon by the government. Suggests it could be used as a summer home for the President. Discusses various items left by Washington and the soon to be completed Chesapeake \u0026amp; Ohio Canal. (contains typed transcript)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of a letter he received from an unknown man who wants to obtain a tree from Mount Vernon to transplant in France to shade the bench of Christopher Columbus which he possesses.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eRecommends leaving it to Congress to propose a price for the purchase of Mount Vernon. She feels he wants too much for it, and that it really should not be sold. Gives family news. Gives advice on his search for an overseer.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFirst letter discusses the Supreme Court taking on the suit of Mr. Hammond against General Washington. Bassett says he discharged all debts owed by Captain Lewis. There is another copy of the names of executors and legatees and their shares and values. Discussions of various debts owed to different people.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses various suits, mostly Hammonds, against the estate and their current status. Many people have died since 1827 when they were last listed. Will take a long time to find people.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscussion of the Hammond suit and payments still owed to various creditors, to be paid by all the legatees of General Washington's estate. Most dollar figures are left blank to be filled in later. Prompt payment by all legatees is required.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses his father's will and his lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of various other people mentioned in JAW's letter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAnswering his inquiries as to various relatives. Suggests he write to the clerk of Kanawha County for the information he requires. Suggests he contact Andrew Parks who probably has all the facts.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses sale of swamp land. He paid the taxes on it for the Washington heirs. The land is not worth much since the timber had been taken from it by many people over the years. Would like to be reimbursed for the money he paid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe wishes to meet with him in the middle of November, at which time they can conclude their business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses the bill in Congress to purchase Mount Vernon. Wants assets divided up between her children so all are taken care of. Tells of Charles' upcoming marriage before he leaves for California.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses the codicil of his father's will. Mrs. Washington is not compelled to sell. Upon her death, the heirs may sell despite the codicil. Suggests Mrs. Washington partition the land before her death in order that JAW may do \"what you please with the land.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInvites him to the wedding of his oldest daughter the next week.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHas been in Charlestown attending services for the week. Is amazed at the prospect of $200,000 being paid for Mount Vernon by the government. Wants him to send fish and to pickle some \"Rock.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription included) George Page and a surveyor from Maryland wanted to survey land in the Potomac River adjacent to Mount Vernon with the object of bringing steamboats there. Was notified he would be charged with some offense by Maryland. Makes him aware that the compact between the states means they have no claim on him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFirst letter – wants to know if Mount Vernon Estate will be sold. Second letter – understands the government might become the owner of the estate and wants to meet.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants him to petition the Court to finally settle the estate of General Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFirst letter – wants to examine Mount Vernon with a view to the establishment of a military asylum for the relief of soldiers. Second letter – tells him the price for Mount Vernon is too high, and purchase of a location nearer Washington will be undertaken.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAn account by a boat company of receipts over the past year.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses the landing of boats at Mount Vernon without JAW's previous knowledge. Wants them to be allowed to dock if they pay the usual fare to him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAcknowledges payment for the pianoforte. Wants four walking sticks cut from near General Washington's tomb to be sent to monks in Italy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgreement to sell 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000. Includes all buildings and the tomb, as well as furnishings currently there. Also will allow heirs to be buried there. He may not sell the estate without first offering it to the U.S. Government and the State of Virginia for no more than $350,000.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHas been unable to contact other parties to the contract. Hopes to be able to do so soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA committee of the House of Delegates has been appointed to consider the purchase of Mount Vernon. Wants to meet him in Alexandria to discuss this.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEncloses a newspaper clipping about the acquisition of Mount Vernon by the State of Virginia. Tells him the committee of five will look into the will of the people as to this acquisition.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAddressed only to \"Mrs. Washington.\" Unclear whether it is addressed to Mrs. Jane C.B. Washington or Mrs. Eleanor L.S. Washington. (Typed transcription included) Has heard that Mount Vernon is for sale, possibly to northern people. Feels the Ladies of the South might instead procure it and wants to know the price.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDoes not wish to part with Mount Vernon but wishes to keep it from the changeable fortunes of a family and to ally it to the State. Would sell 200 acres with stipulations for $200,000. If the State wants to establish a model farm there, he would sell an additional 1,000 acres for $300,000. Invites them to visit.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses his offer to sell Mount Vernon to the state. Says $200,000 is less than the property could sell for on the market. Talks about having a model farm as nothing meant more to Washington than farming. Would welcome them to visit. Reminds them that his terms cannot be materially modified.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription included) Says he is asking less money of the state than he had been offered by others. Tells them of his desire for a model farm as the pursuit of an improved system of agriculture was of great importance to General Washington. Would welcome a visit from them.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to clear up suggestions that he is falsely referring to higher offers for Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Committee feels the price for Mount Vernon \"is enormous.\" Would prefer the money to be used for a rail road.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDraft in writing of John Augustine Washington III. Addressed to \"Miss Cunningham\" but could also be a response to Louisa Cunningham's letter instead of Ann Pamela Cunningham. Praises the women of the south for their affection for Washington. Does not wish to dispose of the property except to the government of the United States or Virginia and so declines the proposition from the \"Ladies of the South.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDraft thought to be in the writing of Jane C.B. Washington. Identical text to previous letter (draft in the hand of John Augustine Washington III).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEncloses a power of attorney and some other letters. Has agreed to reduction of $50,000 on 1000 acres. Will accept nothing less than $200,000 for the 200 acres. Agrees to pay him 5% of what he gets from either government agency, provided it occurs in the current session.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe state might be willing to pay $50,000 per year for four years for Mount Vernon but not the total of $200,000 at once. Wonders what is happening with the federal government. \"Things are coming to a head rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs long as negotiations with Virginia remain open, it would not be proper for him to entertain any proposals from other parties for the purchase of Mount Vernon. Might be interested in the future in making an offer.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFeels priority should be given to Congress to purchase Mount Vernon, and therefore Virginia is holding off on more committee meetings. Wants him to be there for future committee meetings.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges him to meet with Arthur Taylor as his representative in the proposed sale of Mount Vernon. Requests that he not send papers to Col. Bissell before meeting with him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHas the papers from Mr. Washington and wants to meet with him to discuss the sale of Mount Vernon to the U.S. Government.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAssures him that he has not given the letters from him to Mr. Bissell and has requested Mr. Taylor to come see him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEncloses the previous letter and hopes they will be able to meet soon. Feels it best to not commit to any course with the U.S. until a definite answer comes from the Virginia Legislature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInvites him to come to his lodgings at any time at 9 a.m.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs unable to return to his \"hospitable roof\" at this time. Values the time she was there and having been \"entrusted with the training of such bright intelligences.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReports on his share of earnings from \"Washington's Writings.\" Many copies of the book were destroyed in a fire, but the stereotype and engraved plates were in a fire proof vault.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFeels it is very important for him to communicate with the federal government and is willing to help in any way.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMr. Taylor shared his letter proposing to bring the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon again before Congress. His terms are already known to him – the same as those agreed to for the State of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to bring up the purchase of Mount Vernon in Congress but wants to know just what terms he agreed to with Virginia. Wants the Northern States to purchase it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGives terms of sale, including that family members still living may also be buried there. Additional property to total 1000 acres may be purchased for $300,000, for a model farm as suggested by Gen. Washington. Tells him the state of Virginia had proposed the sale for less than he wanted which he refused.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEncloses a copy of the bill reported to the House of Delegates Committee for the purchase of Mount Vernon. He told them it would not meet with JAW's approval. Urges him to move quickly on the Turnpike matter for this session.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs very desirous of having the State of Virginia take possession of Mount Vernon and \"have the sole control and ownership forever.\" Wants to know what terms he proposes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGives him the terms of sale. The Washington family shall be permitted to be buried on the site, and no remains shall ever be disturbed. The price shall be $200,000, with an additional 800 acres available for $100,000 more\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWill not accede to propositions of the steamboat company. Will be busy for a few weeks but wants to see a copy of the agreement currently in effect.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of Mrs. Mason presenting \"a remonstrance against your turnpike.\" Wants access to $250 at Farmers Bank in Alexandria.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses payments based on sales of \"Washington's Writings.\" Tells percentages paid to various legatees.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses quarrelling and squabbling among the ladies purchasing Mount Vernon. Is concerned about security around the remains of George Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants him to send a letter to him so he may correct disparaging remarks made about his impending sale of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs writing to her as requested by JAW. Describes a woman mourning her deceased eight-year-old son. Includes a poem about grief and moving on after death of a child.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Mr. Mason very much wants to meet him and getting a letter from JAW that would announce the news of their \"progress.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for the kindness of him and Mrs. Washington on her recent visit to Mount Vernon. Urges him to send a letter to be published about the sale of Mount Vernon before the news is released by someone else.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Assures her he does not care what others say about him and remains hopeful of selling Mount Vernon to the State of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Explains the absence of Mr. Toombs when JAW came to see him. Tells him why she is now dealing with Mr. Toombs rather than Mr. Mason.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes to meet him in Washington City as she will be there for a few days during her travel south. Wants a thorough understanding of his wishes and intentions before meeting with the governor of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter in the National Intelligencer and put the estate under the care of the State of Virginia. (This is a copy of a letter written by Anna's husband.) Second letter, dated March 5, 1857 on same paper: Refers to letter copied out by her. Is certain a sufficient sum will have been raised by February 22 to enable Virginia to purchase Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter to the National Intelligencer and consent to place the estate once more at the disposal of Virginia which has an arrangement with the \"Ladies' Mount Vernon Association of the Union.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis musical association played a concert on behalf of the \"Ladies Mt. Vernon Association\" at which $100 was raised. The musical group would benefit greatly from receiving this money back if Mr. Washington has no plans to sell to the Ladies Association.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWould love to spend time at Mount Vernon, but his schedule will not allow at this time. His book will be published during the winter and spring, but he doesn't feel a visit would add anything.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe remains willing to place Mount Vernon in the hands of the State of Virginia, under his terms which the state has not seemed to want to meet. The proposal to have Mount Vernon by under the Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union is unacceptable to him. Doubts they could maintain the estate in perpetuity. It would then be taken over by the state.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Identical to previous letter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Responding to his letter to Mr. Ritchie. Urges him to put out that the Ladies are to raise $200,000 on behalf of the State of Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not wish to publish parts of letters. Feels \"nothing but silent contempt can put them at rest.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(W.L. Underwood – most likely Warner Lewis Underwood, Kentucky Senator) Tells JAW that if his current negotiations for Mount Vernon should fall through that his organization would be pleased to enter into further discussions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgain says he wishes Mount Vernon to go to the State of Virginia, to be decided upon by the current session of the General Assembly.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to know who told her that he was \"willing… for a pecuniary consideration to break engagements and promises.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Masonic Brotherhood is interested in purchasing Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the tour the previous day. Apologizes for the bad behavior of one member and hopes that will not prejudice him against the Fraternity.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) She met with the governor who told her the \"Extra Session\" of the Legislature was for the \"presidential contest,\" so the Legislature will not be meeting again until the next winter. Realizes this delay is not pleasing to him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInquires whether any action has been taken by the Legislature or is likely to be.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him no action has yet been taken by the Legislature but feels sure it will be taken up after the Christmas recess, after which the ladies will be enabled to purchase Mount Vernon and have its title transferred to Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses various prices for Mount Vernon and quotes JAW as vehemently denying that he wanted the remains of General Washington moved. He wishes the estate to be the property of the United States and all the people.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him she has been very ill but is sure that the Legislature will act.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Tells him Gov. Wise is \"inimical to our 'cause'\" which is the reason the Legislature has not taken up the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon.\" Talks of the financial crisis which is being felt by \"we victimized cotton planters.\" Tells him of the impending sale of copies of a portrait of Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) She writes of her illness and lack of strength. The Constitution of the Association was signed by the governor. Tells him various Masonic orders have decided to become allies of the Association. Hopes to have the contract signed between Virginia and him on the 22nd of February.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInvites recipient to the elevation of the Statue of Washington on February 22 in Richmond.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Is looking forward to the inauguration of the Washington statue. Wants him to vow that the Ladies of the Association are the \"very best friends you have in the world.\" Tells him that Gov. Wise is no friend to him or to her and this cause.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Has a document that states Virginia will purchase Mount Vernon from him and encloses a copy of the bill. Is sure the governor will act strongly to defeat this. Wants him to attend the address by Mr. Everett a few days before the 22nd of February. Tells him how lucky he is to get $200,000 in \"these awful times.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGives price of sale of $200,000 for 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate and pledges the MVLA to guarantee to not disturb any remains currently there and to allow descendants of JAW to also be interred there.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Praises him for agreeing that Mount Vernon is to be a public shrine and to limit interments there. Gen. Chapman included that in the third reading of the bill. Discusses the building of a new mausoleum for Washington which would not go against his will. Talks of her illness.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the disposition of family remains, as well as those of General Washington, are his biggest concerns in the sale.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes he is happy about the bill as read in the Legislature. Tells him it is she and not the Committee who wants to arrange for a magnificent mausoleum. Closes by saying she is too exhausted to \"even give a hint of the nature of woman's revenge should you not be in a state of delight over our bill!!!\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Remains adamant as to a future mausoleum as Washington stated where he wished his remains to be. Cannot travel to Richmond at present due to the illness of Mrs. Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Agreement ends with reference to the 10th of February) Deals with payment of $6,000 to heirs of W.F. Alexander and Anna Alexander as a share of Mount Vernon. Expressly says none of these heirs have any claim to the proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon, other than the $6,000.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that though Gov. Wise is no friend to the Mount Vernon cause, he did not intend to put his remarks under the head of Lunatic Asylum. It was a complete accident.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses another article by Mr. Pryor who is \"using his art to arouse the fear, \u0026amp; cupidity of the timid \u0026amp; narrow minded of this Legislature.\" Asks him about his previous offer from a company to purchase the estate, and that he wanted to wait for Congress to act.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) States that his price for Mount Vernon has always been $200,000, since he gained control of it in 1849. Asks whether he ever made an offer for Mount Vernon for $100,000. If so, under whose authority was it made?\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to confirm with him that his offer to sell Mount Vernon as a site for the Military Asylum in 1851 was for $200,000 and not $100,000.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of a contract with a gentleman to sell him 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000 with the condition that the property should be offered to the U.S. and to Virginia. If neither purchased it, he should take the property. He then offered $50,000 to release him from that obligation, but JAW refused. Says he never has offered it for sale in public or private.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSays he was authorized by JAW to offer Mount Vernon for a Military Asylum for $100,000. Will search for papers to confirm this.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Advises that on March 25, 1851, he made an offer to sell about 150 acres of the Mount Vernon estate for $200,000 for an Army Asylum or some other government purpose.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Thanks him for sending a copy of the correspondence of Gen. Scott. Miss C. is intensely engaged in getting past Mr. Pryor's malicious misrepresentation of the Bill. If he can defeat us, he will.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReiterates that Alexander and his heirs have no claim to any proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon beyond the agreed upon $6,000 and requests him to add a paragraph to that effect to the agreement they will both sign.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her in Richmond, despite his recent fall. Refers to the animosity of Mr. Pryor toward the bill. Wishes there could be an Extra Session for it to pass.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgain states his disagreement with Mr. McKenzie's assertion of his having offered $100,000 for Mount Vernon. No one else knew of such an offer. Gen. Scott agrees with JAW in his recollections. Tells her of a recent fall from a horse which will prevent his visit to Richmond on the 22nd.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges him and his family to attend the inauguration of the equestrian statue of Washington on the Capital Square in Richmond. Says he would be pleased to host them at their home near the city.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Is uncertain whether he will be able to travel to Richmond and wants her to update him on matters related to the Bill as \"I have not in any manner approached\" any of his friends or acquaintances on the subject. It is important for her to convince members that the association only needs the name of the State which will not be called upon to pay any of the money for the purchase.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham begs him to attend Mr. Everett's oration and hopes to speak to him on the Square tomorrow.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Continues to be unwell. Introduces him to Mr. A.H.H. Dawson of Georgia, \"an eccentric genius.\" He is devoted to the purposes of the Association and has delivered an address about it in 30 towns in Georgia. Urges him to come to Richmond to meet with members of the Legislature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Is sorry he was unable to call on her before leaving Richmond. Wants clarification about alterations Mr. Yancy thought necessary in the paper he left with her. He wants a decision by the Legislature, yes or no, soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that the Legislature is \"in a row\" and will not pass any bills before an Extra Session. Wants him to bring a contract to her so they are prepared for any contingencies. Tells him of her illness of the lungs and her treatment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Reiterates the importance of the sanctity of the family burying ground. Wants to have some alterations and additions of a substantial permanent character made to the present vault, with a durable enclosure around it. He is open to payment in stocks or cash for the estate. Says they should have an act of incorporation before signing a contract.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Gen. Chapman was drawing up an act of incorporation before the bill comes up. He said Virginia must not hold the tomb; the Association must hold it. She remains very ill. \"yrs in much suffering\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs preparing a pamphlet to defend JAW against detractors and wants copies of correspondence he had with Gen. Scott and others about possible purchase of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) The bill in Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon, to be refunded by the MVLA, was defeated in the House of Delegates. In addition Congress cannot purchase land in a sovereign state without its consent. Tells him it should be the property of the Nation and should be sold to the MVLA. \"With grateful women pledged to guard the sacred ashes of Washington and to adorn his home for a national shrine.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Says it has become obvious that neither Virginia nor the U.S. wish to purchase Mount Vernon. Therefore \"the women of the land will probably be the safest as they will certainly be the purest guardians of a national shrine.\" He waits for her to make a proposal to him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham requests that he answer the letter she gave him relating to the purchase of Mount Vernon and to return it to her. She will give him a copy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Is returning her letter to him as it seemed to be improperly dated and lacked her signature. When she remedies those defects, he will send an answer.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to meet with him on Saturday morning in Alexandria to sign the contract.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Is very unhappy about delays put forth by Messrs. Macfarland \u0026amp; Myers. They felt there had to be an acceptance of the contract by all or a majority of the Vice Regents before it could be signed. They can do this by telegraph, permitting Mrs. Ritchie to act for them.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to come without delay. It was thought things would be delayed as Mrs. Walton's husband had died, but now Mr. McFarland advised them to send for him at once. Miss Cunningham is not good and needs to bring matters to a close \"ere it be too late.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her that afternoon or evening as Dr. Beale \"considers it necessary to apply a severe blister without delay.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Upon reflection she feels the letter she sent him for publication is not to be published. She does not wish to \"make enemies even in a State which has given me so little cause to respect it.\" Mrs. Ritchie will work on a better worded one which she will send to him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe deposited money to his credit for the contract and wants to know if this was correct. Tells him the pony he was inquiring about is not for sale. Also felt much concern about the accounts of the fisheries. Looks forward to a visit with him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the plat of the 200 acres of land he agreed to sell to the MVLA. Wants him to sign it and return it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) About the plat, he is having the land resurveyed and \"have the necessary corners stones set.\" He will send it back with a signature after that. Also encloses her letter of March 12 and wants a copy of her letter as published with her signature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to know if George Thorburn may visit Mount Vernon in the 28th of May to inspect the grounds in regards to the improvements to be made. He is \"no doubt the first horticulturist in America\" and a plain, unpolished person. It would be good for JAW's surveyor to meet with Mr. Thorburn to go over the grounds.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe is \"exceedingly provoked\" at the newspaper coverage in connection with the sale of Mount Vernon. As a college friend he felt he had to contact an editor and correct the information. He hopes he did not make the situation worse.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgain requests he host the \"celebrated florist\" at Mount Vernon to look over the grounds before they come to Mount Vernon on the 29th for a few hours.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgrees to have Mr. Thorburn come and meet with surveyors. Asks if Mr. Thorburn could be appointed the Agent of the Association in drawing up with the surveyors the lines of the 200 acres. He will \"grant any reasonable request of the Association.\" Hopes to see Mr. Ritchie and her while he yet resides at Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first attests to receipt of interest on the $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington. \tThe second is for $2,000 as part of the $6,000 owed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges him to reduce the price of Mount Vernon to $150,000 so as to better fund all the expenses associated with its ownership by the MVLA. Tells him to buy land in \"some of the new states\" with that money.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to know what stocks or bonds would be acceptable as part of the purchase price. Gives the current rate of Virginia stock.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAcknowledges his decline to the proposition.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReplying to a previous letter. Cannot answer the questions of Miss Lewis as he does not remember where Col. Fielding Lewis died. Her wishes are an illusion. Wonders if some land in Kentucky is what she is dreaming of. Hopes the Ladies will be able to preserve Mount Vernon after they complete the purchase.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs a new Mason, wants to know if he will amend the contract to state that the property will revert to the United States or the Masonic Fraternity in the event of a dissolution of the MVLA and not to the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWrites to her cousin about an article in the paper that morning that was a \"vile abolition libel on you.\" Wants to assure her lady friends that it is untrue.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs involved in illustrating an article about Mount Vernon as it is of interest to the American people. Wants to visit to sketch objects that have not been drawn. The MVLA is in favor of such an article to assist with their fund raising.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs amazed at the scurrilous attacks made on him by Northern Papers which are calculated to embarrass the Mount Vernon Association.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for his letter about the calumnies in some Northern newspapers but has no desire to enter into a controversy with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants him to tell her of his agreement with Mr. Crutchett of Mount Vernon Cane Factory who was given permission to come and cut trees on the estate. Asks what value he puts on the remainder of the estate contiguous to the 200 acres.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Gives details of his contract with Mr. Crutchett which expired in February 1856. He was permitted to take more trees before January 1857. He has no right to \"come upon the property I have sold the Association to cut timber.\" Has not put a price on the remainder of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for the hospitality given to him and his sister on their visit to Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham was happy to hear his account of the transactions with Mr. Crutchett. Wants him to come to Philadelphia to confer upon private matters of great importance to the Association and himself. She is equally interested in the final settlement of the boundary lines.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFirst letter (incomplete) congratulates him on the sale of Mount Vernon. Requests return of portrait of his mother. Second letter thanks him for agreeing to return the portrait. He and his family would very much like to visit Mount Vernon again before it becomes public.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHopes he can come to Washington to meet with him. Wants Mr. Washington to stay with him to \"pay off the debt of visiting you at Mt. Vernon.\" Miss Cunningham is making arrangements to pay the first bond with interest in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Looks forward to making payment of the first installment. Mr. Riggs will pay sums of $5,000 as soon as it is raised. Hopes to be able to pay the remainder of 2d installment on 1st of January 1859. Begs him to keep these matters as a \"profound secret.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Cunningham wants to make the first payment on December 14, the anniversary of Washington's death.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of payment to Burke \u0026amp; Herbert of $10,000 on that day.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him the box containing the chairs has not yet arrived. He wants to be allowed to pay for the repairs necessary to the chairs. Invites him and his family to visit him in Richmond before they go farther away from it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to make the first payment on the 1st, but this is a holiday. Urges him not to risk sending the plat executed by Washington himself but to have it be lithographed. Wants to clear up the boundaries. Tells him to keep the discussion of the sale of additional land private.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to gather branches from the estate in order to make canes to sell to aid in the purchase of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTheir project would require the consent of the Regent of the MVLA.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Confidential) Miss Cunningham is too ill to reply to his last letter. Lets him know his presence might be required on the 22nd but all arrangements must be kept private. The upcoming payment will be about $14,000.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to accept the money already paid to him (for the \"selling your relations bones.\") He already received more money than the estate was worth. Note on the letter states he ensured his control over the remains in \"such a way that they can never be sold by any one.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not want to go to Philadelphia unless it is absolutely necessary. He recently heard that Mrs. Esther M. Lewis (widow of Lorenzo Lewis) wants to present the harpsichord that was given to Nelly to the MVLA.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for copy of the inscription on a bust. He realized he had not copied the pencil sketch of the Destruction of the Bastille. Would JAW please have a photograph of it sent to him for an upcoming book on the history of Mount Vernon. Will send a copy of the book to him in September when it is published.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAcknowledges receipt of $1,000 which completes the payment of $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Regent wants JAW to not allow any more sketches to be made of Mount Vernon or the grounds without her consent. Attached is a copy of an advertisement for sale of a portrait of Washington. The Mount Vernon Record gives an account of fund raising to date. Mr. Everett thanks Devereux for sending him a copy of the Farewell Address.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Requests her to send him definite instructions to enable him to prohibit people from making sketches of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells them he has written to the Regent requesting her instructions about the matter they raised with him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent now feels that it would \"not be practicable for you to refuse privileges hitherto granted\" in the matter of sketches. There is also a newspaper clipping with letters from JAW and the Regent about the sale of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThey wrote to him on the 14th as the Regent was prostrated. Requests any material he might have about the area in England where Washington's ancestor came from.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of terms under which they ran their steamboat to Mount Vernon. They paid him money with the understanding that he would make repairs to the wharf and footway, under the agreement, but he did not. He ordered his captain to have it done and will retain that money.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses a copy of the previous letter and asks him to advise her as to her response to Mr. Bryan.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham much enjoyed his previous letter and its humor. Hopes he will waive the requisition of 10 days notice before receiving payments. Can give him at least 30 days notice before requiring possession, and hopefully 60 days. She has \"been very much of an invalid for many weeks.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come to Philadelphia around the 10th or 12th so they may consult in regard to the future. They can have the boundary line settled and put many business affairs in order. Miss Cunningham intends to make a payment on the last installment as soon \"as you will receive it.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) He will travel to Philadelphia and meet with her on Wednesday. Will give directions to Messrs. Burke \u0026amp; Herbert for the last installment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham wants him to arrive on Thursday and then accompany her to hear Mr. Everett in the evening. She and Mr. Everett would then meet with him on Friday.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) He agrees to come to Philadelphia on Thursday and meet as she suggests.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent wants him to \"have the kindness not to speak of the particulars of your interview with her.\" She also requests him to confer with Mr. Herbert, after which Mr. Herbert should meet with Mr. Riggs and let her know the arrangements he would be willing to make. \"This matter she particularly desires should be confidential.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants him to send him the photographs of the Picture of the Bastille and let him know what he owes for this service. Thanks him for his kindness in all this matter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgain asks for the photograph of the Bastille picture as his book is finished, and he is only waiting for that.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham regrets that he and Mr. Riggs were unable to meet at Mount Vernon to discuss all it is possible to do without annoyance to the family. Would like to commence work on the outbuildings near the garden and to rebuild the roof and pillars of the piazza. Also wants to do work around the Tomb.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Apologizes for delay in responding to his recent letter, but the news of Captain Cunningham's decease has made it impossible for Miss Cunningham to \"think of even the most pressing business.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for sending the photograph and encloses $5. Apologizes for keeping three documents for so long. Wants to return the documents and send him a copy of the book in September. Asks whether he may keep the Pohick elevation as it is in Washington's hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDetails work done on various dresses.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs sorry to hear that JAW will be leaving Mount Vernon before Hubard can get there to visit. Wants to know whether Mr. Mills does possess the moulds made by Houdon. Wants to see a cast made from the mould as he is convinced it is a fraud.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCannot say whether the Richmond statue is accurate but to him the head looks identical to the Mount Vernon bust. Has never heard of the moulds being left at Mount Vernon and does not believe Mr. Mills would have removed anything without his permission.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to clarify his original assertion that he feels Houdon did not use the moulds made from Washington's face as he asserts they are very different from the head of Houdon. Also wants to know whether the table on which Washington lay when the moulds were made is still at Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for sending money from the steamboat company for the MVLA.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWill be writing an article for Encyclopedia Britannica and is \"desirous of stating the facts relative to the emancipation of the Genl's slaves.\" Also wants to know whether Mrs. Washington left a will and whether she freed her slaves in it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWishes to obtain a copy of the inventory of General Washington's estate.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMakes assertion that General Washington was sued and judgment rendered against him. Also some northern papers are speculating that he lost his money and had mortgaged the Mount Vernon estate for $400,000. Encloses a copy of the certificate of the appraiser as entered in 1810.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs returning the papers lent to him and sending a copy of his book on Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the use of the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Reminds her that his request for her lawyer to sift through an abstract of his title to Mount Vernon has not been complied with. This would answer questions raised by anonymous persons which have \"caused you some uneasiness.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Cunningham wants to conclusively prove the falsehood of assertions of the invalidity of his title to the estate. The Clerk of Fairfax County will attest to the truth but wants to see his father's will and evidence of the payment of $6,000 charged to the estate. Looks forward to putting to rest this falsehood.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs still waiting for the certificate from the Clerk of Fairfax County. That will give the \"lie to any slander of title.\" Is unable to visit due to his duties in the Legislature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham thanks him for sending the package of papers and hopes to be able to write herself in a few days about other matters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for sending the papers. Does not appear from them that \"Mrs. Washington emancipated the dower negroes.\" Requests more information on that point.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSees that Miss Cunningham has published an abstract of title furnished her by the Clerk of Fairfax Court, so imagines she will not require further information. Will soon return the other papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Has forwarded to her a package of papers which he recovered, apparently detailing the kinds and locations of trees planted at Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells her his lack of response to her letter is due to being away most of the month and having visits from friends, possibly for the last time at Mount Vernon. Pointed out the lines of the old vistas marked by ancient trees. The insurance policies he had were on the house only, not the outbuildings. Recommends she make a new road. Also recommends repairing the wharf.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSends a newspaper copy of an advertisement she placed wishing to obtain a copy of the photograph taken the previous August at the tomb of Washington which included her daughter, now deceased. She would like to know if she could obtain a list of the attendees of that day so she might write and request this as it is the only photograph of her daughter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the Association still must raise $140,000 to support the Estate which will require extraordinary effort on the part of the Association. Asks her to address visitors at Mount Vernon on the imperative nature of this.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to arrange a \"Grand Ceremonial in connection with the taking of the title\" in order to let people know fund raising is not complete after the purchase. Refers to political turmoil and the impending dissolution of the Union and all the difficulties this will cause. Plans to be at Mount Vernon for 10 days and wants to meet with him to finalize things.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe is fine with executing a deed for the sale of Mount Vernon to the Association and feels there would be no difficulty in the event of his death. He worries about Virginia's seceding from the Union that she might object to selling part of her soil to a corporation composed \"in part of unfriendly foreigners.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham is gratified that he concurs in her proposition and feels her decease would be the most serious difficulty to be apprehended. Wants to meet him at Mount Vernon to place the deed in escrow. Does not feel the possibilities for Virginia he suggested would form a significant barrier.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses an order to Mr. Riggs for steamboat receipts through December 31st. Would be happy to meet her at Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the order on Mr. Bryan for the steamboat receipts. Has been paying insurance which continues until June next and has deducted that from the receipts.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAcknowledges his letter but does not need receipts for premiums of insurance.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReports that Mr. Herbert only wants to clear the lot of land offered him. Also Mr. Norris has rented out his farm. Turner is not sure where he moved to in Kentucky. Discusses acquisition of material to make shirts for servants.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Had not replied to his earlier letter due to excessive fatigue from her journey from Columbia. Hopes to use patriotic influence to get the \"Agent\" to remit or reduce his fee.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of a minister who will be in Alexandria and is looking for a vacant church where he could officiate.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFuneral was conducted at Waveland. There is a description of the body and the family. Invoked the Gospel. JAW began family prayers following the death of his wife. Description of his activities over the following days.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAsks Mrs. Howard for a biographical sketch of her father (John Augustine Washington III) for the National Cyclopedia of American Biography.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTwo leaflets advertising the writings of Dr. Lyon G. Tyler.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFull title \"A Confederate catechism: The war of 1861-1865.\" Third edition, November 21, 1929. Series of 20 questions and answers about the war.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to know whether the Ladies will discuss the purchase of the pictures and maps he has been offering. He will offer them elsewhere.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographic print, cabinet card of a drawing of the east view of the Mansion by unknown artist. Reverse side of card reads \"D.H. Naramore, Photographer, No. 321 King Street, Alexandria, VA.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSmall engraving probably clipped from a publication. Unknown location or residence shown in image.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHair clippings in envelope with note \"Hair of the late Lawrence Washington - 1856 - Found among articles bequested to MVLA by Miss Cunningham. Miss Comegys, Regent (1923) directs Supt. to send this to the widow of Mr. Lawrence W.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSmall black and white photographic print showing the gravestone for Lt. Col. John Augustine Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBlack and white photographic print mounted on gray board. Shows Waveland residence with man, two women, and several children visible (unidentified).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBoston: Published by Charles Bowen. Front page signed \"Jane C. Washington, Mount Vernon, 1834.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiary inscribed \"Account of all my recpts. \u0026amp; expenditures beginning with Sept. 16th, 1841, that being the date at which I came to Mount Vernon to reside.\" There are intermittent entries through November 1859. This is not as full a diary but includes lists of food, clothing, and china, table, and cookware.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details. Loose note at the front reads \"Extracts from the diary of my father\" with notes on this diary and previous ones.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of undated manuscripts from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1834-1838 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1841-1845 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1846-1849 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1851-1853 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1854-1855 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1856-1857 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (1 of 2)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (2 of 2)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1859 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1860-1861 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHandwritten notes probably by a librarian or other Mount Vernon staff member including summaries of the letters within the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and 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A large majority of the collection is correspondence to or from John Augustine Washington III with a significant portion relating to the purchase of the estate by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association. Three diaries kept by John Augustine are also included and contain important information about his slaves, agricultural practices, and finances. Other types of material in the collection include legal documents, receipts, photographs, and ephemera. Photocopies were made for most of the manuscripts and can be viewed as surrogates to the originals. ","Descendants of John Augustine Washington III maintained ownership of these records until 1990 when they were sold to Gary Hendershott, a manuscripts dealer from Little Rock, Arkansas. The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association purchased the collection in October 1990.","Lists signatures and states that all members of Congress would sign if requested.","States they are now the \"best of friends.\" She is angry at people who denigrate his motives. Wants to make known his true nature.","Mrs. Ritchie requests he arrive at the theatre a little after 12:00 so all guests may be seated prior to the rise of the curtain.","She had sent her present of flowers to Mrs. Madison, and they were \"greatfully\" received.","His mother wants help valuing her sheep. Describes one offer for Mount Vernon with great disdain. They want to have entertainments there. He has great respect for \"your manly pride.\"","Apologizes for having intruded too much on his privacy during a recent visit when Mrs. Ritchie and others of the ladies \"took forcible possession of me\" and requested cuttings of flowers. Hopes he will establish a Botanic Garden and suggests a location for a Mausoleum.","Describes her return from Mount Vernon in much rain. Discusses crops. Gives instructions for sending things to her. Asks report of conversation that was \"highly derogatory to me.\" Feels items should be sold to visitors so they will not pilfer mementos.","Urges sale of Mount Vernon to Virginia rather than to a private sale.","Resolution wants to change the site of the Military Asylum to Mount Vernon if a part of the estate can be purchased at a reasonable price.","Introduces some friends who wish to visit Mount Vernon.","Gives family news and an account of a visit by a gentleman who spent the night at Mount Vernon and gave $5 to West Ford. Discusses sale of a slave to his cousin. Has heard of a bill by the federal government to purchase Mount Vernon and wishes it would be accepted. Mentions prices and terms.","Is sending oats and other items to Mount Vernon. Urges him to pursue his studies. Wishes him to send some oysters and sugar.","Sends funds for completing the vault at Mount Vernon and authorizes him to take more money from his bank if necessary.","Thanks him for the many civilities experienced by them during their visit to Mount Vernon. Sends a piece of a branch of a fig tree cut from the birth spot of \"your immortal ancestor.\"","Is against his plans for Mount Vernon and opening it to \"every low idler.\" Discusses payments and what form they would take.","Brief note of regards, translated by J. Perkins.","Heard about people being charged to enter the garden. Wishes he would stop this.","Wants to know price and terms of sale of Mount Vernon. If not for sale, could it be leased. (Contains typed transcript.)","Was glad to hear that Mount Vernon was not for sale as it should remain in the hands of the Washington family. Wishes to \"establish a house of entertainment in the vicinity of Mount Vernon.\" Asks questions as to materials and location of such. (Contains typed transcript.)","Is in the market to purchase negroes as one of his men, Alfred, has run off. Wants to know whether she still wishes to dispose of her negroes and what her price would be. He could pay $500 cash and then pay off the principal in a year or two.","Lists names of executors and legatees and their shares and values.","Tells him of an upcoming visit to Washington and Mount Vernon by a \"highly respectable volunteer corps.\" They wish to arrive by boat and see the tomb of Washington. He understands permission to do so is necessary.","Is worried his health is suffering by his labors at Mount Vernon. Hopes he will accept any reasonable offer by the U.S. Government for it. Went into town to have magistrates witness her acknowledgment of the deed of release. Discusses a suit brought by Judge Douglass and the health of various family members.","Doubts whether an offer will be made by the U.S. Government. Hopes it would as she feels his health is suffering from attending to business at Mount Vernon. Recommends someone to help him acquire an overseer. Was paid money for him. Discusses the failing health of Dr. Alexander's mother and others.","Is horrified to learn of auction of Wood Lawn. Proposes to run a steamboat between Washington to Wood Lawn, Fort Washington, Mount Vernon, and the White House. Gives references. Pledges to bring members of Congress there and feels it would enhance the chances of the purchase of Mount Vernon by the government. Suggests it could be used as a summer home for the President. Discusses various items left by Washington and the soon to be completed Chesapeake \u0026 Ohio Canal. (contains typed transcript)","Tells him of a letter he received from an unknown man who wants to obtain a tree from Mount Vernon to transplant in France to shade the bench of Christopher Columbus which he possesses.","Recommends leaving it to Congress to propose a price for the purchase of Mount Vernon. She feels he wants too much for it, and that it really should not be sold. Gives family news. Gives advice on his search for an overseer.","First letter discusses the Supreme Court taking on the suit of Mr. Hammond against General Washington. Bassett says he discharged all debts owed by Captain Lewis. There is another copy of the names of executors and legatees and their shares and values. Discussions of various debts owed to different people.","Discusses various suits, mostly Hammonds, against the estate and their current status. Many people have died since 1827 when they were last listed. Will take a long time to find people.","Discussion of the Hammond suit and payments still owed to various creditors, to be paid by all the legatees of General Washington's estate. Most dollar figures are left blank to be filled in later. Prompt payment by all legatees is required.","Discusses his father's will and his lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of various other people mentioned in JAW's letter.","Answering his inquiries as to various relatives. Suggests he write to the clerk of Kanawha County for the information he requires. Suggests he contact Andrew Parks who probably has all the facts.","Discusses sale of swamp land. He paid the taxes on it for the Washington heirs. The land is not worth much since the timber had been taken from it by many people over the years. Would like to be reimbursed for the money he paid.","He wishes to meet with him in the middle of November, at which time they can conclude their business.","Discusses the bill in Congress to purchase Mount Vernon. Wants assets divided up between her children so all are taken care of. Tells of Charles' upcoming marriage before he leaves for California.","Discusses the codicil of his father's will. Mrs. Washington is not compelled to sell. Upon her death, the heirs may sell despite the codicil. Suggests Mrs. Washington partition the land before her death in order that JAW may do \"what you please with the land.\"","Invites him to the wedding of his oldest daughter the next week.","Has been in Charlestown attending services for the week. Is amazed at the prospect of $200,000 being paid for Mount Vernon by the government. Wants him to send fish and to pickle some \"Rock.\"","(Typed transcription included) George Page and a surveyor from Maryland wanted to survey land in the Potomac River adjacent to Mount Vernon with the object of bringing steamboats there. Was notified he would be charged with some offense by Maryland. Makes him aware that the compact between the states means they have no claim on him.","First letter – wants to know if Mount Vernon Estate will be sold. Second letter – understands the government might become the owner of the estate and wants to meet.","Wants him to petition the Court to finally settle the estate of General Washington.","First letter – wants to examine Mount Vernon with a view to the establishment of a military asylum for the relief of soldiers. Second letter – tells him the price for Mount Vernon is too high, and purchase of a location nearer Washington will be undertaken.","An account by a boat company of receipts over the past year.","Discusses the landing of boats at Mount Vernon without JAW's previous knowledge. Wants them to be allowed to dock if they pay the usual fare to him.","Acknowledges payment for the pianoforte. Wants four walking sticks cut from near General Washington's tomb to be sent to monks in Italy.","Agreement to sell 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000. Includes all buildings and the tomb, as well as furnishings currently there. Also will allow heirs to be buried there. He may not sell the estate without first offering it to the U.S. Government and the State of Virginia for no more than $350,000.","Has been unable to contact other parties to the contract. Hopes to be able to do so soon.","A committee of the House of Delegates has been appointed to consider the purchase of Mount Vernon. Wants to meet him in Alexandria to discuss this.","Encloses a newspaper clipping about the acquisition of Mount Vernon by the State of Virginia. Tells him the committee of five will look into the will of the people as to this acquisition.","Addressed only to \"Mrs. Washington.\" Unclear whether it is addressed to Mrs. Jane C.B. Washington or Mrs. Eleanor L.S. Washington. (Typed transcription included) Has heard that Mount Vernon is for sale, possibly to northern people. Feels the Ladies of the South might instead procure it and wants to know the price.","Does not wish to part with Mount Vernon but wishes to keep it from the changeable fortunes of a family and to ally it to the State. Would sell 200 acres with stipulations for $200,000. If the State wants to establish a model farm there, he would sell an additional 1,000 acres for $300,000. Invites them to visit.","Discusses his offer to sell Mount Vernon to the state. Says $200,000 is less than the property could sell for on the market. Talks about having a model farm as nothing meant more to Washington than farming. Would welcome them to visit. Reminds them that his terms cannot be materially modified.","(Typed transcription included) Says he is asking less money of the state than he had been offered by others. Tells them of his desire for a model farm as the pursuit of an improved system of agriculture was of great importance to General Washington. Would welcome a visit from them.","Wants to clear up suggestions that he is falsely referring to higher offers for Mount Vernon.","The Committee feels the price for Mount Vernon \"is enormous.\" Would prefer the money to be used for a rail road.","Draft in writing of John Augustine Washington III. Addressed to \"Miss Cunningham\" but could also be a response to Louisa Cunningham's letter instead of Ann Pamela Cunningham. Praises the women of the south for their affection for Washington. Does not wish to dispose of the property except to the government of the United States or Virginia and so declines the proposition from the \"Ladies of the South.\"","Draft thought to be in the writing of Jane C.B. Washington. Identical text to previous letter (draft in the hand of John Augustine Washington III).","Encloses a power of attorney and some other letters. Has agreed to reduction of $50,000 on 1000 acres. Will accept nothing less than $200,000 for the 200 acres. Agrees to pay him 5% of what he gets from either government agency, provided it occurs in the current session.","The state might be willing to pay $50,000 per year for four years for Mount Vernon but not the total of $200,000 at once. Wonders what is happening with the federal government. \"Things are coming to a head rapidly.\"","As long as negotiations with Virginia remain open, it would not be proper for him to entertain any proposals from other parties for the purchase of Mount Vernon. Might be interested in the future in making an offer.","Feels priority should be given to Congress to purchase Mount Vernon, and therefore Virginia is holding off on more committee meetings. Wants him to be there for future committee meetings.","Urges him to meet with Arthur Taylor as his representative in the proposed sale of Mount Vernon. Requests that he not send papers to Col. Bissell before meeting with him.","Has the papers from Mr. Washington and wants to meet with him to discuss the sale of Mount Vernon to the U.S. Government.","Assures him that he has not given the letters from him to Mr. Bissell and has requested Mr. Taylor to come see him.","Encloses the previous letter and hopes they will be able to meet soon. Feels it best to not commit to any course with the U.S. until a definite answer comes from the Virginia Legislature.","Invites him to come to his lodgings at any time at 9 a.m.","Is unable to return to his \"hospitable roof\" at this time. Values the time she was there and having been \"entrusted with the training of such bright intelligences.\"","Reports on his share of earnings from \"Washington's Writings.\" Many copies of the book were destroyed in a fire, but the stereotype and engraved plates were in a fire proof vault.","Feels it is very important for him to communicate with the federal government and is willing to help in any way.","Mr. Taylor shared his letter proposing to bring the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon again before Congress. His terms are already known to him – the same as those agreed to for the State of Virginia.","Wants to bring up the purchase of Mount Vernon in Congress but wants to know just what terms he agreed to with Virginia. Wants the Northern States to purchase it.","Gives terms of sale, including that family members still living may also be buried there. Additional property to total 1000 acres may be purchased for $300,000, for a model farm as suggested by Gen. Washington. Tells him the state of Virginia had proposed the sale for less than he wanted which he refused.","Encloses a copy of the bill reported to the House of Delegates Committee for the purchase of Mount Vernon. He told them it would not meet with JAW's approval. Urges him to move quickly on the Turnpike matter for this session.","Is very desirous of having the State of Virginia take possession of Mount Vernon and \"have the sole control and ownership forever.\" Wants to know what terms he proposes.","Gives him the terms of sale. The Washington family shall be permitted to be buried on the site, and no remains shall ever be disturbed. The price shall be $200,000, with an additional 800 acres available for $100,000 more","Will not accede to propositions of the steamboat company. Will be busy for a few weeks but wants to see a copy of the agreement currently in effect.","Tells him of Mrs. Mason presenting \"a remonstrance against your turnpike.\" Wants access to $250 at Farmers Bank in Alexandria.","Discusses payments based on sales of \"Washington's Writings.\" Tells percentages paid to various legatees.","Discusses quarrelling and squabbling among the ladies purchasing Mount Vernon. Is concerned about security around the remains of George Washington.","Wants him to send a letter to him so he may correct disparaging remarks made about his impending sale of Mount Vernon.","Is writing to her as requested by JAW. Describes a woman mourning her deceased eight-year-old son. Includes a poem about grief and moving on after death of a child.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Mr. Mason very much wants to meet him and getting a letter from JAW that would announce the news of their \"progress.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for the kindness of him and Mrs. Washington on her recent visit to Mount Vernon. Urges him to send a letter to be published about the sale of Mount Vernon before the news is released by someone else.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Assures her he does not care what others say about him and remains hopeful of selling Mount Vernon to the State of Virginia.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Explains the absence of Mr. Toombs when JAW came to see him. Tells him why she is now dealing with Mr. Toombs rather than Mr. Mason.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes to meet him in Washington City as she will be there for a few days during her travel south. Wants a thorough understanding of his wishes and intentions before meeting with the governor of Virginia.","Wants him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter in the National Intelligencer and put the estate under the care of the State of Virginia. (This is a copy of a letter written by Anna's husband.) Second letter, dated March 5, 1857 on same paper: Refers to letter copied out by her. Is certain a sufficient sum will have been raised by February 22 to enable Virginia to purchase Mount Vernon.","Urges him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter to the National Intelligencer and consent to place the estate once more at the disposal of Virginia which has an arrangement with the \"Ladies' Mount Vernon Association of the Union.\"","His musical association played a concert on behalf of the \"Ladies Mt. Vernon Association\" at which $100 was raised. The musical group would benefit greatly from receiving this money back if Mr. Washington has no plans to sell to the Ladies Association.","Would love to spend time at Mount Vernon, but his schedule will not allow at this time. His book will be published during the winter and spring, but he doesn't feel a visit would add anything.","He remains willing to place Mount Vernon in the hands of the State of Virginia, under his terms which the state has not seemed to want to meet. The proposal to have Mount Vernon by under the Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union is unacceptable to him. Doubts they could maintain the estate in perpetuity. It would then be taken over by the state.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Identical to previous letter.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Responding to his letter to Mr. Ritchie. Urges him to put out that the Ladies are to raise $200,000 on behalf of the State of Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not wish to publish parts of letters. Feels \"nothing but silent contempt can put them at rest.\"","(W.L. Underwood – most likely Warner Lewis Underwood, Kentucky Senator) Tells JAW that if his current negotiations for Mount Vernon should fall through that his organization would be pleased to enter into further discussions.","Again says he wishes Mount Vernon to go to the State of Virginia, to be decided upon by the current session of the General Assembly.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to know who told her that he was \"willing… for a pecuniary consideration to break engagements and promises.\"","The Masonic Brotherhood is interested in purchasing Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the tour the previous day. Apologizes for the bad behavior of one member and hopes that will not prejudice him against the Fraternity.","(Typed transcription enclosed) She met with the governor who told her the \"Extra Session\" of the Legislature was for the \"presidential contest,\" so the Legislature will not be meeting again until the next winter. Realizes this delay is not pleasing to him.","Inquires whether any action has been taken by the Legislature or is likely to be.","Tells him no action has yet been taken by the Legislature but feels sure it will be taken up after the Christmas recess, after which the ladies will be enabled to purchase Mount Vernon and have its title transferred to Virginia.","Discusses various prices for Mount Vernon and quotes JAW as vehemently denying that he wanted the remains of General Washington moved. He wishes the estate to be the property of the United States and all the people.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him she has been very ill but is sure that the Legislature will act.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Tells him Gov. Wise is \"inimical to our 'cause'\" which is the reason the Legislature has not taken up the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon.\" Talks of the financial crisis which is being felt by \"we victimized cotton planters.\" Tells him of the impending sale of copies of a portrait of Washington.","(Typed transcription enclosed) She writes of her illness and lack of strength. The Constitution of the Association was signed by the governor. Tells him various Masonic orders have decided to become allies of the Association. Hopes to have the contract signed between Virginia and him on the 22nd of February.","Invites recipient to the elevation of the Statue of Washington on February 22 in Richmond.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Is looking forward to the inauguration of the Washington statue. Wants him to vow that the Ladies of the Association are the \"very best friends you have in the world.\" Tells him that Gov. Wise is no friend to him or to her and this cause.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Has a document that states Virginia will purchase Mount Vernon from him and encloses a copy of the bill. Is sure the governor will act strongly to defeat this. Wants him to attend the address by Mr. Everett a few days before the 22nd of February. Tells him how lucky he is to get $200,000 in \"these awful times.\"","Gives price of sale of $200,000 for 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate and pledges the MVLA to guarantee to not disturb any remains currently there and to allow descendants of JAW to also be interred there.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Praises him for agreeing that Mount Vernon is to be a public shrine and to limit interments there. Gen. Chapman included that in the third reading of the bill. Discusses the building of a new mausoleum for Washington which would not go against his will. Talks of her illness.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the disposition of family remains, as well as those of General Washington, are his biggest concerns in the sale.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes he is happy about the bill as read in the Legislature. Tells him it is she and not the Committee who wants to arrange for a magnificent mausoleum. Closes by saying she is too exhausted to \"even give a hint of the nature of woman's revenge should you not be in a state of delight over our bill!!!\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Remains adamant as to a future mausoleum as Washington stated where he wished his remains to be. Cannot travel to Richmond at present due to the illness of Mrs. Washington.","(Agreement ends with reference to the 10th of February) Deals with payment of $6,000 to heirs of W.F. Alexander and Anna Alexander as a share of Mount Vernon. Expressly says none of these heirs have any claim to the proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon, other than the $6,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that though Gov. Wise is no friend to the Mount Vernon cause, he did not intend to put his remarks under the head of Lunatic Asylum. It was a complete accident.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses another article by Mr. Pryor who is \"using his art to arouse the fear, \u0026 cupidity of the timid \u0026 narrow minded of this Legislature.\" Asks him about his previous offer from a company to purchase the estate, and that he wanted to wait for Congress to act.","(Typed transcription enclosed) States that his price for Mount Vernon has always been $200,000, since he gained control of it in 1849. Asks whether he ever made an offer for Mount Vernon for $100,000. If so, under whose authority was it made?","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to confirm with him that his offer to sell Mount Vernon as a site for the Military Asylum in 1851 was for $200,000 and not $100,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of a contract with a gentleman to sell him 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000 with the condition that the property should be offered to the U.S. and to Virginia. If neither purchased it, he should take the property. He then offered $50,000 to release him from that obligation, but JAW refused. Says he never has offered it for sale in public or private.","Says he was authorized by JAW to offer Mount Vernon for a Military Asylum for $100,000. Will search for papers to confirm this.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Advises that on March 25, 1851, he made an offer to sell about 150 acres of the Mount Vernon estate for $200,000 for an Army Asylum or some other government purpose.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Thanks him for sending a copy of the correspondence of Gen. Scott. Miss C. is intensely engaged in getting past Mr. Pryor's malicious misrepresentation of the Bill. If he can defeat us, he will.","Reiterates that Alexander and his heirs have no claim to any proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon beyond the agreed upon $6,000 and requests him to add a paragraph to that effect to the agreement they will both sign.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her in Richmond, despite his recent fall. Refers to the animosity of Mr. Pryor toward the bill. Wishes there could be an Extra Session for it to pass.","Again states his disagreement with Mr. McKenzie's assertion of his having offered $100,000 for Mount Vernon. No one else knew of such an offer. Gen. Scott agrees with JAW in his recollections. Tells her of a recent fall from a horse which will prevent his visit to Richmond on the 22nd.","Urges him and his family to attend the inauguration of the equestrian statue of Washington on the Capital Square in Richmond. Says he would be pleased to host them at their home near the city.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is uncertain whether he will be able to travel to Richmond and wants her to update him on matters related to the Bill as \"I have not in any manner approached\" any of his friends or acquaintances on the subject. It is important for her to convince members that the association only needs the name of the State which will not be called upon to pay any of the money for the purchase.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham begs him to attend Mr. Everett's oration and hopes to speak to him on the Square tomorrow.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Continues to be unwell. Introduces him to Mr. A.H.H. Dawson of Georgia, \"an eccentric genius.\" He is devoted to the purposes of the Association and has delivered an address about it in 30 towns in Georgia. Urges him to come to Richmond to meet with members of the Legislature.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is sorry he was unable to call on her before leaving Richmond. Wants clarification about alterations Mr. Yancy thought necessary in the paper he left with her. He wants a decision by the Legislature, yes or no, soon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that the Legislature is \"in a row\" and will not pass any bills before an Extra Session. Wants him to bring a contract to her so they are prepared for any contingencies. Tells him of her illness of the lungs and her treatment.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Reiterates the importance of the sanctity of the family burying ground. Wants to have some alterations and additions of a substantial permanent character made to the present vault, with a durable enclosure around it. He is open to payment in stocks or cash for the estate. Says they should have an act of incorporation before signing a contract.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Gen. Chapman was drawing up an act of incorporation before the bill comes up. He said Virginia must not hold the tomb; the Association must hold it. She remains very ill. \"yrs in much suffering\"","Is preparing a pamphlet to defend JAW against detractors and wants copies of correspondence he had with Gen. Scott and others about possible purchase of Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The bill in Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon, to be refunded by the MVLA, was defeated in the House of Delegates. In addition Congress cannot purchase land in a sovereign state without its consent. Tells him it should be the property of the Nation and should be sold to the MVLA. \"With grateful women pledged to guard the sacred ashes of Washington and to adorn his home for a national shrine.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Says it has become obvious that neither Virginia nor the U.S. wish to purchase Mount Vernon. Therefore \"the women of the land will probably be the safest as they will certainly be the purest guardians of a national shrine.\" He waits for her to make a proposal to him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham requests that he answer the letter she gave him relating to the purchase of Mount Vernon and to return it to her. She will give him a copy.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is returning her letter to him as it seemed to be improperly dated and lacked her signature. When she remedies those defects, he will send an answer.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to meet with him on Saturday morning in Alexandria to sign the contract.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is very unhappy about delays put forth by Messrs. Macfarland \u0026 Myers. They felt there had to be an acceptance of the contract by all or a majority of the Vice Regents before it could be signed. They can do this by telegraph, permitting Mrs. Ritchie to act for them.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to come without delay. It was thought things would be delayed as Mrs. Walton's husband had died, but now Mr. McFarland advised them to send for him at once. Miss Cunningham is not good and needs to bring matters to a close \"ere it be too late.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her that afternoon or evening as Dr. Beale \"considers it necessary to apply a severe blister without delay.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Upon reflection she feels the letter she sent him for publication is not to be published. She does not wish to \"make enemies even in a State which has given me so little cause to respect it.\" Mrs. Ritchie will work on a better worded one which she will send to him.","He deposited money to his credit for the contract and wants to know if this was correct. Tells him the pony he was inquiring about is not for sale. Also felt much concern about the accounts of the fisheries. Looks forward to a visit with him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the plat of the 200 acres of land he agreed to sell to the MVLA. Wants him to sign it and return it.","(Typed transcription enclosed) About the plat, he is having the land resurveyed and \"have the necessary corners stones set.\" He will send it back with a signature after that. Also encloses her letter of March 12 and wants a copy of her letter as published with her signature.","Wants to know if George Thorburn may visit Mount Vernon in the 28th of May to inspect the grounds in regards to the improvements to be made. He is \"no doubt the first horticulturist in America\" and a plain, unpolished person. It would be good for JAW's surveyor to meet with Mr. Thorburn to go over the grounds.","He is \"exceedingly provoked\" at the newspaper coverage in connection with the sale of Mount Vernon. As a college friend he felt he had to contact an editor and correct the information. He hopes he did not make the situation worse.","Again requests he host the \"celebrated florist\" at Mount Vernon to look over the grounds before they come to Mount Vernon on the 29th for a few hours.","Agrees to have Mr. Thorburn come and meet with surveyors. Asks if Mr. Thorburn could be appointed the Agent of the Association in drawing up with the surveyors the lines of the 200 acres. He will \"grant any reasonable request of the Association.\" Hopes to see Mr. Ritchie and her while he yet resides at Mount Vernon.","The first attests to receipt of interest on the $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington. \tThe second is for $2,000 as part of the $6,000 owed.","Urges him to reduce the price of Mount Vernon to $150,000 so as to better fund all the expenses associated with its ownership by the MVLA. Tells him to buy land in \"some of the new states\" with that money.","Wants to know what stocks or bonds would be acceptable as part of the purchase price. Gives the current rate of Virginia stock.","Acknowledges his decline to the proposition.","Replying to a previous letter. Cannot answer the questions of Miss Lewis as he does not remember where Col. Fielding Lewis died. Her wishes are an illusion. Wonders if some land in Kentucky is what she is dreaming of. Hopes the Ladies will be able to preserve Mount Vernon after they complete the purchase.","As a new Mason, wants to know if he will amend the contract to state that the property will revert to the United States or the Masonic Fraternity in the event of a dissolution of the MVLA and not to the state of Virginia.","Writes to her cousin about an article in the paper that morning that was a \"vile abolition libel on you.\" Wants to assure her lady friends that it is untrue.","Is involved in illustrating an article about Mount Vernon as it is of interest to the American people. Wants to visit to sketch objects that have not been drawn. The MVLA is in favor of such an article to assist with their fund raising.","Is amazed at the scurrilous attacks made on him by Northern Papers which are calculated to embarrass the Mount Vernon Association.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for his letter about the calumnies in some Northern newspapers but has no desire to enter into a controversy with the papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants him to tell her of his agreement with Mr. Crutchett of Mount Vernon Cane Factory who was given permission to come and cut trees on the estate. Asks what value he puts on the remainder of the estate contiguous to the 200 acres.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Gives details of his contract with Mr. Crutchett which expired in February 1856. He was permitted to take more trees before January 1857. He has no right to \"come upon the property I have sold the Association to cut timber.\" Has not put a price on the remainder of Mount Vernon.","Thanks him for the hospitality given to him and his sister on their visit to Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham was happy to hear his account of the transactions with Mr. Crutchett. Wants him to come to Philadelphia to confer upon private matters of great importance to the Association and himself. She is equally interested in the final settlement of the boundary lines.","First letter (incomplete) congratulates him on the sale of Mount Vernon. Requests return of portrait of his mother. Second letter thanks him for agreeing to return the portrait. He and his family would very much like to visit Mount Vernon again before it becomes public.","Hopes he can come to Washington to meet with him. Wants Mr. Washington to stay with him to \"pay off the debt of visiting you at Mt. Vernon.\" Miss Cunningham is making arrangements to pay the first bond with interest in December.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Looks forward to making payment of the first installment. Mr. Riggs will pay sums of $5,000 as soon as it is raised. Hopes to be able to pay the remainder of 2d installment on 1st of January 1859. Begs him to keep these matters as a \"profound secret.\"","Miss Cunningham wants to make the first payment on December 14, the anniversary of Washington's death.","Tells him of payment to Burke \u0026 Herbert of $10,000 on that day.","Tells him the box containing the chairs has not yet arrived. He wants to be allowed to pay for the repairs necessary to the chairs. Invites him and his family to visit him in Richmond before they go farther away from it.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to make the first payment on the 1st, but this is a holiday. Urges him not to risk sending the plat executed by Washington himself but to have it be lithographed. Wants to clear up the boundaries. Tells him to keep the discussion of the sale of additional land private.","Wants to gather branches from the estate in order to make canes to sell to aid in the purchase of Mount Vernon.","Their project would require the consent of the Regent of the MVLA.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Confidential) Miss Cunningham is too ill to reply to his last letter. Lets him know his presence might be required on the 22nd but all arrangements must be kept private. The upcoming payment will be about $14,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to accept the money already paid to him (for the \"selling your relations bones.\") He already received more money than the estate was worth. Note on the letter states he ensured his control over the remains in \"such a way that they can never be sold by any one.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not want to go to Philadelphia unless it is absolutely necessary. He recently heard that Mrs. Esther M. Lewis (widow of Lorenzo Lewis) wants to present the harpsichord that was given to Nelly to the MVLA.","Thanks him for copy of the inscription on a bust. He realized he had not copied the pencil sketch of the Destruction of the Bastille. Would JAW please have a photograph of it sent to him for an upcoming book on the history of Mount Vernon. Will send a copy of the book to him in September when it is published.","Acknowledges receipt of $1,000 which completes the payment of $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington.","The Regent wants JAW to not allow any more sketches to be made of Mount Vernon or the grounds without her consent. Attached is a copy of an advertisement for sale of a portrait of Washington. The Mount Vernon Record gives an account of fund raising to date. Mr. Everett thanks Devereux for sending him a copy of the Farewell Address.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Requests her to send him definite instructions to enable him to prohibit people from making sketches of Mount Vernon.","Tells them he has written to the Regent requesting her instructions about the matter they raised with him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent now feels that it would \"not be practicable for you to refuse privileges hitherto granted\" in the matter of sketches. There is also a newspaper clipping with letters from JAW and the Regent about the sale of Mount Vernon.","They wrote to him on the 14th as the Regent was prostrated. Requests any material he might have about the area in England where Washington's ancestor came from.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of terms under which they ran their steamboat to Mount Vernon. They paid him money with the understanding that he would make repairs to the wharf and footway, under the agreement, but he did not. He ordered his captain to have it done and will retain that money.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses a copy of the previous letter and asks him to advise her as to her response to Mr. Bryan.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham much enjoyed his previous letter and its humor. Hopes he will waive the requisition of 10 days notice before receiving payments. Can give him at least 30 days notice before requiring possession, and hopefully 60 days. She has \"been very much of an invalid for many weeks.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come to Philadelphia around the 10th or 12th so they may consult in regard to the future. They can have the boundary line settled and put many business affairs in order. Miss Cunningham intends to make a payment on the last installment as soon \"as you will receive it.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) He will travel to Philadelphia and meet with her on Wednesday. Will give directions to Messrs. Burke \u0026 Herbert for the last installment.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham wants him to arrive on Thursday and then accompany her to hear Mr. Everett in the evening. She and Mr. Everett would then meet with him on Friday.","(Typed transcription enclosed) He agrees to come to Philadelphia on Thursday and meet as she suggests.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent wants him to \"have the kindness not to speak of the particulars of your interview with her.\" She also requests him to confer with Mr. Herbert, after which Mr. Herbert should meet with Mr. Riggs and let her know the arrangements he would be willing to make. \"This matter she particularly desires should be confidential.\"","Wants him to send him the photographs of the Picture of the Bastille and let him know what he owes for this service. Thanks him for his kindness in all this matter.","Again asks for the photograph of the Bastille picture as his book is finished, and he is only waiting for that.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham regrets that he and Mr. Riggs were unable to meet at Mount Vernon to discuss all it is possible to do without annoyance to the family. Would like to commence work on the outbuildings near the garden and to rebuild the roof and pillars of the piazza. Also wants to do work around the Tomb.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Apologizes for delay in responding to his recent letter, but the news of Captain Cunningham's decease has made it impossible for Miss Cunningham to \"think of even the most pressing business.\"","Thanks him for sending the photograph and encloses $5. Apologizes for keeping three documents for so long. Wants to return the documents and send him a copy of the book in September. Asks whether he may keep the Pohick elevation as it is in Washington's hand.","Details work done on various dresses.","Is sorry to hear that JAW will be leaving Mount Vernon before Hubard can get there to visit. Wants to know whether Mr. Mills does possess the moulds made by Houdon. Wants to see a cast made from the mould as he is convinced it is a fraud.","Cannot say whether the Richmond statue is accurate but to him the head looks identical to the Mount Vernon bust. Has never heard of the moulds being left at Mount Vernon and does not believe Mr. Mills would have removed anything without his permission.","Wants to clarify his original assertion that he feels Houdon did not use the moulds made from Washington's face as he asserts they are very different from the head of Houdon. Also wants to know whether the table on which Washington lay when the moulds were made is still at Mount Vernon.","Thanks him for sending money from the steamboat company for the MVLA.","Will be writing an article for Encyclopedia Britannica and is \"desirous of stating the facts relative to the emancipation of the Genl's slaves.\" Also wants to know whether Mrs. Washington left a will and whether she freed her slaves in it.","Wishes to obtain a copy of the inventory of General Washington's estate.","Makes assertion that General Washington was sued and judgment rendered against him. Also some northern papers are speculating that he lost his money and had mortgaged the Mount Vernon estate for $400,000. Encloses a copy of the certificate of the appraiser as entered in 1810.","Is returning the papers lent to him and sending a copy of his book on Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the use of the papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Reminds her that his request for her lawyer to sift through an abstract of his title to Mount Vernon has not been complied with. This would answer questions raised by anonymous persons which have \"caused you some uneasiness.\"","Miss Cunningham wants to conclusively prove the falsehood of assertions of the invalidity of his title to the estate. The Clerk of Fairfax County will attest to the truth but wants to see his father's will and evidence of the payment of $6,000 charged to the estate. Looks forward to putting to rest this falsehood.","Is still waiting for the certificate from the Clerk of Fairfax County. That will give the \"lie to any slander of title.\" Is unable to visit due to his duties in the Legislature.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham thanks him for sending the package of papers and hopes to be able to write herself in a few days about other matters.","Thanks him for sending the papers. Does not appear from them that \"Mrs. Washington emancipated the dower negroes.\" Requests more information on that point.","Sees that Miss Cunningham has published an abstract of title furnished her by the Clerk of Fairfax Court, so imagines she will not require further information. Will soon return the other papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Has forwarded to her a package of papers which he recovered, apparently detailing the kinds and locations of trees planted at Mount Vernon.","Tells her his lack of response to her letter is due to being away most of the month and having visits from friends, possibly for the last time at Mount Vernon. Pointed out the lines of the old vistas marked by ancient trees. The insurance policies he had were on the house only, not the outbuildings. Recommends she make a new road. Also recommends repairing the wharf.","Sends a newspaper copy of an advertisement she placed wishing to obtain a copy of the photograph taken the previous August at the tomb of Washington which included her daughter, now deceased. She would like to know if she could obtain a list of the attendees of that day so she might write and request this as it is the only photograph of her daughter.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the Association still must raise $140,000 to support the Estate which will require extraordinary effort on the part of the Association. Asks her to address visitors at Mount Vernon on the imperative nature of this.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to arrange a \"Grand Ceremonial in connection with the taking of the title\" in order to let people know fund raising is not complete after the purchase. Refers to political turmoil and the impending dissolution of the Union and all the difficulties this will cause. Plans to be at Mount Vernon for 10 days and wants to meet with him to finalize things.","He is fine with executing a deed for the sale of Mount Vernon to the Association and feels there would be no difficulty in the event of his death. He worries about Virginia's seceding from the Union that she might object to selling part of her soil to a corporation composed \"in part of unfriendly foreigners.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham is gratified that he concurs in her proposition and feels her decease would be the most serious difficulty to be apprehended. Wants to meet him at Mount Vernon to place the deed in escrow. Does not feel the possibilities for Virginia he suggested would form a significant barrier.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses an order to Mr. Riggs for steamboat receipts through December 31st. Would be happy to meet her at Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the order on Mr. Bryan for the steamboat receipts. Has been paying insurance which continues until June next and has deducted that from the receipts.","Acknowledges his letter but does not need receipts for premiums of insurance.","Reports that Mr. Herbert only wants to clear the lot of land offered him. Also Mr. Norris has rented out his farm. Turner is not sure where he moved to in Kentucky. Discusses acquisition of material to make shirts for servants.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Had not replied to his earlier letter due to excessive fatigue from her journey from Columbia. Hopes to use patriotic influence to get the \"Agent\" to remit or reduce his fee.","Tells him of a minister who will be in Alexandria and is looking for a vacant church where he could officiate.","Funeral was conducted at Waveland. There is a description of the body and the family. Invoked the Gospel. JAW began family prayers following the death of his wife. Description of his activities over the following days.","Asks Mrs. Howard for a biographical sketch of her father (John Augustine Washington III) for the National Cyclopedia of American Biography.","Two leaflets advertising the writings of Dr. Lyon G. Tyler.","Full title \"A Confederate catechism: The war of 1861-1865.\" Third edition, November 21, 1929. Series of 20 questions and answers about the war.","Wants to know whether the Ladies will discuss the purchase of the pictures and maps he has been offering. He will offer them elsewhere.","Photographic print, cabinet card of a drawing of the east view of the Mansion by unknown artist. Reverse side of card reads \"D.H. Naramore, Photographer, No. 321 King Street, Alexandria, VA.\"","Small engraving probably clipped from a publication. Unknown location or residence shown in image.","Hair clippings in envelope with note \"Hair of the late Lawrence Washington - 1856 - Found among articles bequested to MVLA by Miss Cunningham. Miss Comegys, Regent (1923) directs Supt. to send this to the widow of Mr. Lawrence W.\"","Small black and white photographic print showing the gravestone for Lt. Col. John Augustine Washington.","Black and white photographic print mounted on gray board. Shows Waveland residence with man, two women, and several children visible (unidentified).","Boston: Published by Charles Bowen. Front page signed \"Jane C. Washington, Mount Vernon, 1834.\"","Diary inscribed \"Account of all my recpts. \u0026 expenditures beginning with Sept. 16th, 1841, that being the date at which I came to Mount Vernon to reside.\" There are intermittent entries through November 1859. This is not as full a diary but includes lists of food, clothing, and china, table, and cookware.","Includes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details. Loose note at the front reads \"Extracts from the diary of my father\" with notes on this diary and previous ones.","Includes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details.","Photocopies of undated manuscripts from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1834-1838 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1841-1845 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1846-1849 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1851-1853 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1854-1855 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1856-1857 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (1 of 2)","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (2 of 2)","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1859 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1860-1861 from the collection.","Handwritten notes probably by a librarian or other Mount Vernon staff member including summaries of the letters within the collection."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections at The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865","Washington, George Corbin, 1789-1854","Lewis, Lawrence, 1767-1839","Lewis, Eleanor Parke Custis, 1779-1852","Davis, Henry Winter, 1817-1865","Bassett, George Washington, 1800-1878","Johnson, Joseph, 1785-1877","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Custis, George Washington Parke, 1781-1857","McKenzie, Lewis, 1810-1895","Cunningham, Louisa Bird, 1794-1873","Washington, Eleanor Love Selden, 1824-1860","Taylor, John L. (John Lampkin), 1805-1870","Sparks, Jared, 1789-1866","Washington, Bushrod C. (Bushrod Corbin), 1839-1919","Tyler, Nathaniel, 1828-1917"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections at The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"persname_ssim":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865","Washington, George Corbin, 1789-1854","Lewis, Lawrence, 1767-1839","Lewis, Eleanor Parke Custis, 1779-1852","Davis, Henry Winter, 1817-1865","Bassett, George Washington, 1800-1878","Johnson, Joseph, 1785-1877","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Custis, George Washington Parke, 1781-1857","McKenzie, Lewis, 1810-1895","Cunningham, Louisa Bird, 1794-1873","Washington, Eleanor Love Selden, 1824-1860","Taylor, John L. (John Lampkin), 1805-1870","Sparks, Jared, 1789-1866","Washington, Bushrod C. (Bushrod Corbin), 1839-1919","Tyler, Nathaniel, 1828-1917"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":251,"online_item_count_is":12,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-21T05:55:09.076Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","ead_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","_root_":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","_nest_parent_":"vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/MV/repositories_3_resources_65.xml","title_ssm":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"title_tesim":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1834-1957"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1834-1957"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["RM.848","/repositories/3/resources/65"],"text":["RM.848","/repositories/3/resources/65","John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection","This collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes.","The collection is arranged chronologically with undated material listed at the beginning in alphabetical order by folder title. Addenda, photocopies, and bound volumes are described at the end of the collection.","(Taken from the Digital Encyclopedia entry by Matthew Costello, George Washington's Mount Vernon website)","John Augustine Washington III was the great-grand nephew of George Washington and the last private owner of Mount Vernon. The fourth of five children, he was born on May 3, 1821 to John Augustine Washington II and Jane Charlotte Blackburn Washington. John Augustine spent his young childhood at his parents' Blakeley plantation near present day Charles Town, West Virginia, but after the deaths of Bushrod Washington and his wife Julia in 1829, the Mount Vernon estate became the possession of Bushrod's nephew, John Augustine Washington II. As the son of a wealthy Virginia planter, John Augustine enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle at Mount Vernon, developing interests in politics, hunting, and agriculture. After John Augustine Washington II passed away in June 1832, the estate was left to his widow Jane Charlotte, who vowed to maintain the estate to the best of her ability without involving her children's inheritances. While John Augustine Washington III preferred his more aristocratic pastimes, Jane insisted that he attend college after his father's death. He graduated from the University of Virginia in 1840, returning to Mount Vernon in September 1841 with a proposition to manage the estate for his mother. She agreed, loaning him twenty-two slaves and contracting his employment for five hundred dollars per year for seven years.","As the oldest living male heir, John Augustine Washington III positioned himself to take possession of Mount Vernon from his mother. While she did not pass away until 1855, she gave John Augustine the proverbial keys to the kingdom, granting him full autonomy to run the plantation as he saw fit. However, John Augustine quickly realized that the deteriorating Mount Vernon estate was a far cry from the profitable plantation that his great-great uncle George Washington once presided over. His primary means of income came from wheat and potato production, woodcutting, selling slaves and outsourcing slave labor, collecting land rents, and his herring operation on the Potomac River. However, soil degradation, poor harvests, temperamental weather, and the devastation of crops by insects and pests limited his agricultural returns. While he managed to slow Mount Vernon's financial decline, these endeavors were not enough to stop the downward spiral. In addition to facing these hardships, John Augustine also experienced constant interruptions by sightseers, many of whom wanted the meet the living descendent of General George Washington, see the Mansion, and ask questions about Washington's life. ","These visitors were considered a nuisance to John Augustine's family, and their presence slowed plantation work for slaves, overseers, and hired farm laborers. Initially John Augustine followed the precedential policies of his mother, father, and uncle Bushrod, publishing trespassing notices around the property, requesting letters of introduction to enter the Mansion, and denying the landing of steamboats on the Potomac River. But with his lands yielding such little profit, John Augustine decided to embrace this historical tourism, implementing business strategies to extract money from the thousands of visitors who journeyed to the home of George Washington. In order to bring more people to the estate, he entered into a contract with the proprietors of the Thomas Collyer to permit their steamboat to dock directly at Mount Vernon. He also promoted and invested in the construction of the Alexandria, Mount Vernon, and Accotink Turnpike Road, which was designed to make travel easier to Mount Vernon over land. As more visitors descended upon the grounds, he instructed slaves and laborers to sell bouquets of flowers, fruit, milk, and hand-carved canes to tourists. Beyond the property boundaries, he went into business with James Crutchett, who purchased timber from the estate and manufactured wooden Washington trinkets near the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad depot in the nation's capital. While John Augustine Washington capitalized on the American fascination with George Washington, these sales were not substantial enough to convince him to retain Mount Vernon. He attempted to sell the property to both the federal government and the state of Virginia, but both bodies were deeply mired in sectional and political partisanship. Convinced that neither would meet his terms, he agreed to sell 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate, which included the Mansion, outlying buildings, and the family tomb to the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) in 1858 for $200,000. ","John Augustine and his family vacated Mount Vernon for their new home Waveland plantation in February 1860. About a year later the state of Virginia called for a convention to debate the issue of secession, and in April 1861, Virginia delegates responded to the firing on Fort Sumter by voting in favor of leaving the Union. John Augustine joined the Confederate Army as a lieutenant colonel, and he served as aide-de-camp to his relative by marriage, General Robert E. Lee. In September 1861, John Augustine was killed during a reconnaissance mission at the Battle of Cheat Mountain by a Union bushwhacker. In a letter to John's teenage daughter Louisa, Lee painfully informed her that her father \"fell in the cause to which he had devoted all his energies, and which his noble heart was earnestly enlisted.\" The two men had shared many conversations and moments together as tent mates, and Lee admired his unflinching \"devotion to Almighty God,\" assuring Louisa that \"He is now safely in Heaven.\" John Augustine was buried in the Zion Episcopal Churchyard in Charles Town, West Virginia, one of several Washington family members who fought and died for Southern independence. ","This diary may not actually be part of accession RM-848 as it is not mentioned in the initial inventory/correspondence. However, it was in the same box as the other diaries and the almanac when found on the shelf, therefore it was described with the collection.","Early Records of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Eleanor Love Selden Correspondence ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Descendants Papers ;\nHistoric Manuscripts Collection","This collection concerns the inheritance, maintenance, and sale of the Mount Vernon estate by its last private owner, John Augustine Washington III. A large majority of the collection is correspondence to or from John Augustine Washington III with a significant portion relating to the purchase of the estate by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association. Three diaries kept by John Augustine are also included and contain important information about his slaves, agricultural practices, and finances. Other types of material in the collection include legal documents, receipts, photographs, and ephemera. Photocopies were made for most of the manuscripts and can be viewed as surrogates to the originals. ","Descendants of John Augustine Washington III maintained ownership of these records until 1990 when they were sold to Gary Hendershott, a manuscripts dealer from Little Rock, Arkansas. The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association purchased the collection in October 1990.","Lists signatures and states that all members of Congress would sign if requested.","States they are now the \"best of friends.\" She is angry at people who denigrate his motives. Wants to make known his true nature.","Mrs. Ritchie requests he arrive at the theatre a little after 12:00 so all guests may be seated prior to the rise of the curtain.","She had sent her present of flowers to Mrs. Madison, and they were \"greatfully\" received.","His mother wants help valuing her sheep. Describes one offer for Mount Vernon with great disdain. They want to have entertainments there. He has great respect for \"your manly pride.\"","Apologizes for having intruded too much on his privacy during a recent visit when Mrs. Ritchie and others of the ladies \"took forcible possession of me\" and requested cuttings of flowers. Hopes he will establish a Botanic Garden and suggests a location for a Mausoleum.","Describes her return from Mount Vernon in much rain. Discusses crops. Gives instructions for sending things to her. Asks report of conversation that was \"highly derogatory to me.\" Feels items should be sold to visitors so they will not pilfer mementos.","Urges sale of Mount Vernon to Virginia rather than to a private sale.","Resolution wants to change the site of the Military Asylum to Mount Vernon if a part of the estate can be purchased at a reasonable price.","Introduces some friends who wish to visit Mount Vernon.","Gives family news and an account of a visit by a gentleman who spent the night at Mount Vernon and gave $5 to West Ford. Discusses sale of a slave to his cousin. Has heard of a bill by the federal government to purchase Mount Vernon and wishes it would be accepted. Mentions prices and terms.","Is sending oats and other items to Mount Vernon. Urges him to pursue his studies. Wishes him to send some oysters and sugar.","Sends funds for completing the vault at Mount Vernon and authorizes him to take more money from his bank if necessary.","Thanks him for the many civilities experienced by them during their visit to Mount Vernon. Sends a piece of a branch of a fig tree cut from the birth spot of \"your immortal ancestor.\"","Is against his plans for Mount Vernon and opening it to \"every low idler.\" Discusses payments and what form they would take.","Brief note of regards, translated by J. Perkins.","Heard about people being charged to enter the garden. Wishes he would stop this.","Wants to know price and terms of sale of Mount Vernon. If not for sale, could it be leased. (Contains typed transcript.)","Was glad to hear that Mount Vernon was not for sale as it should remain in the hands of the Washington family. Wishes to \"establish a house of entertainment in the vicinity of Mount Vernon.\" Asks questions as to materials and location of such. (Contains typed transcript.)","Is in the market to purchase negroes as one of his men, Alfred, has run off. Wants to know whether she still wishes to dispose of her negroes and what her price would be. He could pay $500 cash and then pay off the principal in a year or two.","Lists names of executors and legatees and their shares and values.","Tells him of an upcoming visit to Washington and Mount Vernon by a \"highly respectable volunteer corps.\" They wish to arrive by boat and see the tomb of Washington. He understands permission to do so is necessary.","Is worried his health is suffering by his labors at Mount Vernon. Hopes he will accept any reasonable offer by the U.S. Government for it. Went into town to have magistrates witness her acknowledgment of the deed of release. Discusses a suit brought by Judge Douglass and the health of various family members.","Doubts whether an offer will be made by the U.S. Government. Hopes it would as she feels his health is suffering from attending to business at Mount Vernon. Recommends someone to help him acquire an overseer. Was paid money for him. Discusses the failing health of Dr. Alexander's mother and others.","Is horrified to learn of auction of Wood Lawn. Proposes to run a steamboat between Washington to Wood Lawn, Fort Washington, Mount Vernon, and the White House. Gives references. Pledges to bring members of Congress there and feels it would enhance the chances of the purchase of Mount Vernon by the government. Suggests it could be used as a summer home for the President. Discusses various items left by Washington and the soon to be completed Chesapeake \u0026 Ohio Canal. (contains typed transcript)","Tells him of a letter he received from an unknown man who wants to obtain a tree from Mount Vernon to transplant in France to shade the bench of Christopher Columbus which he possesses.","Recommends leaving it to Congress to propose a price for the purchase of Mount Vernon. She feels he wants too much for it, and that it really should not be sold. Gives family news. Gives advice on his search for an overseer.","First letter discusses the Supreme Court taking on the suit of Mr. Hammond against General Washington. Bassett says he discharged all debts owed by Captain Lewis. There is another copy of the names of executors and legatees and their shares and values. Discussions of various debts owed to different people.","Discusses various suits, mostly Hammonds, against the estate and their current status. Many people have died since 1827 when they were last listed. Will take a long time to find people.","Discussion of the Hammond suit and payments still owed to various creditors, to be paid by all the legatees of General Washington's estate. Most dollar figures are left blank to be filled in later. Prompt payment by all legatees is required.","Discusses his father's will and his lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of various other people mentioned in JAW's letter.","Answering his inquiries as to various relatives. Suggests he write to the clerk of Kanawha County for the information he requires. Suggests he contact Andrew Parks who probably has all the facts.","Discusses sale of swamp land. He paid the taxes on it for the Washington heirs. The land is not worth much since the timber had been taken from it by many people over the years. Would like to be reimbursed for the money he paid.","He wishes to meet with him in the middle of November, at which time they can conclude their business.","Discusses the bill in Congress to purchase Mount Vernon. Wants assets divided up between her children so all are taken care of. Tells of Charles' upcoming marriage before he leaves for California.","Discusses the codicil of his father's will. Mrs. Washington is not compelled to sell. Upon her death, the heirs may sell despite the codicil. Suggests Mrs. Washington partition the land before her death in order that JAW may do \"what you please with the land.\"","Invites him to the wedding of his oldest daughter the next week.","Has been in Charlestown attending services for the week. Is amazed at the prospect of $200,000 being paid for Mount Vernon by the government. Wants him to send fish and to pickle some \"Rock.\"","(Typed transcription included) George Page and a surveyor from Maryland wanted to survey land in the Potomac River adjacent to Mount Vernon with the object of bringing steamboats there. Was notified he would be charged with some offense by Maryland. Makes him aware that the compact between the states means they have no claim on him.","First letter – wants to know if Mount Vernon Estate will be sold. Second letter – understands the government might become the owner of the estate and wants to meet.","Wants him to petition the Court to finally settle the estate of General Washington.","First letter – wants to examine Mount Vernon with a view to the establishment of a military asylum for the relief of soldiers. Second letter – tells him the price for Mount Vernon is too high, and purchase of a location nearer Washington will be undertaken.","An account by a boat company of receipts over the past year.","Discusses the landing of boats at Mount Vernon without JAW's previous knowledge. Wants them to be allowed to dock if they pay the usual fare to him.","Acknowledges payment for the pianoforte. Wants four walking sticks cut from near General Washington's tomb to be sent to monks in Italy.","Agreement to sell 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000. Includes all buildings and the tomb, as well as furnishings currently there. Also will allow heirs to be buried there. He may not sell the estate without first offering it to the U.S. Government and the State of Virginia for no more than $350,000.","Has been unable to contact other parties to the contract. Hopes to be able to do so soon.","A committee of the House of Delegates has been appointed to consider the purchase of Mount Vernon. Wants to meet him in Alexandria to discuss this.","Encloses a newspaper clipping about the acquisition of Mount Vernon by the State of Virginia. Tells him the committee of five will look into the will of the people as to this acquisition.","Addressed only to \"Mrs. Washington.\" Unclear whether it is addressed to Mrs. Jane C.B. Washington or Mrs. Eleanor L.S. Washington. (Typed transcription included) Has heard that Mount Vernon is for sale, possibly to northern people. Feels the Ladies of the South might instead procure it and wants to know the price.","Does not wish to part with Mount Vernon but wishes to keep it from the changeable fortunes of a family and to ally it to the State. Would sell 200 acres with stipulations for $200,000. If the State wants to establish a model farm there, he would sell an additional 1,000 acres for $300,000. Invites them to visit.","Discusses his offer to sell Mount Vernon to the state. Says $200,000 is less than the property could sell for on the market. Talks about having a model farm as nothing meant more to Washington than farming. Would welcome them to visit. Reminds them that his terms cannot be materially modified.","(Typed transcription included) Says he is asking less money of the state than he had been offered by others. Tells them of his desire for a model farm as the pursuit of an improved system of agriculture was of great importance to General Washington. Would welcome a visit from them.","Wants to clear up suggestions that he is falsely referring to higher offers for Mount Vernon.","The Committee feels the price for Mount Vernon \"is enormous.\" Would prefer the money to be used for a rail road.","Draft in writing of John Augustine Washington III. Addressed to \"Miss Cunningham\" but could also be a response to Louisa Cunningham's letter instead of Ann Pamela Cunningham. Praises the women of the south for their affection for Washington. Does not wish to dispose of the property except to the government of the United States or Virginia and so declines the proposition from the \"Ladies of the South.\"","Draft thought to be in the writing of Jane C.B. Washington. Identical text to previous letter (draft in the hand of John Augustine Washington III).","Encloses a power of attorney and some other letters. Has agreed to reduction of $50,000 on 1000 acres. Will accept nothing less than $200,000 for the 200 acres. Agrees to pay him 5% of what he gets from either government agency, provided it occurs in the current session.","The state might be willing to pay $50,000 per year for four years for Mount Vernon but not the total of $200,000 at once. Wonders what is happening with the federal government. \"Things are coming to a head rapidly.\"","As long as negotiations with Virginia remain open, it would not be proper for him to entertain any proposals from other parties for the purchase of Mount Vernon. Might be interested in the future in making an offer.","Feels priority should be given to Congress to purchase Mount Vernon, and therefore Virginia is holding off on more committee meetings. Wants him to be there for future committee meetings.","Urges him to meet with Arthur Taylor as his representative in the proposed sale of Mount Vernon. Requests that he not send papers to Col. Bissell before meeting with him.","Has the papers from Mr. Washington and wants to meet with him to discuss the sale of Mount Vernon to the U.S. Government.","Assures him that he has not given the letters from him to Mr. Bissell and has requested Mr. Taylor to come see him.","Encloses the previous letter and hopes they will be able to meet soon. Feels it best to not commit to any course with the U.S. until a definite answer comes from the Virginia Legislature.","Invites him to come to his lodgings at any time at 9 a.m.","Is unable to return to his \"hospitable roof\" at this time. Values the time she was there and having been \"entrusted with the training of such bright intelligences.\"","Reports on his share of earnings from \"Washington's Writings.\" Many copies of the book were destroyed in a fire, but the stereotype and engraved plates were in a fire proof vault.","Feels it is very important for him to communicate with the federal government and is willing to help in any way.","Mr. Taylor shared his letter proposing to bring the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon again before Congress. His terms are already known to him – the same as those agreed to for the State of Virginia.","Wants to bring up the purchase of Mount Vernon in Congress but wants to know just what terms he agreed to with Virginia. Wants the Northern States to purchase it.","Gives terms of sale, including that family members still living may also be buried there. Additional property to total 1000 acres may be purchased for $300,000, for a model farm as suggested by Gen. Washington. Tells him the state of Virginia had proposed the sale for less than he wanted which he refused.","Encloses a copy of the bill reported to the House of Delegates Committee for the purchase of Mount Vernon. He told them it would not meet with JAW's approval. Urges him to move quickly on the Turnpike matter for this session.","Is very desirous of having the State of Virginia take possession of Mount Vernon and \"have the sole control and ownership forever.\" Wants to know what terms he proposes.","Gives him the terms of sale. The Washington family shall be permitted to be buried on the site, and no remains shall ever be disturbed. The price shall be $200,000, with an additional 800 acres available for $100,000 more","Will not accede to propositions of the steamboat company. Will be busy for a few weeks but wants to see a copy of the agreement currently in effect.","Tells him of Mrs. Mason presenting \"a remonstrance against your turnpike.\" Wants access to $250 at Farmers Bank in Alexandria.","Discusses payments based on sales of \"Washington's Writings.\" Tells percentages paid to various legatees.","Discusses quarrelling and squabbling among the ladies purchasing Mount Vernon. Is concerned about security around the remains of George Washington.","Wants him to send a letter to him so he may correct disparaging remarks made about his impending sale of Mount Vernon.","Is writing to her as requested by JAW. Describes a woman mourning her deceased eight-year-old son. Includes a poem about grief and moving on after death of a child.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Mr. Mason very much wants to meet him and getting a letter from JAW that would announce the news of their \"progress.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for the kindness of him and Mrs. Washington on her recent visit to Mount Vernon. Urges him to send a letter to be published about the sale of Mount Vernon before the news is released by someone else.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Assures her he does not care what others say about him and remains hopeful of selling Mount Vernon to the State of Virginia.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Explains the absence of Mr. Toombs when JAW came to see him. Tells him why she is now dealing with Mr. Toombs rather than Mr. Mason.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes to meet him in Washington City as she will be there for a few days during her travel south. Wants a thorough understanding of his wishes and intentions before meeting with the governor of Virginia.","Wants him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter in the National Intelligencer and put the estate under the care of the State of Virginia. (This is a copy of a letter written by Anna's husband.) Second letter, dated March 5, 1857 on same paper: Refers to letter copied out by her. Is certain a sufficient sum will have been raised by February 22 to enable Virginia to purchase Mount Vernon.","Urges him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter to the National Intelligencer and consent to place the estate once more at the disposal of Virginia which has an arrangement with the \"Ladies' Mount Vernon Association of the Union.\"","His musical association played a concert on behalf of the \"Ladies Mt. Vernon Association\" at which $100 was raised. The musical group would benefit greatly from receiving this money back if Mr. Washington has no plans to sell to the Ladies Association.","Would love to spend time at Mount Vernon, but his schedule will not allow at this time. His book will be published during the winter and spring, but he doesn't feel a visit would add anything.","He remains willing to place Mount Vernon in the hands of the State of Virginia, under his terms which the state has not seemed to want to meet. The proposal to have Mount Vernon by under the Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union is unacceptable to him. Doubts they could maintain the estate in perpetuity. It would then be taken over by the state.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Identical to previous letter.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Responding to his letter to Mr. Ritchie. Urges him to put out that the Ladies are to raise $200,000 on behalf of the State of Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not wish to publish parts of letters. Feels \"nothing but silent contempt can put them at rest.\"","(W.L. Underwood – most likely Warner Lewis Underwood, Kentucky Senator) Tells JAW that if his current negotiations for Mount Vernon should fall through that his organization would be pleased to enter into further discussions.","Again says he wishes Mount Vernon to go to the State of Virginia, to be decided upon by the current session of the General Assembly.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to know who told her that he was \"willing… for a pecuniary consideration to break engagements and promises.\"","The Masonic Brotherhood is interested in purchasing Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the tour the previous day. Apologizes for the bad behavior of one member and hopes that will not prejudice him against the Fraternity.","(Typed transcription enclosed) She met with the governor who told her the \"Extra Session\" of the Legislature was for the \"presidential contest,\" so the Legislature will not be meeting again until the next winter. Realizes this delay is not pleasing to him.","Inquires whether any action has been taken by the Legislature or is likely to be.","Tells him no action has yet been taken by the Legislature but feels sure it will be taken up after the Christmas recess, after which the ladies will be enabled to purchase Mount Vernon and have its title transferred to Virginia.","Discusses various prices for Mount Vernon and quotes JAW as vehemently denying that he wanted the remains of General Washington moved. He wishes the estate to be the property of the United States and all the people.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him she has been very ill but is sure that the Legislature will act.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Tells him Gov. Wise is \"inimical to our 'cause'\" which is the reason the Legislature has not taken up the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon.\" Talks of the financial crisis which is being felt by \"we victimized cotton planters.\" Tells him of the impending sale of copies of a portrait of Washington.","(Typed transcription enclosed) She writes of her illness and lack of strength. The Constitution of the Association was signed by the governor. Tells him various Masonic orders have decided to become allies of the Association. Hopes to have the contract signed between Virginia and him on the 22nd of February.","Invites recipient to the elevation of the Statue of Washington on February 22 in Richmond.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Is looking forward to the inauguration of the Washington statue. Wants him to vow that the Ladies of the Association are the \"very best friends you have in the world.\" Tells him that Gov. Wise is no friend to him or to her and this cause.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Has a document that states Virginia will purchase Mount Vernon from him and encloses a copy of the bill. Is sure the governor will act strongly to defeat this. Wants him to attend the address by Mr. Everett a few days before the 22nd of February. Tells him how lucky he is to get $200,000 in \"these awful times.\"","Gives price of sale of $200,000 for 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate and pledges the MVLA to guarantee to not disturb any remains currently there and to allow descendants of JAW to also be interred there.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Praises him for agreeing that Mount Vernon is to be a public shrine and to limit interments there. Gen. Chapman included that in the third reading of the bill. Discusses the building of a new mausoleum for Washington which would not go against his will. Talks of her illness.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the disposition of family remains, as well as those of General Washington, are his biggest concerns in the sale.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes he is happy about the bill as read in the Legislature. Tells him it is she and not the Committee who wants to arrange for a magnificent mausoleum. Closes by saying she is too exhausted to \"even give a hint of the nature of woman's revenge should you not be in a state of delight over our bill!!!\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Remains adamant as to a future mausoleum as Washington stated where he wished his remains to be. Cannot travel to Richmond at present due to the illness of Mrs. Washington.","(Agreement ends with reference to the 10th of February) Deals with payment of $6,000 to heirs of W.F. Alexander and Anna Alexander as a share of Mount Vernon. Expressly says none of these heirs have any claim to the proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon, other than the $6,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that though Gov. Wise is no friend to the Mount Vernon cause, he did not intend to put his remarks under the head of Lunatic Asylum. It was a complete accident.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses another article by Mr. Pryor who is \"using his art to arouse the fear, \u0026 cupidity of the timid \u0026 narrow minded of this Legislature.\" Asks him about his previous offer from a company to purchase the estate, and that he wanted to wait for Congress to act.","(Typed transcription enclosed) States that his price for Mount Vernon has always been $200,000, since he gained control of it in 1849. Asks whether he ever made an offer for Mount Vernon for $100,000. If so, under whose authority was it made?","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to confirm with him that his offer to sell Mount Vernon as a site for the Military Asylum in 1851 was for $200,000 and not $100,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of a contract with a gentleman to sell him 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000 with the condition that the property should be offered to the U.S. and to Virginia. If neither purchased it, he should take the property. He then offered $50,000 to release him from that obligation, but JAW refused. Says he never has offered it for sale in public or private.","Says he was authorized by JAW to offer Mount Vernon for a Military Asylum for $100,000. Will search for papers to confirm this.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Advises that on March 25, 1851, he made an offer to sell about 150 acres of the Mount Vernon estate for $200,000 for an Army Asylum or some other government purpose.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Thanks him for sending a copy of the correspondence of Gen. Scott. Miss C. is intensely engaged in getting past Mr. Pryor's malicious misrepresentation of the Bill. If he can defeat us, he will.","Reiterates that Alexander and his heirs have no claim to any proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon beyond the agreed upon $6,000 and requests him to add a paragraph to that effect to the agreement they will both sign.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her in Richmond, despite his recent fall. Refers to the animosity of Mr. Pryor toward the bill. Wishes there could be an Extra Session for it to pass.","Again states his disagreement with Mr. McKenzie's assertion of his having offered $100,000 for Mount Vernon. No one else knew of such an offer. Gen. Scott agrees with JAW in his recollections. Tells her of a recent fall from a horse which will prevent his visit to Richmond on the 22nd.","Urges him and his family to attend the inauguration of the equestrian statue of Washington on the Capital Square in Richmond. Says he would be pleased to host them at their home near the city.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is uncertain whether he will be able to travel to Richmond and wants her to update him on matters related to the Bill as \"I have not in any manner approached\" any of his friends or acquaintances on the subject. It is important for her to convince members that the association only needs the name of the State which will not be called upon to pay any of the money for the purchase.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham begs him to attend Mr. Everett's oration and hopes to speak to him on the Square tomorrow.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Continues to be unwell. Introduces him to Mr. A.H.H. Dawson of Georgia, \"an eccentric genius.\" He is devoted to the purposes of the Association and has delivered an address about it in 30 towns in Georgia. Urges him to come to Richmond to meet with members of the Legislature.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is sorry he was unable to call on her before leaving Richmond. Wants clarification about alterations Mr. Yancy thought necessary in the paper he left with her. He wants a decision by the Legislature, yes or no, soon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that the Legislature is \"in a row\" and will not pass any bills before an Extra Session. Wants him to bring a contract to her so they are prepared for any contingencies. Tells him of her illness of the lungs and her treatment.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Reiterates the importance of the sanctity of the family burying ground. Wants to have some alterations and additions of a substantial permanent character made to the present vault, with a durable enclosure around it. He is open to payment in stocks or cash for the estate. Says they should have an act of incorporation before signing a contract.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Gen. Chapman was drawing up an act of incorporation before the bill comes up. He said Virginia must not hold the tomb; the Association must hold it. She remains very ill. \"yrs in much suffering\"","Is preparing a pamphlet to defend JAW against detractors and wants copies of correspondence he had with Gen. Scott and others about possible purchase of Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The bill in Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon, to be refunded by the MVLA, was defeated in the House of Delegates. In addition Congress cannot purchase land in a sovereign state without its consent. Tells him it should be the property of the Nation and should be sold to the MVLA. \"With grateful women pledged to guard the sacred ashes of Washington and to adorn his home for a national shrine.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Says it has become obvious that neither Virginia nor the U.S. wish to purchase Mount Vernon. Therefore \"the women of the land will probably be the safest as they will certainly be the purest guardians of a national shrine.\" He waits for her to make a proposal to him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham requests that he answer the letter she gave him relating to the purchase of Mount Vernon and to return it to her. She will give him a copy.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is returning her letter to him as it seemed to be improperly dated and lacked her signature. When she remedies those defects, he will send an answer.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to meet with him on Saturday morning in Alexandria to sign the contract.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is very unhappy about delays put forth by Messrs. Macfarland \u0026 Myers. They felt there had to be an acceptance of the contract by all or a majority of the Vice Regents before it could be signed. They can do this by telegraph, permitting Mrs. Ritchie to act for them.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to come without delay. It was thought things would be delayed as Mrs. Walton's husband had died, but now Mr. McFarland advised them to send for him at once. Miss Cunningham is not good and needs to bring matters to a close \"ere it be too late.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her that afternoon or evening as Dr. Beale \"considers it necessary to apply a severe blister without delay.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Upon reflection she feels the letter she sent him for publication is not to be published. She does not wish to \"make enemies even in a State which has given me so little cause to respect it.\" Mrs. Ritchie will work on a better worded one which she will send to him.","He deposited money to his credit for the contract and wants to know if this was correct. Tells him the pony he was inquiring about is not for sale. Also felt much concern about the accounts of the fisheries. Looks forward to a visit with him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the plat of the 200 acres of land he agreed to sell to the MVLA. Wants him to sign it and return it.","(Typed transcription enclosed) About the plat, he is having the land resurveyed and \"have the necessary corners stones set.\" He will send it back with a signature after that. Also encloses her letter of March 12 and wants a copy of her letter as published with her signature.","Wants to know if George Thorburn may visit Mount Vernon in the 28th of May to inspect the grounds in regards to the improvements to be made. He is \"no doubt the first horticulturist in America\" and a plain, unpolished person. It would be good for JAW's surveyor to meet with Mr. Thorburn to go over the grounds.","He is \"exceedingly provoked\" at the newspaper coverage in connection with the sale of Mount Vernon. As a college friend he felt he had to contact an editor and correct the information. He hopes he did not make the situation worse.","Again requests he host the \"celebrated florist\" at Mount Vernon to look over the grounds before they come to Mount Vernon on the 29th for a few hours.","Agrees to have Mr. Thorburn come and meet with surveyors. Asks if Mr. Thorburn could be appointed the Agent of the Association in drawing up with the surveyors the lines of the 200 acres. He will \"grant any reasonable request of the Association.\" Hopes to see Mr. Ritchie and her while he yet resides at Mount Vernon.","The first attests to receipt of interest on the $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington. \tThe second is for $2,000 as part of the $6,000 owed.","Urges him to reduce the price of Mount Vernon to $150,000 so as to better fund all the expenses associated with its ownership by the MVLA. Tells him to buy land in \"some of the new states\" with that money.","Wants to know what stocks or bonds would be acceptable as part of the purchase price. Gives the current rate of Virginia stock.","Acknowledges his decline to the proposition.","Replying to a previous letter. Cannot answer the questions of Miss Lewis as he does not remember where Col. Fielding Lewis died. Her wishes are an illusion. Wonders if some land in Kentucky is what she is dreaming of. Hopes the Ladies will be able to preserve Mount Vernon after they complete the purchase.","As a new Mason, wants to know if he will amend the contract to state that the property will revert to the United States or the Masonic Fraternity in the event of a dissolution of the MVLA and not to the state of Virginia.","Writes to her cousin about an article in the paper that morning that was a \"vile abolition libel on you.\" Wants to assure her lady friends that it is untrue.","Is involved in illustrating an article about Mount Vernon as it is of interest to the American people. Wants to visit to sketch objects that have not been drawn. The MVLA is in favor of such an article to assist with their fund raising.","Is amazed at the scurrilous attacks made on him by Northern Papers which are calculated to embarrass the Mount Vernon Association.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for his letter about the calumnies in some Northern newspapers but has no desire to enter into a controversy with the papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants him to tell her of his agreement with Mr. Crutchett of Mount Vernon Cane Factory who was given permission to come and cut trees on the estate. Asks what value he puts on the remainder of the estate contiguous to the 200 acres.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Gives details of his contract with Mr. Crutchett which expired in February 1856. He was permitted to take more trees before January 1857. He has no right to \"come upon the property I have sold the Association to cut timber.\" Has not put a price on the remainder of Mount Vernon.","Thanks him for the hospitality given to him and his sister on their visit to Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham was happy to hear his account of the transactions with Mr. Crutchett. Wants him to come to Philadelphia to confer upon private matters of great importance to the Association and himself. She is equally interested in the final settlement of the boundary lines.","First letter (incomplete) congratulates him on the sale of Mount Vernon. Requests return of portrait of his mother. Second letter thanks him for agreeing to return the portrait. He and his family would very much like to visit Mount Vernon again before it becomes public.","Hopes he can come to Washington to meet with him. Wants Mr. Washington to stay with him to \"pay off the debt of visiting you at Mt. Vernon.\" Miss Cunningham is making arrangements to pay the first bond with interest in December.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Looks forward to making payment of the first installment. Mr. Riggs will pay sums of $5,000 as soon as it is raised. Hopes to be able to pay the remainder of 2d installment on 1st of January 1859. Begs him to keep these matters as a \"profound secret.\"","Miss Cunningham wants to make the first payment on December 14, the anniversary of Washington's death.","Tells him of payment to Burke \u0026 Herbert of $10,000 on that day.","Tells him the box containing the chairs has not yet arrived. He wants to be allowed to pay for the repairs necessary to the chairs. Invites him and his family to visit him in Richmond before they go farther away from it.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to make the first payment on the 1st, but this is a holiday. Urges him not to risk sending the plat executed by Washington himself but to have it be lithographed. Wants to clear up the boundaries. Tells him to keep the discussion of the sale of additional land private.","Wants to gather branches from the estate in order to make canes to sell to aid in the purchase of Mount Vernon.","Their project would require the consent of the Regent of the MVLA.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Confidential) Miss Cunningham is too ill to reply to his last letter. Lets him know his presence might be required on the 22nd but all arrangements must be kept private. The upcoming payment will be about $14,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to accept the money already paid to him (for the \"selling your relations bones.\") He already received more money than the estate was worth. Note on the letter states he ensured his control over the remains in \"such a way that they can never be sold by any one.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not want to go to Philadelphia unless it is absolutely necessary. He recently heard that Mrs. Esther M. Lewis (widow of Lorenzo Lewis) wants to present the harpsichord that was given to Nelly to the MVLA.","Thanks him for copy of the inscription on a bust. He realized he had not copied the pencil sketch of the Destruction of the Bastille. Would JAW please have a photograph of it sent to him for an upcoming book on the history of Mount Vernon. Will send a copy of the book to him in September when it is published.","Acknowledges receipt of $1,000 which completes the payment of $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington.","The Regent wants JAW to not allow any more sketches to be made of Mount Vernon or the grounds without her consent. Attached is a copy of an advertisement for sale of a portrait of Washington. The Mount Vernon Record gives an account of fund raising to date. Mr. Everett thanks Devereux for sending him a copy of the Farewell Address.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Requests her to send him definite instructions to enable him to prohibit people from making sketches of Mount Vernon.","Tells them he has written to the Regent requesting her instructions about the matter they raised with him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent now feels that it would \"not be practicable for you to refuse privileges hitherto granted\" in the matter of sketches. There is also a newspaper clipping with letters from JAW and the Regent about the sale of Mount Vernon.","They wrote to him on the 14th as the Regent was prostrated. Requests any material he might have about the area in England where Washington's ancestor came from.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of terms under which they ran their steamboat to Mount Vernon. They paid him money with the understanding that he would make repairs to the wharf and footway, under the agreement, but he did not. He ordered his captain to have it done and will retain that money.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses a copy of the previous letter and asks him to advise her as to her response to Mr. Bryan.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham much enjoyed his previous letter and its humor. Hopes he will waive the requisition of 10 days notice before receiving payments. Can give him at least 30 days notice before requiring possession, and hopefully 60 days. She has \"been very much of an invalid for many weeks.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come to Philadelphia around the 10th or 12th so they may consult in regard to the future. They can have the boundary line settled and put many business affairs in order. Miss Cunningham intends to make a payment on the last installment as soon \"as you will receive it.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) He will travel to Philadelphia and meet with her on Wednesday. Will give directions to Messrs. Burke \u0026 Herbert for the last installment.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham wants him to arrive on Thursday and then accompany her to hear Mr. Everett in the evening. She and Mr. Everett would then meet with him on Friday.","(Typed transcription enclosed) He agrees to come to Philadelphia on Thursday and meet as she suggests.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent wants him to \"have the kindness not to speak of the particulars of your interview with her.\" She also requests him to confer with Mr. Herbert, after which Mr. Herbert should meet with Mr. Riggs and let her know the arrangements he would be willing to make. \"This matter she particularly desires should be confidential.\"","Wants him to send him the photographs of the Picture of the Bastille and let him know what he owes for this service. Thanks him for his kindness in all this matter.","Again asks for the photograph of the Bastille picture as his book is finished, and he is only waiting for that.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham regrets that he and Mr. Riggs were unable to meet at Mount Vernon to discuss all it is possible to do without annoyance to the family. Would like to commence work on the outbuildings near the garden and to rebuild the roof and pillars of the piazza. Also wants to do work around the Tomb.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Apologizes for delay in responding to his recent letter, but the news of Captain Cunningham's decease has made it impossible for Miss Cunningham to \"think of even the most pressing business.\"","Thanks him for sending the photograph and encloses $5. Apologizes for keeping three documents for so long. Wants to return the documents and send him a copy of the book in September. Asks whether he may keep the Pohick elevation as it is in Washington's hand.","Details work done on various dresses.","Is sorry to hear that JAW will be leaving Mount Vernon before Hubard can get there to visit. Wants to know whether Mr. Mills does possess the moulds made by Houdon. Wants to see a cast made from the mould as he is convinced it is a fraud.","Cannot say whether the Richmond statue is accurate but to him the head looks identical to the Mount Vernon bust. Has never heard of the moulds being left at Mount Vernon and does not believe Mr. Mills would have removed anything without his permission.","Wants to clarify his original assertion that he feels Houdon did not use the moulds made from Washington's face as he asserts they are very different from the head of Houdon. Also wants to know whether the table on which Washington lay when the moulds were made is still at Mount Vernon.","Thanks him for sending money from the steamboat company for the MVLA.","Will be writing an article for Encyclopedia Britannica and is \"desirous of stating the facts relative to the emancipation of the Genl's slaves.\" Also wants to know whether Mrs. Washington left a will and whether she freed her slaves in it.","Wishes to obtain a copy of the inventory of General Washington's estate.","Makes assertion that General Washington was sued and judgment rendered against him. Also some northern papers are speculating that he lost his money and had mortgaged the Mount Vernon estate for $400,000. Encloses a copy of the certificate of the appraiser as entered in 1810.","Is returning the papers lent to him and sending a copy of his book on Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the use of the papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Reminds her that his request for her lawyer to sift through an abstract of his title to Mount Vernon has not been complied with. This would answer questions raised by anonymous persons which have \"caused you some uneasiness.\"","Miss Cunningham wants to conclusively prove the falsehood of assertions of the invalidity of his title to the estate. The Clerk of Fairfax County will attest to the truth but wants to see his father's will and evidence of the payment of $6,000 charged to the estate. Looks forward to putting to rest this falsehood.","Is still waiting for the certificate from the Clerk of Fairfax County. That will give the \"lie to any slander of title.\" Is unable to visit due to his duties in the Legislature.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham thanks him for sending the package of papers and hopes to be able to write herself in a few days about other matters.","Thanks him for sending the papers. Does not appear from them that \"Mrs. Washington emancipated the dower negroes.\" Requests more information on that point.","Sees that Miss Cunningham has published an abstract of title furnished her by the Clerk of Fairfax Court, so imagines she will not require further information. Will soon return the other papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Has forwarded to her a package of papers which he recovered, apparently detailing the kinds and locations of trees planted at Mount Vernon.","Tells her his lack of response to her letter is due to being away most of the month and having visits from friends, possibly for the last time at Mount Vernon. Pointed out the lines of the old vistas marked by ancient trees. The insurance policies he had were on the house only, not the outbuildings. Recommends she make a new road. Also recommends repairing the wharf.","Sends a newspaper copy of an advertisement she placed wishing to obtain a copy of the photograph taken the previous August at the tomb of Washington which included her daughter, now deceased. She would like to know if she could obtain a list of the attendees of that day so she might write and request this as it is the only photograph of her daughter.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the Association still must raise $140,000 to support the Estate which will require extraordinary effort on the part of the Association. Asks her to address visitors at Mount Vernon on the imperative nature of this.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to arrange a \"Grand Ceremonial in connection with the taking of the title\" in order to let people know fund raising is not complete after the purchase. Refers to political turmoil and the impending dissolution of the Union and all the difficulties this will cause. Plans to be at Mount Vernon for 10 days and wants to meet with him to finalize things.","He is fine with executing a deed for the sale of Mount Vernon to the Association and feels there would be no difficulty in the event of his death. He worries about Virginia's seceding from the Union that she might object to selling part of her soil to a corporation composed \"in part of unfriendly foreigners.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham is gratified that he concurs in her proposition and feels her decease would be the most serious difficulty to be apprehended. Wants to meet him at Mount Vernon to place the deed in escrow. Does not feel the possibilities for Virginia he suggested would form a significant barrier.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses an order to Mr. Riggs for steamboat receipts through December 31st. Would be happy to meet her at Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the order on Mr. Bryan for the steamboat receipts. Has been paying insurance which continues until June next and has deducted that from the receipts.","Acknowledges his letter but does not need receipts for premiums of insurance.","Reports that Mr. Herbert only wants to clear the lot of land offered him. Also Mr. Norris has rented out his farm. Turner is not sure where he moved to in Kentucky. Discusses acquisition of material to make shirts for servants.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Had not replied to his earlier letter due to excessive fatigue from her journey from Columbia. Hopes to use patriotic influence to get the \"Agent\" to remit or reduce his fee.","Tells him of a minister who will be in Alexandria and is looking for a vacant church where he could officiate.","Funeral was conducted at Waveland. There is a description of the body and the family. Invoked the Gospel. JAW began family prayers following the death of his wife. Description of his activities over the following days.","Asks Mrs. Howard for a biographical sketch of her father (John Augustine Washington III) for the National Cyclopedia of American Biography.","Two leaflets advertising the writings of Dr. Lyon G. Tyler.","Full title \"A Confederate catechism: The war of 1861-1865.\" Third edition, November 21, 1929. Series of 20 questions and answers about the war.","Wants to know whether the Ladies will discuss the purchase of the pictures and maps he has been offering. He will offer them elsewhere.","Photographic print, cabinet card of a drawing of the east view of the Mansion by unknown artist. Reverse side of card reads \"D.H. Naramore, Photographer, No. 321 King Street, Alexandria, VA.\"","Small engraving probably clipped from a publication. Unknown location or residence shown in image.","Hair clippings in envelope with note \"Hair of the late Lawrence Washington - 1856 - Found among articles bequested to MVLA by Miss Cunningham. Miss Comegys, Regent (1923) directs Supt. to send this to the widow of Mr. Lawrence W.\"","Small black and white photographic print showing the gravestone for Lt. Col. John Augustine Washington.","Black and white photographic print mounted on gray board. Shows Waveland residence with man, two women, and several children visible (unidentified).","Boston: Published by Charles Bowen. Front page signed \"Jane C. Washington, Mount Vernon, 1834.\"","Diary inscribed \"Account of all my recpts. \u0026 expenditures beginning with Sept. 16th, 1841, that being the date at which I came to Mount Vernon to reside.\" There are intermittent entries through November 1859. This is not as full a diary but includes lists of food, clothing, and china, table, and cookware.","Includes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details. Loose note at the front reads \"Extracts from the diary of my father\" with notes on this diary and previous ones.","Includes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details.","Photocopies of undated manuscripts from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1834-1838 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1841-1845 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1846-1849 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1851-1853 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1854-1855 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1856-1857 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (1 of 2)","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (2 of 2)","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1859 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1860-1861 from the collection.","Handwritten notes probably by a librarian or other Mount Vernon staff member including summaries of the letters within the collection.","Special Collections at The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865","Washington, George Corbin, 1789-1854","Lewis, Lawrence, 1767-1839","Lewis, Eleanor Parke Custis, 1779-1852","Davis, Henry Winter, 1817-1865","Bassett, George Washington, 1800-1878","Johnson, Joseph, 1785-1877","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Custis, George Washington Parke, 1781-1857","McKenzie, Lewis, 1810-1895","Cunningham, Louisa Bird, 1794-1873","Washington, Eleanor Love Selden, 1824-1860","Taylor, John L. (John Lampkin), 1805-1870","Sparks, Jared, 1789-1866","Washington, Bushrod C. (Bushrod Corbin), 1839-1919","Tyler, Nathaniel, 1828-1917","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["RM.848","/repositories/3/resources/65"],"normalized_title_ssm":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"collection_ssim":["John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) collection"],"repository_ssm":["The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"repository_ssim":["The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"creator_ssm":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865"],"creator_ssim":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865"],"creators_ssim":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865"],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"extent_ssm":["3 Linear Feet 7 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["3 Linear Feet 7 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged chronologically with undated material listed at the beginning in alphabetical order by folder title. Addenda, photocopies, and bound volumes are described at the end of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged chronologically with undated material listed at the beginning in alphabetical order by folder title. Addenda, photocopies, and bound volumes are described at the end of the collection."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e(Taken from the Digital Encyclopedia entry by Matthew Costello, George Washington's Mount Vernon website)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJohn Augustine Washington III was the great-grand nephew of George Washington and the last private owner of Mount Vernon. The fourth of five children, he was born on May 3, 1821 to John Augustine Washington II and Jane Charlotte Blackburn Washington. John Augustine spent his young childhood at his parents' Blakeley plantation near present day Charles Town, West Virginia, but after the deaths of Bushrod Washington and his wife Julia in 1829, the Mount Vernon estate became the possession of Bushrod's nephew, John Augustine Washington II. As the son of a wealthy Virginia planter, John Augustine enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle at Mount Vernon, developing interests in politics, hunting, and agriculture. After John Augustine Washington II passed away in June 1832, the estate was left to his widow Jane Charlotte, who vowed to maintain the estate to the best of her ability without involving her children's inheritances. While John Augustine Washington III preferred his more aristocratic pastimes, Jane insisted that he attend college after his father's death. He graduated from the University of Virginia in 1840, returning to Mount Vernon in September 1841 with a proposition to manage the estate for his mother. She agreed, loaning him twenty-two slaves and contracting his employment for five hundred dollars per year for seven years.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAs the oldest living male heir, John Augustine Washington III positioned himself to take possession of Mount Vernon from his mother. While she did not pass away until 1855, she gave John Augustine the proverbial keys to the kingdom, granting him full autonomy to run the plantation as he saw fit. However, John Augustine quickly realized that the deteriorating Mount Vernon estate was a far cry from the profitable plantation that his great-great uncle George Washington once presided over. His primary means of income came from wheat and potato production, woodcutting, selling slaves and outsourcing slave labor, collecting land rents, and his herring operation on the Potomac River. However, soil degradation, poor harvests, temperamental weather, and the devastation of crops by insects and pests limited his agricultural returns. While he managed to slow Mount Vernon's financial decline, these endeavors were not enough to stop the downward spiral. In addition to facing these hardships, John Augustine also experienced constant interruptions by sightseers, many of whom wanted the meet the living descendent of General George Washington, see the Mansion, and ask questions about Washington's life. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThese visitors were considered a nuisance to John Augustine's family, and their presence slowed plantation work for slaves, overseers, and hired farm laborers. Initially John Augustine followed the precedential policies of his mother, father, and uncle Bushrod, publishing trespassing notices around the property, requesting letters of introduction to enter the Mansion, and denying the landing of steamboats on the Potomac River. But with his lands yielding such little profit, John Augustine decided to embrace this historical tourism, implementing business strategies to extract money from the thousands of visitors who journeyed to the home of George Washington. In order to bring more people to the estate, he entered into a contract with the proprietors of the Thomas Collyer to permit their steamboat to dock directly at Mount Vernon. He also promoted and invested in the construction of the Alexandria, Mount Vernon, and Accotink Turnpike Road, which was designed to make travel easier to Mount Vernon over land. As more visitors descended upon the grounds, he instructed slaves and laborers to sell bouquets of flowers, fruit, milk, and hand-carved canes to tourists. Beyond the property boundaries, he went into business with James Crutchett, who purchased timber from the estate and manufactured wooden Washington trinkets near the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad depot in the nation's capital. While John Augustine Washington capitalized on the American fascination with George Washington, these sales were not substantial enough to convince him to retain Mount Vernon. He attempted to sell the property to both the federal government and the state of Virginia, but both bodies were deeply mired in sectional and political partisanship. Convinced that neither would meet his terms, he agreed to sell 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate, which included the Mansion, outlying buildings, and the family tomb to the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) in 1858 for $200,000. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJohn Augustine and his family vacated Mount Vernon for their new home Waveland plantation in February 1860. About a year later the state of Virginia called for a convention to debate the issue of secession, and in April 1861, Virginia delegates responded to the firing on Fort Sumter by voting in favor of leaving the Union. John Augustine joined the Confederate Army as a lieutenant colonel, and he served as aide-de-camp to his relative by marriage, General Robert E. Lee. In September 1861, John Augustine was killed during a reconnaissance mission at the Battle of Cheat Mountain by a Union bushwhacker. In a letter to John's teenage daughter Louisa, Lee painfully informed her that her father \"fell in the cause to which he had devoted all his energies, and which his noble heart was earnestly enlisted.\" The two men had shared many conversations and moments together as tent mates, and Lee admired his unflinching \"devotion to Almighty God,\" assuring Louisa that \"He is now safely in Heaven.\" John Augustine was buried in the Zion Episcopal Churchyard in Charles Town, West Virginia, one of several Washington family members who fought and died for Southern independence. \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["(Taken from the Digital Encyclopedia entry by Matthew Costello, George Washington's Mount Vernon website)","John Augustine Washington III was the great-grand nephew of George Washington and the last private owner of Mount Vernon. The fourth of five children, he was born on May 3, 1821 to John Augustine Washington II and Jane Charlotte Blackburn Washington. John Augustine spent his young childhood at his parents' Blakeley plantation near present day Charles Town, West Virginia, but after the deaths of Bushrod Washington and his wife Julia in 1829, the Mount Vernon estate became the possession of Bushrod's nephew, John Augustine Washington II. As the son of a wealthy Virginia planter, John Augustine enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle at Mount Vernon, developing interests in politics, hunting, and agriculture. After John Augustine Washington II passed away in June 1832, the estate was left to his widow Jane Charlotte, who vowed to maintain the estate to the best of her ability without involving her children's inheritances. While John Augustine Washington III preferred his more aristocratic pastimes, Jane insisted that he attend college after his father's death. He graduated from the University of Virginia in 1840, returning to Mount Vernon in September 1841 with a proposition to manage the estate for his mother. She agreed, loaning him twenty-two slaves and contracting his employment for five hundred dollars per year for seven years.","As the oldest living male heir, John Augustine Washington III positioned himself to take possession of Mount Vernon from his mother. While she did not pass away until 1855, she gave John Augustine the proverbial keys to the kingdom, granting him full autonomy to run the plantation as he saw fit. However, John Augustine quickly realized that the deteriorating Mount Vernon estate was a far cry from the profitable plantation that his great-great uncle George Washington once presided over. His primary means of income came from wheat and potato production, woodcutting, selling slaves and outsourcing slave labor, collecting land rents, and his herring operation on the Potomac River. However, soil degradation, poor harvests, temperamental weather, and the devastation of crops by insects and pests limited his agricultural returns. While he managed to slow Mount Vernon's financial decline, these endeavors were not enough to stop the downward spiral. In addition to facing these hardships, John Augustine also experienced constant interruptions by sightseers, many of whom wanted the meet the living descendent of General George Washington, see the Mansion, and ask questions about Washington's life. ","These visitors were considered a nuisance to John Augustine's family, and their presence slowed plantation work for slaves, overseers, and hired farm laborers. Initially John Augustine followed the precedential policies of his mother, father, and uncle Bushrod, publishing trespassing notices around the property, requesting letters of introduction to enter the Mansion, and denying the landing of steamboats on the Potomac River. But with his lands yielding such little profit, John Augustine decided to embrace this historical tourism, implementing business strategies to extract money from the thousands of visitors who journeyed to the home of George Washington. In order to bring more people to the estate, he entered into a contract with the proprietors of the Thomas Collyer to permit their steamboat to dock directly at Mount Vernon. He also promoted and invested in the construction of the Alexandria, Mount Vernon, and Accotink Turnpike Road, which was designed to make travel easier to Mount Vernon over land. As more visitors descended upon the grounds, he instructed slaves and laborers to sell bouquets of flowers, fruit, milk, and hand-carved canes to tourists. Beyond the property boundaries, he went into business with James Crutchett, who purchased timber from the estate and manufactured wooden Washington trinkets near the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad depot in the nation's capital. While John Augustine Washington capitalized on the American fascination with George Washington, these sales were not substantial enough to convince him to retain Mount Vernon. He attempted to sell the property to both the federal government and the state of Virginia, but both bodies were deeply mired in sectional and political partisanship. Convinced that neither would meet his terms, he agreed to sell 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate, which included the Mansion, outlying buildings, and the family tomb to the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) in 1858 for $200,000. ","John Augustine and his family vacated Mount Vernon for their new home Waveland plantation in February 1860. About a year later the state of Virginia called for a convention to debate the issue of secession, and in April 1861, Virginia delegates responded to the firing on Fort Sumter by voting in favor of leaving the Union. John Augustine joined the Confederate Army as a lieutenant colonel, and he served as aide-de-camp to his relative by marriage, General Robert E. Lee. In September 1861, John Augustine was killed during a reconnaissance mission at the Battle of Cheat Mountain by a Union bushwhacker. In a letter to John's teenage daughter Louisa, Lee painfully informed her that her father \"fell in the cause to which he had devoted all his energies, and which his noble heart was earnestly enlisted.\" The two men had shared many conversations and moments together as tent mates, and Lee admired his unflinching \"devotion to Almighty God,\" assuring Louisa that \"He is now safely in Heaven.\" John Augustine was buried in the Zion Episcopal Churchyard in Charles Town, West Virginia, one of several Washington family members who fought and died for Southern independence. "],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Name and date of item], John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) Collection, [Folder], Special Collections, The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon [hereafter Washington Library], Mount Vernon, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Name and date of item], John Augustine Washington III and Mount Vernon Ladies' Association (MVLA) Collection, [Folder], Special Collections, The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon [hereafter Washington Library], Mount Vernon, Virginia."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis diary may not actually be part of accession RM-848 as it is not mentioned in the initial inventory/correspondence. However, it was in the same box as the other diaries and the almanac when found on the shelf, therefore it was described with the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["This diary may not actually be part of accession RM-848 as it is not mentioned in the initial inventory/correspondence. However, it was in the same box as the other diaries and the almanac when found on the shelf, therefore it was described with the collection."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEarly Records of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Eleanor Love Selden Correspondence ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Descendants Papers ;\nHistoric Manuscripts Collection\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Early Records of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Eleanor Love Selden Correspondence ;\nJohn Augustine Washington III and Descendants Papers ;\nHistoric Manuscripts Collection"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection concerns the inheritance, maintenance, and sale of the Mount Vernon estate by its last private owner, John Augustine Washington III. A large majority of the collection is correspondence to or from John Augustine Washington III with a significant portion relating to the purchase of the estate by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association. Three diaries kept by John Augustine are also included and contain important information about his slaves, agricultural practices, and finances. Other types of material in the collection include legal documents, receipts, photographs, and ephemera. Photocopies were made for most of the manuscripts and can be viewed as surrogates to the originals. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDescendants of John Augustine Washington III maintained ownership of these records until 1990 when they were sold to Gary Hendershott, a manuscripts dealer from Little Rock, Arkansas. The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association purchased the collection in October 1990.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLists signatures and states that all members of Congress would sign if requested.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStates they are now the \"best of friends.\" She is angry at people who denigrate his motives. Wants to make known his true nature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMrs. Ritchie requests he arrive at the theatre a little after 12:00 so all guests may be seated prior to the rise of the curtain.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eShe had sent her present of flowers to Mrs. Madison, and they were \"greatfully\" received.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis mother wants help valuing her sheep. Describes one offer for Mount Vernon with great disdain. They want to have entertainments there. He has great respect for \"your manly pride.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eApologizes for having intruded too much on his privacy during a recent visit when Mrs. Ritchie and others of the ladies \"took forcible possession of me\" and requested cuttings of flowers. Hopes he will establish a Botanic Garden and suggests a location for a Mausoleum.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDescribes her return from Mount Vernon in much rain. Discusses crops. Gives instructions for sending things to her. Asks report of conversation that was \"highly derogatory to me.\" Feels items should be sold to visitors so they will not pilfer mementos.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges sale of Mount Vernon to Virginia rather than to a private sale.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eResolution wants to change the site of the Military Asylum to Mount Vernon if a part of the estate can be purchased at a reasonable price.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIntroduces some friends who wish to visit Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGives family news and an account of a visit by a gentleman who spent the night at Mount Vernon and gave $5 to West Ford. Discusses sale of a slave to his cousin. Has heard of a bill by the federal government to purchase Mount Vernon and wishes it would be accepted. Mentions prices and terms.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs sending oats and other items to Mount Vernon. Urges him to pursue his studies. Wishes him to send some oysters and sugar.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSends funds for completing the vault at Mount Vernon and authorizes him to take more money from his bank if necessary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for the many civilities experienced by them during their visit to Mount Vernon. Sends a piece of a branch of a fig tree cut from the birth spot of \"your immortal ancestor.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs against his plans for Mount Vernon and opening it to \"every low idler.\" Discusses payments and what form they would take.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBrief note of regards, translated by J. Perkins.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHeard about people being charged to enter the garden. Wishes he would stop this.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to know price and terms of sale of Mount Vernon. If not for sale, could it be leased. (Contains typed transcript.)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWas glad to hear that Mount Vernon was not for sale as it should remain in the hands of the Washington family. Wishes to \"establish a house of entertainment in the vicinity of Mount Vernon.\" Asks questions as to materials and location of such. (Contains typed transcript.)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs in the market to purchase negroes as one of his men, Alfred, has run off. Wants to know whether she still wishes to dispose of her negroes and what her price would be. He could pay $500 cash and then pay off the principal in a year or two.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLists names of executors and legatees and their shares and values.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of an upcoming visit to Washington and Mount Vernon by a \"highly respectable volunteer corps.\" They wish to arrive by boat and see the tomb of Washington. He understands permission to do so is necessary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs worried his health is suffering by his labors at Mount Vernon. Hopes he will accept any reasonable offer by the U.S. Government for it. Went into town to have magistrates witness her acknowledgment of the deed of release. Discusses a suit brought by Judge Douglass and the health of various family members.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDoubts whether an offer will be made by the U.S. Government. Hopes it would as she feels his health is suffering from attending to business at Mount Vernon. Recommends someone to help him acquire an overseer. Was paid money for him. Discusses the failing health of Dr. Alexander's mother and others.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs horrified to learn of auction of Wood Lawn. Proposes to run a steamboat between Washington to Wood Lawn, Fort Washington, Mount Vernon, and the White House. Gives references. Pledges to bring members of Congress there and feels it would enhance the chances of the purchase of Mount Vernon by the government. Suggests it could be used as a summer home for the President. Discusses various items left by Washington and the soon to be completed Chesapeake \u0026amp; Ohio Canal. (contains typed transcript)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of a letter he received from an unknown man who wants to obtain a tree from Mount Vernon to transplant in France to shade the bench of Christopher Columbus which he possesses.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eRecommends leaving it to Congress to propose a price for the purchase of Mount Vernon. She feels he wants too much for it, and that it really should not be sold. Gives family news. Gives advice on his search for an overseer.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFirst letter discusses the Supreme Court taking on the suit of Mr. Hammond against General Washington. Bassett says he discharged all debts owed by Captain Lewis. There is another copy of the names of executors and legatees and their shares and values. Discussions of various debts owed to different people.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses various suits, mostly Hammonds, against the estate and their current status. Many people have died since 1827 when they were last listed. Will take a long time to find people.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscussion of the Hammond suit and payments still owed to various creditors, to be paid by all the legatees of General Washington's estate. Most dollar figures are left blank to be filled in later. Prompt payment by all legatees is required.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses his father's will and his lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of various other people mentioned in JAW's letter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAnswering his inquiries as to various relatives. Suggests he write to the clerk of Kanawha County for the information he requires. Suggests he contact Andrew Parks who probably has all the facts.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses sale of swamp land. He paid the taxes on it for the Washington heirs. The land is not worth much since the timber had been taken from it by many people over the years. Would like to be reimbursed for the money he paid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe wishes to meet with him in the middle of November, at which time they can conclude their business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses the bill in Congress to purchase Mount Vernon. Wants assets divided up between her children so all are taken care of. Tells of Charles' upcoming marriage before he leaves for California.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses the codicil of his father's will. Mrs. Washington is not compelled to sell. Upon her death, the heirs may sell despite the codicil. Suggests Mrs. Washington partition the land before her death in order that JAW may do \"what you please with the land.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInvites him to the wedding of his oldest daughter the next week.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHas been in Charlestown attending services for the week. Is amazed at the prospect of $200,000 being paid for Mount Vernon by the government. Wants him to send fish and to pickle some \"Rock.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription included) George Page and a surveyor from Maryland wanted to survey land in the Potomac River adjacent to Mount Vernon with the object of bringing steamboats there. Was notified he would be charged with some offense by Maryland. Makes him aware that the compact between the states means they have no claim on him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFirst letter – wants to know if Mount Vernon Estate will be sold. Second letter – understands the government might become the owner of the estate and wants to meet.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants him to petition the Court to finally settle the estate of General Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFirst letter – wants to examine Mount Vernon with a view to the establishment of a military asylum for the relief of soldiers. Second letter – tells him the price for Mount Vernon is too high, and purchase of a location nearer Washington will be undertaken.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAn account by a boat company of receipts over the past year.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses the landing of boats at Mount Vernon without JAW's previous knowledge. Wants them to be allowed to dock if they pay the usual fare to him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAcknowledges payment for the pianoforte. Wants four walking sticks cut from near General Washington's tomb to be sent to monks in Italy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgreement to sell 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000. Includes all buildings and the tomb, as well as furnishings currently there. Also will allow heirs to be buried there. He may not sell the estate without first offering it to the U.S. Government and the State of Virginia for no more than $350,000.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHas been unable to contact other parties to the contract. Hopes to be able to do so soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA committee of the House of Delegates has been appointed to consider the purchase of Mount Vernon. Wants to meet him in Alexandria to discuss this.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEncloses a newspaper clipping about the acquisition of Mount Vernon by the State of Virginia. Tells him the committee of five will look into the will of the people as to this acquisition.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAddressed only to \"Mrs. Washington.\" Unclear whether it is addressed to Mrs. Jane C.B. Washington or Mrs. Eleanor L.S. Washington. (Typed transcription included) Has heard that Mount Vernon is for sale, possibly to northern people. Feels the Ladies of the South might instead procure it and wants to know the price.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDoes not wish to part with Mount Vernon but wishes to keep it from the changeable fortunes of a family and to ally it to the State. Would sell 200 acres with stipulations for $200,000. If the State wants to establish a model farm there, he would sell an additional 1,000 acres for $300,000. Invites them to visit.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses his offer to sell Mount Vernon to the state. Says $200,000 is less than the property could sell for on the market. Talks about having a model farm as nothing meant more to Washington than farming. Would welcome them to visit. Reminds them that his terms cannot be materially modified.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription included) Says he is asking less money of the state than he had been offered by others. Tells them of his desire for a model farm as the pursuit of an improved system of agriculture was of great importance to General Washington. Would welcome a visit from them.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to clear up suggestions that he is falsely referring to higher offers for Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Committee feels the price for Mount Vernon \"is enormous.\" Would prefer the money to be used for a rail road.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDraft in writing of John Augustine Washington III. Addressed to \"Miss Cunningham\" but could also be a response to Louisa Cunningham's letter instead of Ann Pamela Cunningham. Praises the women of the south for their affection for Washington. Does not wish to dispose of the property except to the government of the United States or Virginia and so declines the proposition from the \"Ladies of the South.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDraft thought to be in the writing of Jane C.B. Washington. Identical text to previous letter (draft in the hand of John Augustine Washington III).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEncloses a power of attorney and some other letters. Has agreed to reduction of $50,000 on 1000 acres. Will accept nothing less than $200,000 for the 200 acres. Agrees to pay him 5% of what he gets from either government agency, provided it occurs in the current session.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe state might be willing to pay $50,000 per year for four years for Mount Vernon but not the total of $200,000 at once. Wonders what is happening with the federal government. \"Things are coming to a head rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs long as negotiations with Virginia remain open, it would not be proper for him to entertain any proposals from other parties for the purchase of Mount Vernon. Might be interested in the future in making an offer.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFeels priority should be given to Congress to purchase Mount Vernon, and therefore Virginia is holding off on more committee meetings. Wants him to be there for future committee meetings.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges him to meet with Arthur Taylor as his representative in the proposed sale of Mount Vernon. Requests that he not send papers to Col. Bissell before meeting with him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHas the papers from Mr. Washington and wants to meet with him to discuss the sale of Mount Vernon to the U.S. Government.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAssures him that he has not given the letters from him to Mr. Bissell and has requested Mr. Taylor to come see him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEncloses the previous letter and hopes they will be able to meet soon. Feels it best to not commit to any course with the U.S. until a definite answer comes from the Virginia Legislature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInvites him to come to his lodgings at any time at 9 a.m.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs unable to return to his \"hospitable roof\" at this time. Values the time she was there and having been \"entrusted with the training of such bright intelligences.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReports on his share of earnings from \"Washington's Writings.\" Many copies of the book were destroyed in a fire, but the stereotype and engraved plates were in a fire proof vault.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFeels it is very important for him to communicate with the federal government and is willing to help in any way.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMr. Taylor shared his letter proposing to bring the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon again before Congress. His terms are already known to him – the same as those agreed to for the State of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to bring up the purchase of Mount Vernon in Congress but wants to know just what terms he agreed to with Virginia. Wants the Northern States to purchase it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGives terms of sale, including that family members still living may also be buried there. Additional property to total 1000 acres may be purchased for $300,000, for a model farm as suggested by Gen. Washington. Tells him the state of Virginia had proposed the sale for less than he wanted which he refused.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEncloses a copy of the bill reported to the House of Delegates Committee for the purchase of Mount Vernon. He told them it would not meet with JAW's approval. Urges him to move quickly on the Turnpike matter for this session.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs very desirous of having the State of Virginia take possession of Mount Vernon and \"have the sole control and ownership forever.\" Wants to know what terms he proposes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGives him the terms of sale. The Washington family shall be permitted to be buried on the site, and no remains shall ever be disturbed. The price shall be $200,000, with an additional 800 acres available for $100,000 more\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWill not accede to propositions of the steamboat company. Will be busy for a few weeks but wants to see a copy of the agreement currently in effect.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of Mrs. Mason presenting \"a remonstrance against your turnpike.\" Wants access to $250 at Farmers Bank in Alexandria.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses payments based on sales of \"Washington's Writings.\" Tells percentages paid to various legatees.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses quarrelling and squabbling among the ladies purchasing Mount Vernon. Is concerned about security around the remains of George Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants him to send a letter to him so he may correct disparaging remarks made about his impending sale of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs writing to her as requested by JAW. Describes a woman mourning her deceased eight-year-old son. Includes a poem about grief and moving on after death of a child.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Mr. Mason very much wants to meet him and getting a letter from JAW that would announce the news of their \"progress.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for the kindness of him and Mrs. Washington on her recent visit to Mount Vernon. Urges him to send a letter to be published about the sale of Mount Vernon before the news is released by someone else.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Assures her he does not care what others say about him and remains hopeful of selling Mount Vernon to the State of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Explains the absence of Mr. Toombs when JAW came to see him. Tells him why she is now dealing with Mr. Toombs rather than Mr. Mason.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes to meet him in Washington City as she will be there for a few days during her travel south. Wants a thorough understanding of his wishes and intentions before meeting with the governor of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter in the National Intelligencer and put the estate under the care of the State of Virginia. (This is a copy of a letter written by Anna's husband.) Second letter, dated March 5, 1857 on same paper: Refers to letter copied out by her. Is certain a sufficient sum will have been raised by February 22 to enable Virginia to purchase Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter to the National Intelligencer and consent to place the estate once more at the disposal of Virginia which has an arrangement with the \"Ladies' Mount Vernon Association of the Union.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis musical association played a concert on behalf of the \"Ladies Mt. Vernon Association\" at which $100 was raised. The musical group would benefit greatly from receiving this money back if Mr. Washington has no plans to sell to the Ladies Association.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWould love to spend time at Mount Vernon, but his schedule will not allow at this time. His book will be published during the winter and spring, but he doesn't feel a visit would add anything.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe remains willing to place Mount Vernon in the hands of the State of Virginia, under his terms which the state has not seemed to want to meet. The proposal to have Mount Vernon by under the Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union is unacceptable to him. Doubts they could maintain the estate in perpetuity. It would then be taken over by the state.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Identical to previous letter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Responding to his letter to Mr. Ritchie. Urges him to put out that the Ladies are to raise $200,000 on behalf of the State of Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not wish to publish parts of letters. Feels \"nothing but silent contempt can put them at rest.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(W.L. Underwood – most likely Warner Lewis Underwood, Kentucky Senator) Tells JAW that if his current negotiations for Mount Vernon should fall through that his organization would be pleased to enter into further discussions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgain says he wishes Mount Vernon to go to the State of Virginia, to be decided upon by the current session of the General Assembly.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to know who told her that he was \"willing… for a pecuniary consideration to break engagements and promises.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Masonic Brotherhood is interested in purchasing Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the tour the previous day. Apologizes for the bad behavior of one member and hopes that will not prejudice him against the Fraternity.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) She met with the governor who told her the \"Extra Session\" of the Legislature was for the \"presidential contest,\" so the Legislature will not be meeting again until the next winter. Realizes this delay is not pleasing to him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInquires whether any action has been taken by the Legislature or is likely to be.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him no action has yet been taken by the Legislature but feels sure it will be taken up after the Christmas recess, after which the ladies will be enabled to purchase Mount Vernon and have its title transferred to Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiscusses various prices for Mount Vernon and quotes JAW as vehemently denying that he wanted the remains of General Washington moved. He wishes the estate to be the property of the United States and all the people.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him she has been very ill but is sure that the Legislature will act.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Tells him Gov. Wise is \"inimical to our 'cause'\" which is the reason the Legislature has not taken up the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon.\" Talks of the financial crisis which is being felt by \"we victimized cotton planters.\" Tells him of the impending sale of copies of a portrait of Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) She writes of her illness and lack of strength. The Constitution of the Association was signed by the governor. Tells him various Masonic orders have decided to become allies of the Association. Hopes to have the contract signed between Virginia and him on the 22nd of February.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInvites recipient to the elevation of the Statue of Washington on February 22 in Richmond.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Is looking forward to the inauguration of the Washington statue. Wants him to vow that the Ladies of the Association are the \"very best friends you have in the world.\" Tells him that Gov. Wise is no friend to him or to her and this cause.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Has a document that states Virginia will purchase Mount Vernon from him and encloses a copy of the bill. Is sure the governor will act strongly to defeat this. Wants him to attend the address by Mr. Everett a few days before the 22nd of February. Tells him how lucky he is to get $200,000 in \"these awful times.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGives price of sale of $200,000 for 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate and pledges the MVLA to guarantee to not disturb any remains currently there and to allow descendants of JAW to also be interred there.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Praises him for agreeing that Mount Vernon is to be a public shrine and to limit interments there. Gen. Chapman included that in the third reading of the bill. Discusses the building of a new mausoleum for Washington which would not go against his will. Talks of her illness.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the disposition of family remains, as well as those of General Washington, are his biggest concerns in the sale.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes he is happy about the bill as read in the Legislature. Tells him it is she and not the Committee who wants to arrange for a magnificent mausoleum. Closes by saying she is too exhausted to \"even give a hint of the nature of woman's revenge should you not be in a state of delight over our bill!!!\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Remains adamant as to a future mausoleum as Washington stated where he wished his remains to be. Cannot travel to Richmond at present due to the illness of Mrs. Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Agreement ends with reference to the 10th of February) Deals with payment of $6,000 to heirs of W.F. Alexander and Anna Alexander as a share of Mount Vernon. Expressly says none of these heirs have any claim to the proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon, other than the $6,000.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that though Gov. Wise is no friend to the Mount Vernon cause, he did not intend to put his remarks under the head of Lunatic Asylum. It was a complete accident.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses another article by Mr. Pryor who is \"using his art to arouse the fear, \u0026amp; cupidity of the timid \u0026amp; narrow minded of this Legislature.\" Asks him about his previous offer from a company to purchase the estate, and that he wanted to wait for Congress to act.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) States that his price for Mount Vernon has always been $200,000, since he gained control of it in 1849. Asks whether he ever made an offer for Mount Vernon for $100,000. If so, under whose authority was it made?\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to confirm with him that his offer to sell Mount Vernon as a site for the Military Asylum in 1851 was for $200,000 and not $100,000.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of a contract with a gentleman to sell him 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000 with the condition that the property should be offered to the U.S. and to Virginia. If neither purchased it, he should take the property. He then offered $50,000 to release him from that obligation, but JAW refused. Says he never has offered it for sale in public or private.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSays he was authorized by JAW to offer Mount Vernon for a Military Asylum for $100,000. Will search for papers to confirm this.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Advises that on March 25, 1851, he made an offer to sell about 150 acres of the Mount Vernon estate for $200,000 for an Army Asylum or some other government purpose.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Thanks him for sending a copy of the correspondence of Gen. Scott. Miss C. is intensely engaged in getting past Mr. Pryor's malicious misrepresentation of the Bill. If he can defeat us, he will.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReiterates that Alexander and his heirs have no claim to any proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon beyond the agreed upon $6,000 and requests him to add a paragraph to that effect to the agreement they will both sign.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her in Richmond, despite his recent fall. Refers to the animosity of Mr. Pryor toward the bill. Wishes there could be an Extra Session for it to pass.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgain states his disagreement with Mr. McKenzie's assertion of his having offered $100,000 for Mount Vernon. No one else knew of such an offer. Gen. Scott agrees with JAW in his recollections. Tells her of a recent fall from a horse which will prevent his visit to Richmond on the 22nd.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges him and his family to attend the inauguration of the equestrian statue of Washington on the Capital Square in Richmond. Says he would be pleased to host them at their home near the city.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Is uncertain whether he will be able to travel to Richmond and wants her to update him on matters related to the Bill as \"I have not in any manner approached\" any of his friends or acquaintances on the subject. It is important for her to convince members that the association only needs the name of the State which will not be called upon to pay any of the money for the purchase.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham begs him to attend Mr. Everett's oration and hopes to speak to him on the Square tomorrow.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Continues to be unwell. Introduces him to Mr. A.H.H. Dawson of Georgia, \"an eccentric genius.\" He is devoted to the purposes of the Association and has delivered an address about it in 30 towns in Georgia. Urges him to come to Richmond to meet with members of the Legislature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Is sorry he was unable to call on her before leaving Richmond. Wants clarification about alterations Mr. Yancy thought necessary in the paper he left with her. He wants a decision by the Legislature, yes or no, soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that the Legislature is \"in a row\" and will not pass any bills before an Extra Session. Wants him to bring a contract to her so they are prepared for any contingencies. Tells him of her illness of the lungs and her treatment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Reiterates the importance of the sanctity of the family burying ground. Wants to have some alterations and additions of a substantial permanent character made to the present vault, with a durable enclosure around it. He is open to payment in stocks or cash for the estate. Says they should have an act of incorporation before signing a contract.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Gen. Chapman was drawing up an act of incorporation before the bill comes up. He said Virginia must not hold the tomb; the Association must hold it. She remains very ill. \"yrs in much suffering\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs preparing a pamphlet to defend JAW against detractors and wants copies of correspondence he had with Gen. Scott and others about possible purchase of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) The bill in Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon, to be refunded by the MVLA, was defeated in the House of Delegates. In addition Congress cannot purchase land in a sovereign state without its consent. Tells him it should be the property of the Nation and should be sold to the MVLA. \"With grateful women pledged to guard the sacred ashes of Washington and to adorn his home for a national shrine.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Says it has become obvious that neither Virginia nor the U.S. wish to purchase Mount Vernon. Therefore \"the women of the land will probably be the safest as they will certainly be the purest guardians of a national shrine.\" He waits for her to make a proposal to him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham requests that he answer the letter she gave him relating to the purchase of Mount Vernon and to return it to her. She will give him a copy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Is returning her letter to him as it seemed to be improperly dated and lacked her signature. When she remedies those defects, he will send an answer.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to meet with him on Saturday morning in Alexandria to sign the contract.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Is very unhappy about delays put forth by Messrs. Macfarland \u0026amp; Myers. They felt there had to be an acceptance of the contract by all or a majority of the Vice Regents before it could be signed. They can do this by telegraph, permitting Mrs. Ritchie to act for them.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to come without delay. It was thought things would be delayed as Mrs. Walton's husband had died, but now Mr. McFarland advised them to send for him at once. Miss Cunningham is not good and needs to bring matters to a close \"ere it be too late.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her that afternoon or evening as Dr. Beale \"considers it necessary to apply a severe blister without delay.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Upon reflection she feels the letter she sent him for publication is not to be published. She does not wish to \"make enemies even in a State which has given me so little cause to respect it.\" Mrs. Ritchie will work on a better worded one which she will send to him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe deposited money to his credit for the contract and wants to know if this was correct. Tells him the pony he was inquiring about is not for sale. Also felt much concern about the accounts of the fisheries. Looks forward to a visit with him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the plat of the 200 acres of land he agreed to sell to the MVLA. Wants him to sign it and return it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) About the plat, he is having the land resurveyed and \"have the necessary corners stones set.\" He will send it back with a signature after that. Also encloses her letter of March 12 and wants a copy of her letter as published with her signature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to know if George Thorburn may visit Mount Vernon in the 28th of May to inspect the grounds in regards to the improvements to be made. He is \"no doubt the first horticulturist in America\" and a plain, unpolished person. It would be good for JAW's surveyor to meet with Mr. Thorburn to go over the grounds.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe is \"exceedingly provoked\" at the newspaper coverage in connection with the sale of Mount Vernon. As a college friend he felt he had to contact an editor and correct the information. He hopes he did not make the situation worse.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgain requests he host the \"celebrated florist\" at Mount Vernon to look over the grounds before they come to Mount Vernon on the 29th for a few hours.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgrees to have Mr. Thorburn come and meet with surveyors. Asks if Mr. Thorburn could be appointed the Agent of the Association in drawing up with the surveyors the lines of the 200 acres. He will \"grant any reasonable request of the Association.\" Hopes to see Mr. Ritchie and her while he yet resides at Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first attests to receipt of interest on the $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington. \tThe second is for $2,000 as part of the $6,000 owed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUrges him to reduce the price of Mount Vernon to $150,000 so as to better fund all the expenses associated with its ownership by the MVLA. Tells him to buy land in \"some of the new states\" with that money.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to know what stocks or bonds would be acceptable as part of the purchase price. Gives the current rate of Virginia stock.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAcknowledges his decline to the proposition.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReplying to a previous letter. Cannot answer the questions of Miss Lewis as he does not remember where Col. Fielding Lewis died. Her wishes are an illusion. Wonders if some land in Kentucky is what she is dreaming of. Hopes the Ladies will be able to preserve Mount Vernon after they complete the purchase.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs a new Mason, wants to know if he will amend the contract to state that the property will revert to the United States or the Masonic Fraternity in the event of a dissolution of the MVLA and not to the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWrites to her cousin about an article in the paper that morning that was a \"vile abolition libel on you.\" Wants to assure her lady friends that it is untrue.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs involved in illustrating an article about Mount Vernon as it is of interest to the American people. Wants to visit to sketch objects that have not been drawn. The MVLA is in favor of such an article to assist with their fund raising.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs amazed at the scurrilous attacks made on him by Northern Papers which are calculated to embarrass the Mount Vernon Association.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for his letter about the calumnies in some Northern newspapers but has no desire to enter into a controversy with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants him to tell her of his agreement with Mr. Crutchett of Mount Vernon Cane Factory who was given permission to come and cut trees on the estate. Asks what value he puts on the remainder of the estate contiguous to the 200 acres.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Gives details of his contract with Mr. Crutchett which expired in February 1856. He was permitted to take more trees before January 1857. He has no right to \"come upon the property I have sold the Association to cut timber.\" Has not put a price on the remainder of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for the hospitality given to him and his sister on their visit to Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham was happy to hear his account of the transactions with Mr. Crutchett. Wants him to come to Philadelphia to confer upon private matters of great importance to the Association and himself. She is equally interested in the final settlement of the boundary lines.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFirst letter (incomplete) congratulates him on the sale of Mount Vernon. Requests return of portrait of his mother. Second letter thanks him for agreeing to return the portrait. He and his family would very much like to visit Mount Vernon again before it becomes public.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHopes he can come to Washington to meet with him. Wants Mr. Washington to stay with him to \"pay off the debt of visiting you at Mt. Vernon.\" Miss Cunningham is making arrangements to pay the first bond with interest in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Looks forward to making payment of the first installment. Mr. Riggs will pay sums of $5,000 as soon as it is raised. Hopes to be able to pay the remainder of 2d installment on 1st of January 1859. Begs him to keep these matters as a \"profound secret.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Cunningham wants to make the first payment on December 14, the anniversary of Washington's death.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of payment to Burke \u0026amp; Herbert of $10,000 on that day.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him the box containing the chairs has not yet arrived. He wants to be allowed to pay for the repairs necessary to the chairs. Invites him and his family to visit him in Richmond before they go farther away from it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to make the first payment on the 1st, but this is a holiday. Urges him not to risk sending the plat executed by Washington himself but to have it be lithographed. Wants to clear up the boundaries. Tells him to keep the discussion of the sale of additional land private.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to gather branches from the estate in order to make canes to sell to aid in the purchase of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTheir project would require the consent of the Regent of the MVLA.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Confidential) Miss Cunningham is too ill to reply to his last letter. Lets him know his presence might be required on the 22nd but all arrangements must be kept private. The upcoming payment will be about $14,000.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to accept the money already paid to him (for the \"selling your relations bones.\") He already received more money than the estate was worth. Note on the letter states he ensured his control over the remains in \"such a way that they can never be sold by any one.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not want to go to Philadelphia unless it is absolutely necessary. He recently heard that Mrs. Esther M. Lewis (widow of Lorenzo Lewis) wants to present the harpsichord that was given to Nelly to the MVLA.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for copy of the inscription on a bust. He realized he had not copied the pencil sketch of the Destruction of the Bastille. Would JAW please have a photograph of it sent to him for an upcoming book on the history of Mount Vernon. Will send a copy of the book to him in September when it is published.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAcknowledges receipt of $1,000 which completes the payment of $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Regent wants JAW to not allow any more sketches to be made of Mount Vernon or the grounds without her consent. Attached is a copy of an advertisement for sale of a portrait of Washington. The Mount Vernon Record gives an account of fund raising to date. Mr. Everett thanks Devereux for sending him a copy of the Farewell Address.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Requests her to send him definite instructions to enable him to prohibit people from making sketches of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells them he has written to the Regent requesting her instructions about the matter they raised with him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent now feels that it would \"not be practicable for you to refuse privileges hitherto granted\" in the matter of sketches. There is also a newspaper clipping with letters from JAW and the Regent about the sale of Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThey wrote to him on the 14th as the Regent was prostrated. Requests any material he might have about the area in England where Washington's ancestor came from.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of terms under which they ran their steamboat to Mount Vernon. They paid him money with the understanding that he would make repairs to the wharf and footway, under the agreement, but he did not. He ordered his captain to have it done and will retain that money.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses a copy of the previous letter and asks him to advise her as to her response to Mr. Bryan.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham much enjoyed his previous letter and its humor. Hopes he will waive the requisition of 10 days notice before receiving payments. Can give him at least 30 days notice before requiring possession, and hopefully 60 days. She has \"been very much of an invalid for many weeks.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come to Philadelphia around the 10th or 12th so they may consult in regard to the future. They can have the boundary line settled and put many business affairs in order. Miss Cunningham intends to make a payment on the last installment as soon \"as you will receive it.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) He will travel to Philadelphia and meet with her on Wednesday. Will give directions to Messrs. Burke \u0026amp; Herbert for the last installment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham wants him to arrive on Thursday and then accompany her to hear Mr. Everett in the evening. She and Mr. Everett would then meet with him on Friday.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) He agrees to come to Philadelphia on Thursday and meet as she suggests.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent wants him to \"have the kindness not to speak of the particulars of your interview with her.\" She also requests him to confer with Mr. Herbert, after which Mr. Herbert should meet with Mr. Riggs and let her know the arrangements he would be willing to make. \"This matter she particularly desires should be confidential.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants him to send him the photographs of the Picture of the Bastille and let him know what he owes for this service. Thanks him for his kindness in all this matter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAgain asks for the photograph of the Bastille picture as his book is finished, and he is only waiting for that.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham regrets that he and Mr. Riggs were unable to meet at Mount Vernon to discuss all it is possible to do without annoyance to the family. Would like to commence work on the outbuildings near the garden and to rebuild the roof and pillars of the piazza. Also wants to do work around the Tomb.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Apologizes for delay in responding to his recent letter, but the news of Captain Cunningham's decease has made it impossible for Miss Cunningham to \"think of even the most pressing business.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for sending the photograph and encloses $5. Apologizes for keeping three documents for so long. Wants to return the documents and send him a copy of the book in September. Asks whether he may keep the Pohick elevation as it is in Washington's hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDetails work done on various dresses.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs sorry to hear that JAW will be leaving Mount Vernon before Hubard can get there to visit. Wants to know whether Mr. Mills does possess the moulds made by Houdon. Wants to see a cast made from the mould as he is convinced it is a fraud.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCannot say whether the Richmond statue is accurate but to him the head looks identical to the Mount Vernon bust. Has never heard of the moulds being left at Mount Vernon and does not believe Mr. Mills would have removed anything without his permission.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to clarify his original assertion that he feels Houdon did not use the moulds made from Washington's face as he asserts they are very different from the head of Houdon. Also wants to know whether the table on which Washington lay when the moulds were made is still at Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for sending money from the steamboat company for the MVLA.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWill be writing an article for Encyclopedia Britannica and is \"desirous of stating the facts relative to the emancipation of the Genl's slaves.\" Also wants to know whether Mrs. Washington left a will and whether she freed her slaves in it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWishes to obtain a copy of the inventory of General Washington's estate.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMakes assertion that General Washington was sued and judgment rendered against him. Also some northern papers are speculating that he lost his money and had mortgaged the Mount Vernon estate for $400,000. Encloses a copy of the certificate of the appraiser as entered in 1810.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs returning the papers lent to him and sending a copy of his book on Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the use of the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Reminds her that his request for her lawyer to sift through an abstract of his title to Mount Vernon has not been complied with. This would answer questions raised by anonymous persons which have \"caused you some uneasiness.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Cunningham wants to conclusively prove the falsehood of assertions of the invalidity of his title to the estate. The Clerk of Fairfax County will attest to the truth but wants to see his father's will and evidence of the payment of $6,000 charged to the estate. Looks forward to putting to rest this falsehood.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIs still waiting for the certificate from the Clerk of Fairfax County. That will give the \"lie to any slander of title.\" Is unable to visit due to his duties in the Legislature.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham thanks him for sending the package of papers and hopes to be able to write herself in a few days about other matters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThanks him for sending the papers. Does not appear from them that \"Mrs. Washington emancipated the dower negroes.\" Requests more information on that point.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSees that Miss Cunningham has published an abstract of title furnished her by the Clerk of Fairfax Court, so imagines she will not require further information. Will soon return the other papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Has forwarded to her a package of papers which he recovered, apparently detailing the kinds and locations of trees planted at Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells her his lack of response to her letter is due to being away most of the month and having visits from friends, possibly for the last time at Mount Vernon. Pointed out the lines of the old vistas marked by ancient trees. The insurance policies he had were on the house only, not the outbuildings. Recommends she make a new road. Also recommends repairing the wharf.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSends a newspaper copy of an advertisement she placed wishing to obtain a copy of the photograph taken the previous August at the tomb of Washington which included her daughter, now deceased. She would like to know if she could obtain a list of the attendees of that day so she might write and request this as it is the only photograph of her daughter.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the Association still must raise $140,000 to support the Estate which will require extraordinary effort on the part of the Association. Asks her to address visitors at Mount Vernon on the imperative nature of this.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to arrange a \"Grand Ceremonial in connection with the taking of the title\" in order to let people know fund raising is not complete after the purchase. Refers to political turmoil and the impending dissolution of the Union and all the difficulties this will cause. Plans to be at Mount Vernon for 10 days and wants to meet with him to finalize things.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe is fine with executing a deed for the sale of Mount Vernon to the Association and feels there would be no difficulty in the event of his death. He worries about Virginia's seceding from the Union that she might object to selling part of her soil to a corporation composed \"in part of unfriendly foreigners.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham is gratified that he concurs in her proposition and feels her decease would be the most serious difficulty to be apprehended. Wants to meet him at Mount Vernon to place the deed in escrow. Does not feel the possibilities for Virginia he suggested would form a significant barrier.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses an order to Mr. Riggs for steamboat receipts through December 31st. Would be happy to meet her at Mount Vernon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the order on Mr. Bryan for the steamboat receipts. Has been paying insurance which continues until June next and has deducted that from the receipts.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAcknowledges his letter but does not need receipts for premiums of insurance.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReports that Mr. Herbert only wants to clear the lot of land offered him. Also Mr. Norris has rented out his farm. Turner is not sure where he moved to in Kentucky. Discusses acquisition of material to make shirts for servants.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Typed transcription enclosed) Had not replied to his earlier letter due to excessive fatigue from her journey from Columbia. Hopes to use patriotic influence to get the \"Agent\" to remit or reduce his fee.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTells him of a minister who will be in Alexandria and is looking for a vacant church where he could officiate.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFuneral was conducted at Waveland. There is a description of the body and the family. Invoked the Gospel. JAW began family prayers following the death of his wife. Description of his activities over the following days.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAsks Mrs. Howard for a biographical sketch of her father (John Augustine Washington III) for the National Cyclopedia of American Biography.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTwo leaflets advertising the writings of Dr. Lyon G. Tyler.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFull title \"A Confederate catechism: The war of 1861-1865.\" Third edition, November 21, 1929. Series of 20 questions and answers about the war.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWants to know whether the Ladies will discuss the purchase of the pictures and maps he has been offering. He will offer them elsewhere.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographic print, cabinet card of a drawing of the east view of the Mansion by unknown artist. Reverse side of card reads \"D.H. Naramore, Photographer, No. 321 King Street, Alexandria, VA.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSmall engraving probably clipped from a publication. Unknown location or residence shown in image.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHair clippings in envelope with note \"Hair of the late Lawrence Washington - 1856 - Found among articles bequested to MVLA by Miss Cunningham. Miss Comegys, Regent (1923) directs Supt. to send this to the widow of Mr. Lawrence W.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSmall black and white photographic print showing the gravestone for Lt. Col. John Augustine Washington.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBlack and white photographic print mounted on gray board. Shows Waveland residence with man, two women, and several children visible (unidentified).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBoston: Published by Charles Bowen. Front page signed \"Jane C. Washington, Mount Vernon, 1834.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDiary inscribed \"Account of all my recpts. \u0026amp; expenditures beginning with Sept. 16th, 1841, that being the date at which I came to Mount Vernon to reside.\" There are intermittent entries through November 1859. This is not as full a diary but includes lists of food, clothing, and china, table, and cookware.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details. Loose note at the front reads \"Extracts from the diary of my father\" with notes on this diary and previous ones.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of undated manuscripts from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1834-1838 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1841-1845 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1846-1849 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1851-1853 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1854-1855 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1856-1857 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (1 of 2)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (2 of 2)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1859 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotocopies of manuscripts dated 1860-1861 from the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHandwritten notes probably by a librarian or other Mount Vernon staff member including summaries of the letters within the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and 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A large majority of the collection is correspondence to or from John Augustine Washington III with a significant portion relating to the purchase of the estate by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association. Three diaries kept by John Augustine are also included and contain important information about his slaves, agricultural practices, and finances. Other types of material in the collection include legal documents, receipts, photographs, and ephemera. Photocopies were made for most of the manuscripts and can be viewed as surrogates to the originals. ","Descendants of John Augustine Washington III maintained ownership of these records until 1990 when they were sold to Gary Hendershott, a manuscripts dealer from Little Rock, Arkansas. The Mount Vernon Ladies' Association purchased the collection in October 1990.","Lists signatures and states that all members of Congress would sign if requested.","States they are now the \"best of friends.\" She is angry at people who denigrate his motives. Wants to make known his true nature.","Mrs. Ritchie requests he arrive at the theatre a little after 12:00 so all guests may be seated prior to the rise of the curtain.","She had sent her present of flowers to Mrs. Madison, and they were \"greatfully\" received.","His mother wants help valuing her sheep. Describes one offer for Mount Vernon with great disdain. They want to have entertainments there. He has great respect for \"your manly pride.\"","Apologizes for having intruded too much on his privacy during a recent visit when Mrs. Ritchie and others of the ladies \"took forcible possession of me\" and requested cuttings of flowers. Hopes he will establish a Botanic Garden and suggests a location for a Mausoleum.","Describes her return from Mount Vernon in much rain. Discusses crops. Gives instructions for sending things to her. Asks report of conversation that was \"highly derogatory to me.\" Feels items should be sold to visitors so they will not pilfer mementos.","Urges sale of Mount Vernon to Virginia rather than to a private sale.","Resolution wants to change the site of the Military Asylum to Mount Vernon if a part of the estate can be purchased at a reasonable price.","Introduces some friends who wish to visit Mount Vernon.","Gives family news and an account of a visit by a gentleman who spent the night at Mount Vernon and gave $5 to West Ford. Discusses sale of a slave to his cousin. Has heard of a bill by the federal government to purchase Mount Vernon and wishes it would be accepted. Mentions prices and terms.","Is sending oats and other items to Mount Vernon. Urges him to pursue his studies. Wishes him to send some oysters and sugar.","Sends funds for completing the vault at Mount Vernon and authorizes him to take more money from his bank if necessary.","Thanks him for the many civilities experienced by them during their visit to Mount Vernon. Sends a piece of a branch of a fig tree cut from the birth spot of \"your immortal ancestor.\"","Is against his plans for Mount Vernon and opening it to \"every low idler.\" Discusses payments and what form they would take.","Brief note of regards, translated by J. Perkins.","Heard about people being charged to enter the garden. Wishes he would stop this.","Wants to know price and terms of sale of Mount Vernon. If not for sale, could it be leased. (Contains typed transcript.)","Was glad to hear that Mount Vernon was not for sale as it should remain in the hands of the Washington family. Wishes to \"establish a house of entertainment in the vicinity of Mount Vernon.\" Asks questions as to materials and location of such. (Contains typed transcript.)","Is in the market to purchase negroes as one of his men, Alfred, has run off. Wants to know whether she still wishes to dispose of her negroes and what her price would be. He could pay $500 cash and then pay off the principal in a year or two.","Lists names of executors and legatees and their shares and values.","Tells him of an upcoming visit to Washington and Mount Vernon by a \"highly respectable volunteer corps.\" They wish to arrive by boat and see the tomb of Washington. He understands permission to do so is necessary.","Is worried his health is suffering by his labors at Mount Vernon. Hopes he will accept any reasonable offer by the U.S. Government for it. Went into town to have magistrates witness her acknowledgment of the deed of release. Discusses a suit brought by Judge Douglass and the health of various family members.","Doubts whether an offer will be made by the U.S. Government. Hopes it would as she feels his health is suffering from attending to business at Mount Vernon. Recommends someone to help him acquire an overseer. Was paid money for him. Discusses the failing health of Dr. Alexander's mother and others.","Is horrified to learn of auction of Wood Lawn. Proposes to run a steamboat between Washington to Wood Lawn, Fort Washington, Mount Vernon, and the White House. Gives references. Pledges to bring members of Congress there and feels it would enhance the chances of the purchase of Mount Vernon by the government. Suggests it could be used as a summer home for the President. Discusses various items left by Washington and the soon to be completed Chesapeake \u0026 Ohio Canal. (contains typed transcript)","Tells him of a letter he received from an unknown man who wants to obtain a tree from Mount Vernon to transplant in France to shade the bench of Christopher Columbus which he possesses.","Recommends leaving it to Congress to propose a price for the purchase of Mount Vernon. She feels he wants too much for it, and that it really should not be sold. Gives family news. Gives advice on his search for an overseer.","First letter discusses the Supreme Court taking on the suit of Mr. Hammond against General Washington. Bassett says he discharged all debts owed by Captain Lewis. There is another copy of the names of executors and legatees and their shares and values. Discussions of various debts owed to different people.","Discusses various suits, mostly Hammonds, against the estate and their current status. Many people have died since 1827 when they were last listed. Will take a long time to find people.","Discussion of the Hammond suit and payments still owed to various creditors, to be paid by all the legatees of General Washington's estate. Most dollar figures are left blank to be filled in later. Prompt payment by all legatees is required.","Discusses his father's will and his lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of various other people mentioned in JAW's letter.","Answering his inquiries as to various relatives. Suggests he write to the clerk of Kanawha County for the information he requires. Suggests he contact Andrew Parks who probably has all the facts.","Discusses sale of swamp land. He paid the taxes on it for the Washington heirs. The land is not worth much since the timber had been taken from it by many people over the years. Would like to be reimbursed for the money he paid.","He wishes to meet with him in the middle of November, at which time they can conclude their business.","Discusses the bill in Congress to purchase Mount Vernon. Wants assets divided up between her children so all are taken care of. Tells of Charles' upcoming marriage before he leaves for California.","Discusses the codicil of his father's will. Mrs. Washington is not compelled to sell. Upon her death, the heirs may sell despite the codicil. Suggests Mrs. Washington partition the land before her death in order that JAW may do \"what you please with the land.\"","Invites him to the wedding of his oldest daughter the next week.","Has been in Charlestown attending services for the week. Is amazed at the prospect of $200,000 being paid for Mount Vernon by the government. Wants him to send fish and to pickle some \"Rock.\"","(Typed transcription included) George Page and a surveyor from Maryland wanted to survey land in the Potomac River adjacent to Mount Vernon with the object of bringing steamboats there. Was notified he would be charged with some offense by Maryland. Makes him aware that the compact between the states means they have no claim on him.","First letter – wants to know if Mount Vernon Estate will be sold. Second letter – understands the government might become the owner of the estate and wants to meet.","Wants him to petition the Court to finally settle the estate of General Washington.","First letter – wants to examine Mount Vernon with a view to the establishment of a military asylum for the relief of soldiers. Second letter – tells him the price for Mount Vernon is too high, and purchase of a location nearer Washington will be undertaken.","An account by a boat company of receipts over the past year.","Discusses the landing of boats at Mount Vernon without JAW's previous knowledge. Wants them to be allowed to dock if they pay the usual fare to him.","Acknowledges payment for the pianoforte. Wants four walking sticks cut from near General Washington's tomb to be sent to monks in Italy.","Agreement to sell 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000. Includes all buildings and the tomb, as well as furnishings currently there. Also will allow heirs to be buried there. He may not sell the estate without first offering it to the U.S. Government and the State of Virginia for no more than $350,000.","Has been unable to contact other parties to the contract. Hopes to be able to do so soon.","A committee of the House of Delegates has been appointed to consider the purchase of Mount Vernon. Wants to meet him in Alexandria to discuss this.","Encloses a newspaper clipping about the acquisition of Mount Vernon by the State of Virginia. Tells him the committee of five will look into the will of the people as to this acquisition.","Addressed only to \"Mrs. Washington.\" Unclear whether it is addressed to Mrs. Jane C.B. Washington or Mrs. Eleanor L.S. Washington. (Typed transcription included) Has heard that Mount Vernon is for sale, possibly to northern people. Feels the Ladies of the South might instead procure it and wants to know the price.","Does not wish to part with Mount Vernon but wishes to keep it from the changeable fortunes of a family and to ally it to the State. Would sell 200 acres with stipulations for $200,000. If the State wants to establish a model farm there, he would sell an additional 1,000 acres for $300,000. Invites them to visit.","Discusses his offer to sell Mount Vernon to the state. Says $200,000 is less than the property could sell for on the market. Talks about having a model farm as nothing meant more to Washington than farming. Would welcome them to visit. Reminds them that his terms cannot be materially modified.","(Typed transcription included) Says he is asking less money of the state than he had been offered by others. Tells them of his desire for a model farm as the pursuit of an improved system of agriculture was of great importance to General Washington. Would welcome a visit from them.","Wants to clear up suggestions that he is falsely referring to higher offers for Mount Vernon.","The Committee feels the price for Mount Vernon \"is enormous.\" Would prefer the money to be used for a rail road.","Draft in writing of John Augustine Washington III. Addressed to \"Miss Cunningham\" but could also be a response to Louisa Cunningham's letter instead of Ann Pamela Cunningham. Praises the women of the south for their affection for Washington. Does not wish to dispose of the property except to the government of the United States or Virginia and so declines the proposition from the \"Ladies of the South.\"","Draft thought to be in the writing of Jane C.B. Washington. Identical text to previous letter (draft in the hand of John Augustine Washington III).","Encloses a power of attorney and some other letters. Has agreed to reduction of $50,000 on 1000 acres. Will accept nothing less than $200,000 for the 200 acres. Agrees to pay him 5% of what he gets from either government agency, provided it occurs in the current session.","The state might be willing to pay $50,000 per year for four years for Mount Vernon but not the total of $200,000 at once. Wonders what is happening with the federal government. \"Things are coming to a head rapidly.\"","As long as negotiations with Virginia remain open, it would not be proper for him to entertain any proposals from other parties for the purchase of Mount Vernon. Might be interested in the future in making an offer.","Feels priority should be given to Congress to purchase Mount Vernon, and therefore Virginia is holding off on more committee meetings. Wants him to be there for future committee meetings.","Urges him to meet with Arthur Taylor as his representative in the proposed sale of Mount Vernon. Requests that he not send papers to Col. Bissell before meeting with him.","Has the papers from Mr. Washington and wants to meet with him to discuss the sale of Mount Vernon to the U.S. Government.","Assures him that he has not given the letters from him to Mr. Bissell and has requested Mr. Taylor to come see him.","Encloses the previous letter and hopes they will be able to meet soon. Feels it best to not commit to any course with the U.S. until a definite answer comes from the Virginia Legislature.","Invites him to come to his lodgings at any time at 9 a.m.","Is unable to return to his \"hospitable roof\" at this time. Values the time she was there and having been \"entrusted with the training of such bright intelligences.\"","Reports on his share of earnings from \"Washington's Writings.\" Many copies of the book were destroyed in a fire, but the stereotype and engraved plates were in a fire proof vault.","Feels it is very important for him to communicate with the federal government and is willing to help in any way.","Mr. Taylor shared his letter proposing to bring the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon again before Congress. His terms are already known to him – the same as those agreed to for the State of Virginia.","Wants to bring up the purchase of Mount Vernon in Congress but wants to know just what terms he agreed to with Virginia. Wants the Northern States to purchase it.","Gives terms of sale, including that family members still living may also be buried there. Additional property to total 1000 acres may be purchased for $300,000, for a model farm as suggested by Gen. Washington. Tells him the state of Virginia had proposed the sale for less than he wanted which he refused.","Encloses a copy of the bill reported to the House of Delegates Committee for the purchase of Mount Vernon. He told them it would not meet with JAW's approval. Urges him to move quickly on the Turnpike matter for this session.","Is very desirous of having the State of Virginia take possession of Mount Vernon and \"have the sole control and ownership forever.\" Wants to know what terms he proposes.","Gives him the terms of sale. The Washington family shall be permitted to be buried on the site, and no remains shall ever be disturbed. The price shall be $200,000, with an additional 800 acres available for $100,000 more","Will not accede to propositions of the steamboat company. Will be busy for a few weeks but wants to see a copy of the agreement currently in effect.","Tells him of Mrs. Mason presenting \"a remonstrance against your turnpike.\" Wants access to $250 at Farmers Bank in Alexandria.","Discusses payments based on sales of \"Washington's Writings.\" Tells percentages paid to various legatees.","Discusses quarrelling and squabbling among the ladies purchasing Mount Vernon. Is concerned about security around the remains of George Washington.","Wants him to send a letter to him so he may correct disparaging remarks made about his impending sale of Mount Vernon.","Is writing to her as requested by JAW. Describes a woman mourning her deceased eight-year-old son. Includes a poem about grief and moving on after death of a child.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Mr. Mason very much wants to meet him and getting a letter from JAW that would announce the news of their \"progress.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for the kindness of him and Mrs. Washington on her recent visit to Mount Vernon. Urges him to send a letter to be published about the sale of Mount Vernon before the news is released by someone else.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Assures her he does not care what others say about him and remains hopeful of selling Mount Vernon to the State of Virginia.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Explains the absence of Mr. Toombs when JAW came to see him. Tells him why she is now dealing with Mr. Toombs rather than Mr. Mason.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes to meet him in Washington City as she will be there for a few days during her travel south. Wants a thorough understanding of his wishes and intentions before meeting with the governor of Virginia.","Wants him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter in the National Intelligencer and put the estate under the care of the State of Virginia. (This is a copy of a letter written by Anna's husband.) Second letter, dated March 5, 1857 on same paper: Refers to letter copied out by her. Is certain a sufficient sum will have been raised by February 22 to enable Virginia to purchase Mount Vernon.","Urges him to reconsider his determination as expressed in his letter to the National Intelligencer and consent to place the estate once more at the disposal of Virginia which has an arrangement with the \"Ladies' Mount Vernon Association of the Union.\"","His musical association played a concert on behalf of the \"Ladies Mt. Vernon Association\" at which $100 was raised. The musical group would benefit greatly from receiving this money back if Mr. Washington has no plans to sell to the Ladies Association.","Would love to spend time at Mount Vernon, but his schedule will not allow at this time. His book will be published during the winter and spring, but he doesn't feel a visit would add anything.","He remains willing to place Mount Vernon in the hands of the State of Virginia, under his terms which the state has not seemed to want to meet. The proposal to have Mount Vernon by under the Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union is unacceptable to him. Doubts they could maintain the estate in perpetuity. It would then be taken over by the state.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Identical to previous letter.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Responding to his letter to Mr. Ritchie. Urges him to put out that the Ladies are to raise $200,000 on behalf of the State of Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not wish to publish parts of letters. Feels \"nothing but silent contempt can put them at rest.\"","(W.L. Underwood – most likely Warner Lewis Underwood, Kentucky Senator) Tells JAW that if his current negotiations for Mount Vernon should fall through that his organization would be pleased to enter into further discussions.","Again says he wishes Mount Vernon to go to the State of Virginia, to be decided upon by the current session of the General Assembly.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to know who told her that he was \"willing… for a pecuniary consideration to break engagements and promises.\"","The Masonic Brotherhood is interested in purchasing Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the tour the previous day. Apologizes for the bad behavior of one member and hopes that will not prejudice him against the Fraternity.","(Typed transcription enclosed) She met with the governor who told her the \"Extra Session\" of the Legislature was for the \"presidential contest,\" so the Legislature will not be meeting again until the next winter. Realizes this delay is not pleasing to him.","Inquires whether any action has been taken by the Legislature or is likely to be.","Tells him no action has yet been taken by the Legislature but feels sure it will be taken up after the Christmas recess, after which the ladies will be enabled to purchase Mount Vernon and have its title transferred to Virginia.","Discusses various prices for Mount Vernon and quotes JAW as vehemently denying that he wanted the remains of General Washington moved. He wishes the estate to be the property of the United States and all the people.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him she has been very ill but is sure that the Legislature will act.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Tells him Gov. Wise is \"inimical to our 'cause'\" which is the reason the Legislature has not taken up the subject of the purchase of Mount Vernon.\" Talks of the financial crisis which is being felt by \"we victimized cotton planters.\" Tells him of the impending sale of copies of a portrait of Washington.","(Typed transcription enclosed) She writes of her illness and lack of strength. The Constitution of the Association was signed by the governor. Tells him various Masonic orders have decided to become allies of the Association. Hopes to have the contract signed between Virginia and him on the 22nd of February.","Invites recipient to the elevation of the Statue of Washington on February 22 in Richmond.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Is looking forward to the inauguration of the Washington statue. Wants him to vow that the Ladies of the Association are the \"very best friends you have in the world.\" Tells him that Gov. Wise is no friend to him or to her and this cause.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Has a document that states Virginia will purchase Mount Vernon from him and encloses a copy of the bill. Is sure the governor will act strongly to defeat this. Wants him to attend the address by Mr. Everett a few days before the 22nd of February. Tells him how lucky he is to get $200,000 in \"these awful times.\"","Gives price of sale of $200,000 for 200 acres of the Mount Vernon estate and pledges the MVLA to guarantee to not disturb any remains currently there and to allow descendants of JAW to also be interred there.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Praises him for agreeing that Mount Vernon is to be a public shrine and to limit interments there. Gen. Chapman included that in the third reading of the bill. Discusses the building of a new mausoleum for Washington which would not go against his will. Talks of her illness.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the disposition of family remains, as well as those of General Washington, are his biggest concerns in the sale.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Hopes he is happy about the bill as read in the Legislature. Tells him it is she and not the Committee who wants to arrange for a magnificent mausoleum. Closes by saying she is too exhausted to \"even give a hint of the nature of woman's revenge should you not be in a state of delight over our bill!!!\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Remains adamant as to a future mausoleum as Washington stated where he wished his remains to be. Cannot travel to Richmond at present due to the illness of Mrs. Washington.","(Agreement ends with reference to the 10th of February) Deals with payment of $6,000 to heirs of W.F. Alexander and Anna Alexander as a share of Mount Vernon. Expressly says none of these heirs have any claim to the proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon, other than the $6,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that though Gov. Wise is no friend to the Mount Vernon cause, he did not intend to put his remarks under the head of Lunatic Asylum. It was a complete accident.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses another article by Mr. Pryor who is \"using his art to arouse the fear, \u0026 cupidity of the timid \u0026 narrow minded of this Legislature.\" Asks him about his previous offer from a company to purchase the estate, and that he wanted to wait for Congress to act.","(Typed transcription enclosed) States that his price for Mount Vernon has always been $200,000, since he gained control of it in 1849. Asks whether he ever made an offer for Mount Vernon for $100,000. If so, under whose authority was it made?","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to confirm with him that his offer to sell Mount Vernon as a site for the Military Asylum in 1851 was for $200,000 and not $100,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of a contract with a gentleman to sell him 200 acres of Mount Vernon for $200,000 with the condition that the property should be offered to the U.S. and to Virginia. If neither purchased it, he should take the property. He then offered $50,000 to release him from that obligation, but JAW refused. Says he never has offered it for sale in public or private.","Says he was authorized by JAW to offer Mount Vernon for a Military Asylum for $100,000. Will search for papers to confirm this.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Advises that on March 25, 1851, he made an offer to sell about 150 acres of the Mount Vernon estate for $200,000 for an Army Asylum or some other government purpose.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Labeled as Private. Thanks him for sending a copy of the correspondence of Gen. Scott. Miss C. is intensely engaged in getting past Mr. Pryor's malicious misrepresentation of the Bill. If he can defeat us, he will.","Reiterates that Alexander and his heirs have no claim to any proceeds arising from a sale of Mount Vernon beyond the agreed upon $6,000 and requests him to add a paragraph to that effect to the agreement they will both sign.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her in Richmond, despite his recent fall. Refers to the animosity of Mr. Pryor toward the bill. Wishes there could be an Extra Session for it to pass.","Again states his disagreement with Mr. McKenzie's assertion of his having offered $100,000 for Mount Vernon. No one else knew of such an offer. Gen. Scott agrees with JAW in his recollections. Tells her of a recent fall from a horse which will prevent his visit to Richmond on the 22nd.","Urges him and his family to attend the inauguration of the equestrian statue of Washington on the Capital Square in Richmond. Says he would be pleased to host them at their home near the city.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is uncertain whether he will be able to travel to Richmond and wants her to update him on matters related to the Bill as \"I have not in any manner approached\" any of his friends or acquaintances on the subject. It is important for her to convince members that the association only needs the name of the State which will not be called upon to pay any of the money for the purchase.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham begs him to attend Mr. Everett's oration and hopes to speak to him on the Square tomorrow.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Continues to be unwell. Introduces him to Mr. A.H.H. Dawson of Georgia, \"an eccentric genius.\" He is devoted to the purposes of the Association and has delivered an address about it in 30 towns in Georgia. Urges him to come to Richmond to meet with members of the Legislature.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is sorry he was unable to call on her before leaving Richmond. Wants clarification about alterations Mr. Yancy thought necessary in the paper he left with her. He wants a decision by the Legislature, yes or no, soon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells him that the Legislature is \"in a row\" and will not pass any bills before an Extra Session. Wants him to bring a contract to her so they are prepared for any contingencies. Tells him of her illness of the lungs and her treatment.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Reiterates the importance of the sanctity of the family burying ground. Wants to have some alterations and additions of a substantial permanent character made to the present vault, with a durable enclosure around it. He is open to payment in stocks or cash for the estate. Says they should have an act of incorporation before signing a contract.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Gen. Chapman was drawing up an act of incorporation before the bill comes up. He said Virginia must not hold the tomb; the Association must hold it. She remains very ill. \"yrs in much suffering\"","Is preparing a pamphlet to defend JAW against detractors and wants copies of correspondence he had with Gen. Scott and others about possible purchase of Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The bill in Virginia for the purchase of Mount Vernon, to be refunded by the MVLA, was defeated in the House of Delegates. In addition Congress cannot purchase land in a sovereign state without its consent. Tells him it should be the property of the Nation and should be sold to the MVLA. \"With grateful women pledged to guard the sacred ashes of Washington and to adorn his home for a national shrine.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Says it has become obvious that neither Virginia nor the U.S. wish to purchase Mount Vernon. Therefore \"the women of the land will probably be the safest as they will certainly be the purest guardians of a national shrine.\" He waits for her to make a proposal to him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham requests that he answer the letter she gave him relating to the purchase of Mount Vernon and to return it to her. She will give him a copy.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is returning her letter to him as it seemed to be improperly dated and lacked her signature. When she remedies those defects, he will send an answer.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants to meet with him on Saturday morning in Alexandria to sign the contract.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Is very unhappy about delays put forth by Messrs. Macfarland \u0026 Myers. They felt there had to be an acceptance of the contract by all or a majority of the Vice Regents before it could be signed. They can do this by telegraph, permitting Mrs. Ritchie to act for them.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to come without delay. It was thought things would be delayed as Mrs. Walton's husband had died, but now Mr. McFarland advised them to send for him at once. Miss Cunningham is not good and needs to bring matters to a close \"ere it be too late.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come see her that afternoon or evening as Dr. Beale \"considers it necessary to apply a severe blister without delay.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Upon reflection she feels the letter she sent him for publication is not to be published. She does not wish to \"make enemies even in a State which has given me so little cause to respect it.\" Mrs. Ritchie will work on a better worded one which she will send to him.","He deposited money to his credit for the contract and wants to know if this was correct. Tells him the pony he was inquiring about is not for sale. Also felt much concern about the accounts of the fisheries. Looks forward to a visit with him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the plat of the 200 acres of land he agreed to sell to the MVLA. Wants him to sign it and return it.","(Typed transcription enclosed) About the plat, he is having the land resurveyed and \"have the necessary corners stones set.\" He will send it back with a signature after that. Also encloses her letter of March 12 and wants a copy of her letter as published with her signature.","Wants to know if George Thorburn may visit Mount Vernon in the 28th of May to inspect the grounds in regards to the improvements to be made. He is \"no doubt the first horticulturist in America\" and a plain, unpolished person. It would be good for JAW's surveyor to meet with Mr. Thorburn to go over the grounds.","He is \"exceedingly provoked\" at the newspaper coverage in connection with the sale of Mount Vernon. As a college friend he felt he had to contact an editor and correct the information. He hopes he did not make the situation worse.","Again requests he host the \"celebrated florist\" at Mount Vernon to look over the grounds before they come to Mount Vernon on the 29th for a few hours.","Agrees to have Mr. Thorburn come and meet with surveyors. Asks if Mr. Thorburn could be appointed the Agent of the Association in drawing up with the surveyors the lines of the 200 acres. He will \"grant any reasonable request of the Association.\" Hopes to see Mr. Ritchie and her while he yet resides at Mount Vernon.","The first attests to receipt of interest on the $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington. \tThe second is for $2,000 as part of the $6,000 owed.","Urges him to reduce the price of Mount Vernon to $150,000 so as to better fund all the expenses associated with its ownership by the MVLA. Tells him to buy land in \"some of the new states\" with that money.","Wants to know what stocks or bonds would be acceptable as part of the purchase price. Gives the current rate of Virginia stock.","Acknowledges his decline to the proposition.","Replying to a previous letter. Cannot answer the questions of Miss Lewis as he does not remember where Col. Fielding Lewis died. Her wishes are an illusion. Wonders if some land in Kentucky is what she is dreaming of. Hopes the Ladies will be able to preserve Mount Vernon after they complete the purchase.","As a new Mason, wants to know if he will amend the contract to state that the property will revert to the United States or the Masonic Fraternity in the event of a dissolution of the MVLA and not to the state of Virginia.","Writes to her cousin about an article in the paper that morning that was a \"vile abolition libel on you.\" Wants to assure her lady friends that it is untrue.","Is involved in illustrating an article about Mount Vernon as it is of interest to the American people. Wants to visit to sketch objects that have not been drawn. The MVLA is in favor of such an article to assist with their fund raising.","Is amazed at the scurrilous attacks made on him by Northern Papers which are calculated to embarrass the Mount Vernon Association.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Thanks him for his letter about the calumnies in some Northern newspapers but has no desire to enter into a controversy with the papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants him to tell her of his agreement with Mr. Crutchett of Mount Vernon Cane Factory who was given permission to come and cut trees on the estate. Asks what value he puts on the remainder of the estate contiguous to the 200 acres.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Gives details of his contract with Mr. Crutchett which expired in February 1856. He was permitted to take more trees before January 1857. He has no right to \"come upon the property I have sold the Association to cut timber.\" Has not put a price on the remainder of Mount Vernon.","Thanks him for the hospitality given to him and his sister on their visit to Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham was happy to hear his account of the transactions with Mr. Crutchett. Wants him to come to Philadelphia to confer upon private matters of great importance to the Association and himself. She is equally interested in the final settlement of the boundary lines.","First letter (incomplete) congratulates him on the sale of Mount Vernon. Requests return of portrait of his mother. Second letter thanks him for agreeing to return the portrait. He and his family would very much like to visit Mount Vernon again before it becomes public.","Hopes he can come to Washington to meet with him. Wants Mr. Washington to stay with him to \"pay off the debt of visiting you at Mt. Vernon.\" Miss Cunningham is making arrangements to pay the first bond with interest in December.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Looks forward to making payment of the first installment. Mr. Riggs will pay sums of $5,000 as soon as it is raised. Hopes to be able to pay the remainder of 2d installment on 1st of January 1859. Begs him to keep these matters as a \"profound secret.\"","Miss Cunningham wants to make the first payment on December 14, the anniversary of Washington's death.","Tells him of payment to Burke \u0026 Herbert of $10,000 on that day.","Tells him the box containing the chairs has not yet arrived. He wants to be allowed to pay for the repairs necessary to the chairs. Invites him and his family to visit him in Richmond before they go farther away from it.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to make the first payment on the 1st, but this is a holiday. Urges him not to risk sending the plat executed by Washington himself but to have it be lithographed. Wants to clear up the boundaries. Tells him to keep the discussion of the sale of additional land private.","Wants to gather branches from the estate in order to make canes to sell to aid in the purchase of Mount Vernon.","Their project would require the consent of the Regent of the MVLA.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Confidential) Miss Cunningham is too ill to reply to his last letter. Lets him know his presence might be required on the 22nd but all arrangements must be kept private. The upcoming payment will be about $14,000.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Urges him to accept the money already paid to him (for the \"selling your relations bones.\") He already received more money than the estate was worth. Note on the letter states he ensured his control over the remains in \"such a way that they can never be sold by any one.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Does not want to go to Philadelphia unless it is absolutely necessary. He recently heard that Mrs. Esther M. Lewis (widow of Lorenzo Lewis) wants to present the harpsichord that was given to Nelly to the MVLA.","Thanks him for copy of the inscription on a bust. He realized he had not copied the pencil sketch of the Destruction of the Bastille. Would JAW please have a photograph of it sent to him for an upcoming book on the history of Mount Vernon. Will send a copy of the book to him in September when it is published.","Acknowledges receipt of $1,000 which completes the payment of $6,000 owed to Mrs. Jane Washington.","The Regent wants JAW to not allow any more sketches to be made of Mount Vernon or the grounds without her consent. Attached is a copy of an advertisement for sale of a portrait of Washington. The Mount Vernon Record gives an account of fund raising to date. Mr. Everett thanks Devereux for sending him a copy of the Farewell Address.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Requests her to send him definite instructions to enable him to prohibit people from making sketches of Mount Vernon.","Tells them he has written to the Regent requesting her instructions about the matter they raised with him.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent now feels that it would \"not be practicable for you to refuse privileges hitherto granted\" in the matter of sketches. There is also a newspaper clipping with letters from JAW and the Regent about the sale of Mount Vernon.","They wrote to him on the 14th as the Regent was prostrated. Requests any material he might have about the area in England where Washington's ancestor came from.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her of terms under which they ran their steamboat to Mount Vernon. They paid him money with the understanding that he would make repairs to the wharf and footway, under the agreement, but he did not. He ordered his captain to have it done and will retain that money.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses a copy of the previous letter and asks him to advise her as to her response to Mr. Bryan.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham much enjoyed his previous letter and its humor. Hopes he will waive the requisition of 10 days notice before receiving payments. Can give him at least 30 days notice before requiring possession, and hopefully 60 days. She has \"been very much of an invalid for many weeks.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Wants him to come to Philadelphia around the 10th or 12th so they may consult in regard to the future. They can have the boundary line settled and put many business affairs in order. Miss Cunningham intends to make a payment on the last installment as soon \"as you will receive it.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) He will travel to Philadelphia and meet with her on Wednesday. Will give directions to Messrs. Burke \u0026 Herbert for the last installment.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham wants him to arrive on Thursday and then accompany her to hear Mr. Everett in the evening. She and Mr. Everett would then meet with him on Friday.","(Typed transcription enclosed) He agrees to come to Philadelphia on Thursday and meet as she suggests.","(Typed transcription enclosed) The Regent wants him to \"have the kindness not to speak of the particulars of your interview with her.\" She also requests him to confer with Mr. Herbert, after which Mr. Herbert should meet with Mr. Riggs and let her know the arrangements he would be willing to make. \"This matter she particularly desires should be confidential.\"","Wants him to send him the photographs of the Picture of the Bastille and let him know what he owes for this service. Thanks him for his kindness in all this matter.","Again asks for the photograph of the Bastille picture as his book is finished, and he is only waiting for that.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham regrets that he and Mr. Riggs were unable to meet at Mount Vernon to discuss all it is possible to do without annoyance to the family. Would like to commence work on the outbuildings near the garden and to rebuild the roof and pillars of the piazza. Also wants to do work around the Tomb.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Apologizes for delay in responding to his recent letter, but the news of Captain Cunningham's decease has made it impossible for Miss Cunningham to \"think of even the most pressing business.\"","Thanks him for sending the photograph and encloses $5. Apologizes for keeping three documents for so long. Wants to return the documents and send him a copy of the book in September. Asks whether he may keep the Pohick elevation as it is in Washington's hand.","Details work done on various dresses.","Is sorry to hear that JAW will be leaving Mount Vernon before Hubard can get there to visit. Wants to know whether Mr. Mills does possess the moulds made by Houdon. Wants to see a cast made from the mould as he is convinced it is a fraud.","Cannot say whether the Richmond statue is accurate but to him the head looks identical to the Mount Vernon bust. Has never heard of the moulds being left at Mount Vernon and does not believe Mr. Mills would have removed anything without his permission.","Wants to clarify his original assertion that he feels Houdon did not use the moulds made from Washington's face as he asserts they are very different from the head of Houdon. Also wants to know whether the table on which Washington lay when the moulds were made is still at Mount Vernon.","Thanks him for sending money from the steamboat company for the MVLA.","Will be writing an article for Encyclopedia Britannica and is \"desirous of stating the facts relative to the emancipation of the Genl's slaves.\" Also wants to know whether Mrs. Washington left a will and whether she freed her slaves in it.","Wishes to obtain a copy of the inventory of General Washington's estate.","Makes assertion that General Washington was sued and judgment rendered against him. Also some northern papers are speculating that he lost his money and had mortgaged the Mount Vernon estate for $400,000. Encloses a copy of the certificate of the appraiser as entered in 1810.","Is returning the papers lent to him and sending a copy of his book on Mount Vernon. Thanks him for the use of the papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Reminds her that his request for her lawyer to sift through an abstract of his title to Mount Vernon has not been complied with. This would answer questions raised by anonymous persons which have \"caused you some uneasiness.\"","Miss Cunningham wants to conclusively prove the falsehood of assertions of the invalidity of his title to the estate. The Clerk of Fairfax County will attest to the truth but wants to see his father's will and evidence of the payment of $6,000 charged to the estate. Looks forward to putting to rest this falsehood.","Is still waiting for the certificate from the Clerk of Fairfax County. That will give the \"lie to any slander of title.\" Is unable to visit due to his duties in the Legislature.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham thanks him for sending the package of papers and hopes to be able to write herself in a few days about other matters.","Thanks him for sending the papers. Does not appear from them that \"Mrs. Washington emancipated the dower negroes.\" Requests more information on that point.","Sees that Miss Cunningham has published an abstract of title furnished her by the Clerk of Fairfax Court, so imagines she will not require further information. Will soon return the other papers.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Has forwarded to her a package of papers which he recovered, apparently detailing the kinds and locations of trees planted at Mount Vernon.","Tells her his lack of response to her letter is due to being away most of the month and having visits from friends, possibly for the last time at Mount Vernon. Pointed out the lines of the old vistas marked by ancient trees. The insurance policies he had were on the house only, not the outbuildings. Recommends she make a new road. Also recommends repairing the wharf.","Sends a newspaper copy of an advertisement she placed wishing to obtain a copy of the photograph taken the previous August at the tomb of Washington which included her daughter, now deceased. She would like to know if she could obtain a list of the attendees of that day so she might write and request this as it is the only photograph of her daughter.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Tells her the Association still must raise $140,000 to support the Estate which will require extraordinary effort on the part of the Association. Asks her to address visitors at Mount Vernon on the imperative nature of this.","(Typed transcription enclosed – labeled Private) Wants to arrange a \"Grand Ceremonial in connection with the taking of the title\" in order to let people know fund raising is not complete after the purchase. Refers to political turmoil and the impending dissolution of the Union and all the difficulties this will cause. Plans to be at Mount Vernon for 10 days and wants to meet with him to finalize things.","He is fine with executing a deed for the sale of Mount Vernon to the Association and feels there would be no difficulty in the event of his death. He worries about Virginia's seceding from the Union that she might object to selling part of her soil to a corporation composed \"in part of unfriendly foreigners.\"","(Typed transcription enclosed) Miss Cunningham is gratified that he concurs in her proposition and feels her decease would be the most serious difficulty to be apprehended. Wants to meet him at Mount Vernon to place the deed in escrow. Does not feel the possibilities for Virginia he suggested would form a significant barrier.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses an order to Mr. Riggs for steamboat receipts through December 31st. Would be happy to meet her at Mount Vernon.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Encloses the order on Mr. Bryan for the steamboat receipts. Has been paying insurance which continues until June next and has deducted that from the receipts.","Acknowledges his letter but does not need receipts for premiums of insurance.","Reports that Mr. Herbert only wants to clear the lot of land offered him. Also Mr. Norris has rented out his farm. Turner is not sure where he moved to in Kentucky. Discusses acquisition of material to make shirts for servants.","(Typed transcription enclosed) Had not replied to his earlier letter due to excessive fatigue from her journey from Columbia. Hopes to use patriotic influence to get the \"Agent\" to remit or reduce his fee.","Tells him of a minister who will be in Alexandria and is looking for a vacant church where he could officiate.","Funeral was conducted at Waveland. There is a description of the body and the family. Invoked the Gospel. JAW began family prayers following the death of his wife. Description of his activities over the following days.","Asks Mrs. Howard for a biographical sketch of her father (John Augustine Washington III) for the National Cyclopedia of American Biography.","Two leaflets advertising the writings of Dr. Lyon G. Tyler.","Full title \"A Confederate catechism: The war of 1861-1865.\" Third edition, November 21, 1929. Series of 20 questions and answers about the war.","Wants to know whether the Ladies will discuss the purchase of the pictures and maps he has been offering. He will offer them elsewhere.","Photographic print, cabinet card of a drawing of the east view of the Mansion by unknown artist. Reverse side of card reads \"D.H. Naramore, Photographer, No. 321 King Street, Alexandria, VA.\"","Small engraving probably clipped from a publication. Unknown location or residence shown in image.","Hair clippings in envelope with note \"Hair of the late Lawrence Washington - 1856 - Found among articles bequested to MVLA by Miss Cunningham. Miss Comegys, Regent (1923) directs Supt. to send this to the widow of Mr. Lawrence W.\"","Small black and white photographic print showing the gravestone for Lt. Col. John Augustine Washington.","Black and white photographic print mounted on gray board. Shows Waveland residence with man, two women, and several children visible (unidentified).","Boston: Published by Charles Bowen. Front page signed \"Jane C. Washington, Mount Vernon, 1834.\"","Diary inscribed \"Account of all my recpts. \u0026 expenditures beginning with Sept. 16th, 1841, that being the date at which I came to Mount Vernon to reside.\" There are intermittent entries through November 1859. This is not as full a diary but includes lists of food, clothing, and china, table, and cookware.","Includes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details. Loose note at the front reads \"Extracts from the diary of my father\" with notes on this diary and previous ones.","Includes \"List of Negroes\" and Mount Vernon farming and maintenance details.","Photocopies of undated manuscripts from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1834-1838 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1841-1845 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1846-1849 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1851-1853 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1854-1855 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1856-1857 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (1 of 2)","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1858 from the collection. (2 of 2)","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1859 from the collection.","Photocopies of manuscripts dated 1860-1861 from the collection.","Handwritten notes probably by a librarian or other Mount Vernon staff member including summaries of the letters within the collection."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections at The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865","Washington, George Corbin, 1789-1854","Lewis, Lawrence, 1767-1839","Lewis, Eleanor Parke Custis, 1779-1852","Davis, Henry Winter, 1817-1865","Bassett, George Washington, 1800-1878","Johnson, Joseph, 1785-1877","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Custis, George Washington Parke, 1781-1857","McKenzie, Lewis, 1810-1895","Cunningham, Louisa Bird, 1794-1873","Washington, Eleanor Love Selden, 1824-1860","Taylor, John L. (John Lampkin), 1805-1870","Sparks, Jared, 1789-1866","Washington, Bushrod C. (Bushrod Corbin), 1839-1919","Tyler, Nathaniel, 1828-1917"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections at The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"persname_ssim":["Washington, John Augustine, III, 1821-1861","Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 1816-1875","Ritchie, Anna Cora Mowatt, 1819-1870","Washington, Jane Charlotte Blackburn, 1786-1855","Lossing, Benson John, 1813-1891","Everett, Edward, 1794-1865","Washington, George Corbin, 1789-1854","Lewis, Lawrence, 1767-1839","Lewis, Eleanor Parke Custis, 1779-1852","Davis, Henry Winter, 1817-1865","Bassett, George Washington, 1800-1878","Johnson, Joseph, 1785-1877","Corcoran, W.W. (William Wilson), 1798-1888","Custis, George Washington Parke, 1781-1857","McKenzie, Lewis, 1810-1895","Cunningham, Louisa Bird, 1794-1873","Washington, Eleanor Love Selden, 1824-1860","Taylor, John L. (John Lampkin), 1805-1870","Sparks, Jared, 1789-1866","Washington, Bushrod C. (Bushrod Corbin), 1839-1919","Tyler, Nathaniel, 1828-1917"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":251,"online_item_count_is":12,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-21T05:55:09.076Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_3_resources_65"}},{"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c18","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"John Booker, Kinston, North\n                  Carolina, letter to Chloe Unity Blair","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c18#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eAfter observing that letters from home bring him great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time, and even though the men are not doing anything, not even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker claims that he opposes desertion, but that the wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the army should have to join, while veteran soldiers should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality, John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is heading home to get married.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c18#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01_c18","ref_ssm":["viu_viu01838_c01_c18"],"id":"viu_viu01838_c01_c18","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu01838_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu01838","viu_viu01838_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts"],"text":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","c01: Manuscripts","John Booker, Kinston, North\n                  Carolina, letter to Chloe Unity Blair","ALS","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married."],"title_filing_ssi":"John Booker, Kinston, North\n                  Carolina, letter to Chloe Unity Blair","title_ssm":["John Booker, Kinston, North\n                  Carolina, letter to Chloe Unity Blair"],"title_tesim":["John Booker, Kinston, North\n                  Carolina, letter to Chloe Unity Blair"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1863 December 22"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1863"],"normalized_title_ssm":["John Booker, Kinston, North\n                  Carolina, letter to Chloe Unity Blair"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"physdesc_tesim":["ALS"],"extent_ssm":["3 p."],"extent_tesim":["3 p."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":19,"digital_objects_ssm":["{\"label\":\"Text transcription\",\"href\":\"http://xtf.lib.virginia.edu/xtf/view?docId=legacy_mss/uvaBook/tei/booker_letters/Boo3l22.xml\"}"],"date_range_isim":[1863],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_tesim":["After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#17","timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu01838","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01838","_root_":"viu_viu01838","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01838","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu01838.xml","title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["11237"],"text":["11237","James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864","26 items","There are no restrictions.","Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.","See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)","English"],"unitid_tesim":["11237"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_title_tesim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"collection_ssim":["James and John Booker Collection \n         1861-1864"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":[""],"creator_ssim":[""],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the University of Virginia\n            Library on May 20, 1996, by Mrs. Mary H. Payne, Danville,\n            Virginia, through P. L. Anderson, Jr., Danville,\n            Virginia."],"has_online_content_ssim":["true"],"physdesc_tesim":["26 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003ePrint Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eEncyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy\u003c/emph\u003e. Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026amp;\n                  Schuster, 1993.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eGregory, G. Howard. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series\u003c/emph\u003e)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eHewett, Janet B., ed. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eRoster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865\u003c/emph\u003e. Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eSublett, Charles W. \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e57th Virginia Infantry\u003c/emph\u003e.\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eElectronic Sources\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAustin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September,\n               1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm\u003c/extref\u003e(9 September\n                  1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWebb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\"\u003e\n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html\u003c/extref\u003e(28\n                  August 1997).\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibliography\u003e\n               \u003chead\u003eOther Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web\u003c/head\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n               \u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e\n            \u003c/bibliography\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eIndex of Civil War Information on the Web \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\"\u003e\n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eCivil War Miscellany \n                  \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\"\u003e\n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003ePickett's Division \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\"\u003e\n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eWar Links \n                     \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\"\u003e\n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/\u003c/extref\u003e\n               \u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography","Print Sources","Electronic Sources","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web"],"bibliography_tesim":["Print Sources Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993. Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series ) Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996. Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Encyclopedia of the\n                  Confederacy . Richard N. Current, Ed. NY: Simon \u0026\n                  Schuster, 1993.","Gregory, G. Howard. \n                   38th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1988. (part of \n                   The Virginia Regimental Histories\n                  Series )","Hewett, Janet B., ed. \n                   Roster of Confederate Soldiers\n                  1861-1865 . Vol 8. Wilmington NC: Broadfoot\n                  Publishing Company, 1996.","Sublett, Charles W. \n                   57th Virginia Infantry .\n                  Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985. (part of The\n                  Virginia Regimental Histories Series)","Electronic Sources Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997). \"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997). Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Austin, Gayle. \"Pittsylvania Co. VA Homepage.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.rootsweb.com/~vapittsy/ (9 September,\n               1997).","\"Southside on the Net, Directory of Churches and\n                  Religious Organizations.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://www.petersburg.com/c/c1.htm (9 September\n                  1997).","Webb, Kerry. \"U.S. Civil War Generals.\" 1997. \n                   \n                  http://funnelweb.utcc.utk.edu/~hoemann/generals.html (28\n                  August 1997).","Other Civil War Sites on the World\n               Wide Web Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/ Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/","Index of Civil War Information on the Web \n                   \n                  http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/civlink.htm","Civil War Miscellany \n                   \n                  http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/6806/","Pickett's Division \n                      \n                     http://home.ptd.net/~jeff1863/pickett.html","War Links \n                      \n                     http://members.aol.com/histcw/civil.html/"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eJames Booker and John Booker\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe twins, John and James, were born to \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1797-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eNancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)\u003c/persname\u003eon October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eWhitmell, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, in \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eCompany D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").\u003c/corpname\u003eFor more\n            information about the regiment see \n            \u003cbibref\u003e\n                  \u003ctitle\u003e38th Virginia Infantry\u003c/title\u003eby G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988)\u003c/bibref\u003e. The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n            \u003cgeogname\u003eBattle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n            \u003ccorpname\u003eChimborazo Hospital\u003c/corpname\u003e. John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n            \u003cpersname\u003eMartha Ann Fulton (?-1923)\u003c/persname\u003e(nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County\u003c/geogname\u003e, on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eChloe Unity Blair\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIndeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cbioghist\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eThe 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/bioghist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n               \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n                  \u003chead\u003eEngagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry\u003c/head\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eJuly 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43).\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eMay 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eSeptember 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eNovember 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house.\u003c/item\u003e\n                  \u003citem\u003eApril 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.\u003c/item\u003e\n               \u003c/list\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information","James Booker and John Booker","Chloe Unity Blair","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Booker and John Booker The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859). Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin). In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861). At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82). In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864. After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","The twins, John and James, were born to \n             John Booker (1797-1859) and \n             Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859) on October 10, 1840. Nancy and John\n            had been married since November 15, 1824 and had four other\n            children besides the twins: Mary Ann Booker Sparks\n            (1825-1872), Armistead M. Booker (1827-1838), Caroline\n            Booker (1833-1859) and William Booker (1836-1859).","Nancy also had another child --Margaret Benson Reynolds\n            (1815-1867) --from a previous marriage to William Reynolds\n            (March 29, 1814) (Austin).","In the first three months of 1859, typhoid fever struck\n            the Booker family, killing Nancy, John Sr., Caroline and\n            William. James and John were 19 years old. For the next two\n            years, the twins stayed with relatives, including Aunt\n            Kitty and Uncle John Blair, who later moved to Texas in\n            1860 (James Booker, September 6, 1861).","At the age of 21, James and John enlisted in the\n            Confederate Army, the 38th Regiment of Virginia, on May 24,\n            1861 in \n             Whitmell, Virginia , in \n             Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\"). For more\n            information about the regiment see \n             38th Virginia Infantry by G. Howard Gregory\n            (E 581.5 38th .G73 1988) . The Booker brothers\n            remained in service throughout the war, and were both\n            promoted to Sergeant sometime before April, 1864 (Gregory,\n            82).","In March of 1862, James was hospitalized in Richmond\n            with chronic diarrhea, but returned to his company soon\n            after. Both brothers were severely wounded at the \n             Battle of Drewry's Bluff near Petersburg,\n            Virginia , on May 16, 1864 and transferred to \n             Chimborazo Hospital . John received a\n            chest wound and James was wounded in the right thigh. Only\n            James, however, would survive. John died of his wound on\n            August 26, 1864.","After the war, James returned to Pittsylvania County and\n            on October 31, 1867, he married \n             Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923) (nicknamed\n            \"Pat\") of \n             Pittsylvania County , on October 31,\n            1867. She was one of the \"sweethearts\" mentioned in his\n            letters. James and Pat Booker had seven children. They died\n            within two months of each other in 1923. A typed page\n            listing their children and mentioning her relatives can be\n            found with the copies of the typescripts of the brothers'\n            letters.","Chloe Unity Blair Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers. Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother. Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","Chloe Unity Blair (1833-1875) was born to Chloe Coleman\n            Blair (1801-1854) and Drury Blair (1801-1864). Her father\n            was Nancy Booker's younger brother, making James and John\n            her first cousins. Chloe Unity had several brothers and\n            sisters, some of whom James and John mention in their\n            letters: Polly Ann, William, and Drury Addison \"Addie\"\n            Blair, who briefly served in the 38th Regiment with the\n            Bookers.","Unfortunately, all of Chloe Unity's letters to her\n            Booker cousins were either destroyed or are as yet\n            undiscovered. From their responses, however, we can see\n            that both John and James greatly appreciated her letters.\n            They depended upon her for news of the family and they\n            often asked her to \"remember\" them to different family\n            members. The Bookers also periodically asked their cousin\n            to have their sister Mary forward certain items such as\n            clothing or James' \"soldier likeness\" (October 4, 1863).\n            Chloe Unity would send them gifts and provisions as well,\n            prompting James to write, \"I am under many obligations to\n            you all for send ing us such a fine box it was a great\n            treat to us,\" (October 4, 1863). James and John are always\n            polite and solicitous in tone to their cousin, and yet the\n            letters also convey warmth and friendship: having lost\n            their parents and two siblings just before the war, John\n            and James may have been especially close to \"cousin Unity,\"\n            who along with their sister Mary may have served as a kind\n            of surrogate mother.","Indeed, when John married Martha Ann Fulton in October\n            of 1867, he became Chloe's step-son-in-law, since Chloe had\n            married Martha's father William Fulton (1821-18?) just a\n            few months before. It is easy to imagine that the two\n            cousins were pleased by this relationship, as their\n            respective marriages unified and tightened the Booker and\n            Blair families which had suffered so many losses during the\n            war years.","The 38th Virginia Infantry: A Brief History of the\n            Regiment On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected. The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon. Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home.","On May 3, 1861, Governor John Letcher called for the men\n            of Virginia to leave their families and occupations and\n            join the Confederate Army. Soon after, the 38th Virginia\n            Volunteer Infantry Regiment was formed, lead by Colonel\n            Edward Edmonds, Lieutenant Colonel Powhatan Whittle and\n            Major Isaac Carrington. During the course of the war, the\n            38th was assigned to several different brigades, including\n            Smith's, Early's and Armistead's Brigade. There was also\n            considerable turnover of officers, as some were wounded,\n            killed, or not re-elected.","The 38th consisted of ten companies, most of which were\n            organized in Pittsylvania County, VA. Company D, which the\n            Bookers joined, was organized at Whitmell. Its initial\n            leader was Captain Ralph Herndon.","Engagements and Assignments of the 38th\n                  Virginia Infantry May 5, 1862: The Battle of Williamsburg:\n                  Whittle is wounded. May 31, 1862: The Battle of Seven Pines: The\n                  38th suffers a casualty rate of 42%. July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill: The\n                  38th suffers severely with 11 killed, 72 wounded and\n                  11 missing. September 15, 1862: The 38th takes part in\n                  capturing Harper's Ferry. September 16, 1862: The 38th joins the Battle\n                  of Sharpsburg. July 3, 1863: The 38th is part of Pickett's\n                  Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg; Colonel Edmonds\n                  is killed; of the 481 members of the 38th who\n                  participated in the battle, \"40 were killed on the\n                  battlefield (8%); 51 were wounded (10%); and 103 were\n                  captured (21%)\" (Gregory 43). May 10, 1864: The Battle of Chester Station;\n                  Colonel Cabell is killed; Lieutenant Colonel Griggs\n                  is promoted to Colonel of the 38th. May 16, 1864: The Battle of Drewry's Bluff;\n                  from the 38th, 23 killed and 77 wounded. September 3, 1864: Brigadier General George\n                  Steuart assumes command of Armistead's Brigade.\n                  Desertions are frequent. November 17, 1864: The 38th captures the Union\n                  line near Petersburg. April 1, 1865: The Battle of Five Forks. April 6, 1865: The Battle of Sayler's\n                  Creek--the 38th's final battle. April 9, 1865: Lee surrenders at Appomattox\n                  Court House; the 38th is nearby at \"Pleasant\n                  Retreat,\" two miles east of the court house. April 13, 1865: The 38th breaks camp and heads\n                  home."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["James and John Booker\n            Collection, Accession 11237, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information","Scope and Content","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters","Preparing for Battle","Health","Food and Supplies","Interactions with Civilians","Morale","Religion"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scope and Content This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","This collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n             John Booker (1840-1864) and \n             James Booker (1840-1923) of \n             Pittsylvania County, Virginia, to their\n            cousin, \n             Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875) ;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.","Overview of Themes Discussed in the Letters The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","The letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.","Preparing for Battle The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864). Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863). Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","The members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).","Although the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).","Not only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).","Health More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","More explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.","Food and Supplies Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Although in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026 butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.","Interactions with Civilians Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging. Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Throughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.","Although civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).","Morale Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863). Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864). The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862). His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863). Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863). As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Early in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).","Soon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n             \"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863). John Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n             \"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).","The Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n             \"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).","His brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n             \"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).","Further feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).","As a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).","Religion Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home. In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Whereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n             Tis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.","In March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.","Optimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.","James Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.","James Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.","This letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.","Writing from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.","James Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.","James Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.","John Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.","James begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"","James Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.","Claiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.","After reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.","Writing on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.","James Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.","Writing a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.","John Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.","Apparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.","After observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.","Booker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"","John Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"","James Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.","James Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                   1 John . The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n             \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc/\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":[""],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital","John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Company D, 38th Virginia Regiment, Infantry (also\n            known as \"the Whitmell Guards\").","Chimborazo Hospital"],"persname_ssim":["John Booker (1797-1859)","Nancy Blair Reynolds Booker\n            (1796-1859)","Martha Ann Fulton (?-1923)","John Booker (1840-1864)","James Booker (1840-1923)","Chloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":23,"online_item_count_is":22,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-21T13:07:18.853Z","scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eScope and Content\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of ca. twenty-six items,\n            1861-1864, chiefly the letters of \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Booker (1840-1864)\u003c/persname\u003eand \n            \u003cpersname\u003eJames Booker (1840-1923)\u003c/persname\u003eof \n            \u003cgeogname\u003ePittsylvania County, Virginia,\u003c/geogname\u003eto their\n            cousin, \n            \u003cpersname\u003eChloe Unity Blair (1839-1875)\u003c/persname\u003e;\n            electrostatic copies of Bible records for the Booker and\n            Blair families; and electrostatic copies of typed\n            transcripts of the letters. The original bound volume of\n            the transcripts was returned to the donor.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eOverview of Themes Discussed in the Letters\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe letters of James and John Booker give a sense of\n            what life was like for an ordinary soldier serving in the\n            Confederate army. Of course, the Bookers depict the drama\n            of battle --describing gunfire and cannonades, listing the\n            dead and wounded, and giving thanks for their own escapes\n            from death or imprisonment--but the letters are more\n            concerned with the rhythms of everyday life at camp. The\n            Bookers worry over their health and their comrades'; enjoy\n            the plenty or (more often) lament the lack of food and\n            supplies; report on the interactions between civilians and\n            soldiers; and describe religious revivals held at the camp.\n            As the war goes on, the Bookers begin to articulate with\n            more intensity not only what happens to them, but how they\n            feel about it. Whereas John fumes against the elites\n            (officers, politicians, and the wealthy) for evading their\n            responsibilities and mistreating the common soldier, James\n            grows more fatalistic and religious, trusting that his\n            suffering is God's will.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003ePreparing for Battle\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe members of the 38th Virginia spent much of their\n            time drilling, marching, serving picket duty, and\n            speculating about when and where the next battle would be.\n            Indeed, the Bookers seem to devote more energy to\n            anticipating battles than to describing them (perhaps\n            because they did not want to upset their cousin). They\n            acquired much of the information that fueled their\n            speculations from gossipping with citizens and other\n            soldiers. In a letter from 1861, for instance, James Booker\n            predicts that a \"hard battle\" will break out soon, basing\n            his prediction on a conversation he had with a soldier\n            whose company is located closer to the front (October 8).\n            Sometimes more immediate experiences led the Bookers to\n            forecast a battle, especially when they could see Union\n            troops or hear cannonades and gunfire nearby. Writing from\n            a rain-soaked outpost near Yorktown, Virginia in 1862, for\n            instance, James reports that the Union forces have been\n            \"shooting at our men constantly tho it is very cildom thay\n            hit eny of them\" (April 19). He predicts that soon a battle\n            will occur that will decide the war, since he has heard\n            that Yankee prisoners \"say that thay have got to whip or\n            die here\" (April 19, 1862). But in this prediction, as in\n            others, James was disappointed. As the war dragged on, the\n            Bookers stopped assuming that it would reach a speedy\n            conclusion; indeed, by 1864 John came to the conclusion\n            that the \"leaden men\" were not really interested in\n            achieving peace (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough the Bookers participated in several battles and\n            skirmishes, the most devastating battle for their regiment\n            was Gettysburg (see the section on Regimental History for a\n            complete list of the engagements that the 38th took part\n            in). While participating in Pickett's Charge, the 38th\n            Virginia lost Colonel Edmonds, whom James Booker describes\n            as \"one of the best men in service,\" and many other\n            officers and soldiers (July 11, 1863). The Booker brothers\n            themselves had to scramble to avoid being captured by Union\n            troops; several of their companions, however, \"let the\n            Yankees take them\" (John Booker, July 11, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNot only were the Bookers shocked by their experiences\n            in battle, but by chilling events that upset camp routines.\n            In the first weeks of the war, James Booker reports, a\n            young man accidentally shot another soldier from his\n            hometown and now is \"about to grieve himself to death about\n            it\" (July 14, 1861). But James passes on an even more\n            shocking story in a later letter: two soldiers were caught\n            conspiring to kill their commanding officer and were\n            executed. In an attempt to \"save their souls,\" the\n            condemned soldiers \"gave the Roman Catholic Priest 25\n            dollars apiece\" (December 15, 1861).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eHealth\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMore explainable than violence in the camps, but\n            ultimately more destructive, was disease. Illness and\n            disease killed two-thirds of the Southern soldiers who died\n            during the Civil War, so not surprisingly the Bookers often\n            detail the health problems that they and their fellow\n            soldiers were suffering (Robertson 88-89). These ailments\n            include jaundice, typhoid, stomach disorders, fever, and\n            mumps. The Bookers imply that much of the illness is due to\n            the conditions the soldiers must face; sometimes the\n            soldiers lacked adequate shelter, at times they would have\n            to wade rivers and then march miles wearing wet clothing,\n            and often they lacked adequate provisions (John Booker,\n            April 29, 1862). Although sick soldiers were typically sent\n            to the hospital, the men also took care of each other. In\n            the fall of 1861, James and John Booker, apparently just\n            recovering from sickness themselves, were responsible for\n            nursing three members of their company (James Booker,\n            September 6). Several months later, James Booker fell sick\n            with chronic diarrhea and was sent to Greaner's Hospital in\n            Richmond to recuperate. While in the hospital, Booker was\n            stuck in a Catch-22: he wanted to get a furlough so that he\n            could recover his health at home, but he did not know where\n            his company was, so he could not get the permission of his\n            commanding officer to return to Pittsylvania. Eventually\n            James re-joined his company, but he did not receive the\n            furlough that he wished for.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eFood and Supplies\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough in his first letter James Booker claims that\n            the soldiers get \"plenty of good pervision,\" the Bookers\n            later complained that they often didn't get enough to eat\n            (July 14, 1861). As James writes in 1862, \"the rations has\n            bin very scanty a large portion of the time sence we have\n            bin marching\" (September 30). But sometimes the 38th\n            Virginia did enjoy plentiful supplies, particularly when\n            they camped in locations where food was abundant. When the\n            38th Virginia arrived near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, for\n            instance, James Booker reported that \"we can get plenty of\n            milk \u0026amp; butter and apple butter that is verry good\"\n            (June 30, 1863). Often civilians would supply soldiers with\n            food, whether because they feared or supported the\n            troops.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eInteractions with Civilians\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThroughout the letters, the Bookers demonstrate their\n            consciousness of the effect the war is having on the\n            civilians. At the beginning of the war, James Booker\n            describes the friendly exchanges between Southern soldiers\n            and civilians, reporting gleefully from a camp near\n            Winchester that the men have \"a fine chance of beautiful\n            young Ladies, and the kindest that I ever saw\" (July 14,\n            1861). Besides providing moral support, Southern civilians\n            would exchange information about the war with the\n            Confederate troops (James Booker, November 24, 1862). Both\n            Southern and Northern civilians would sell or give supplies\n            to Confederate troops. Writing from Winchester, Virginia in\n            1862, James Booker even claims that he prefers Yankees to\n            Quakers, since \"the Yankees will sell us eny thing cheap\n            for the specia\" while \"the quakers will sell any thing thay\n            have got when the spirit moves them, tho we cant catch them\n            rite half our time\" (James Booker, October 17, 1862).\n            Likewise, in Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania, the Yankee\n            citizens treated the Confederate soldiers \"verry kind,\"\n            providing them food without charging them for it, though\n            James suggests that \"it is don through fear\" (June 30,\n            1863). While in Fredericksburg, James enjoyed a mutually\n            supportive relationship with a local civilian, guarding his\n            home in exchange for lodging.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough civilians and soldiers often cooperated with\n            each other, the Bookers realized that the war was damaging\n            the lives of those not directly involved in the fighting.\n            In particular, James argues, citizens who live near the\n            \"line of the enemy\" \"have great deal to see trouble about\"\n            (June 14, 1863). Even those areas not yet scarred by the\n            war would soon be, James predicts. As he says of\n            Fredericksburg, Pennsylvania,\"this is a verry flourishing\n            looking Country the crops all look fine. it has never felt\n            the affect of the war, though I guess if we stay here long\n            it will feel the affect of it\" (June 30, 1863). James\n            especially blames Northern soldiers for looting the homes\n            of Southern citizens, claiming that \"the yankees is geting\n            too mean to live\" (June 14, 1863). But he admits that some\n            Confederate soldiers likewise have stolen from citizens,\n            disobeying General Lee's orders. Indeed, one woman stormed\n            into the Confederate camp near Kinston, North Carolina,\n            hoping to recover a skillet of soup that had been stolen\n            (June 30, 1863; January 1, 1864). Confederate soldiers also\n            stole over 18,000 dollars from the Quarter Master (January\n            1, 1864). Despite these incidents, James Booker was\n            offended when Confederate General Seth Maxwell Barton\n            called the members of his brigade \"rags and thieves,\" since\n            \"it is not healthy for him to gave honist people such a bad\n            name because some men does wrong\" (January 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eMorale\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEarly in the war, James and John Booker seemed to\n            believe that the South would defeat the North swiftly. They\n            contended that the South had a stronger army, and they\n            noted that Northerners \"dont unite like our people do,\"\n            since the Democrats and the Republicans were at odds (James\n            Booker, June 30, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSoon their hope had begun to fade. Though James Booker\n            longed to return home, by 1863 he no longer believed that\n            the North and South would achieve a quick peace: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I am a fread it will be a long time first if ever, I\n               think the prosspect for peece is very gloomy now it dont\n               look like eather side is make in any prepperration for\n               Piece, thare are greater preperation for fighten than\n               ever\" (September 23, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003eJohn Booker was even more pessimistic, and\n            certainly much more cynical, as he accused the Southern\n            leadership of needlessly prolonging the war: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I beleave that we mout have hud piece be fore this\n               time if our head leaden men would would have tride\"\n               (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Bookers, particularly John, felt that while Southern\n            elites were making decisions that extended the war, the\n            poor were actually fighting most of the battles and\n            suffering the consequences of those decisions. Because the\n            First Conscription Act allowed a drafted man to hire a\n            \"substitute\" to serve his term in the army, wealthy men\n            could evade service (Current, 396-99). This provision\n            enraged many of the Confederate soldiers, who contended\n            that it placed the burden of the war on those who could not\n            afford to pay for a substitute. Not only did substitution\n            fan class tensions, but it also failed to bring competent\n            soldiers into the army. James Booker mentions that that the\n            substitute for John Millner deserted, and many other\n            substitutes did likewise (August 3, 1862). Some men even\n            made a business of agreeing to substitute for one person,\n            deserting, and then collecting money to substitute for\n            someone else. Although James Booker did not get angry about\n            the practice of substitution, he understood that it\n            weakened the Confederate Army: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I dont blame no man to put in a substitute if he\n               can, tho I think if it is kept up much long er it will\n               ruin our army\" (August 3, 1862).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis brother John, however, was less tentative in\n            condemning substitution: \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003e\"I say put every one on equal foottin for this is a\n               rich mans war an a por mans fight, I be leave thare are\n               some of the men that have but in substitute are dooen a\n               great [d]eal of good but the most of them are doo en\n               more harm than good they are just speculaten on the poor\n               people, an soldiers\" (December 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFurther feeding John Booker's indignation was the\n            distribution of furloughs. According to the First\n            Conscription Act, a \"twelvemonth man\" was entitled to a\n            sixty-day furlough each year, but neither Booker received a\n            furlough during his time in the army (Current, 396-99).\n            John Booker noted that while officers freely took furloughs\n            themselves, the captain in charge of his company, John\n            Herndon, was \"too lazy\" to give his exhausted men a break\n            (Decemeber 22, 1863).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs a result of the inequalities and inefficiencies of\n            miltary adminstration, John Booker believed that soldiers\n            should refuse to re-enlist. In his March 1, 1864 letter, he\n            derides the miltary pagaent staged by Virginia Governor\n            William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel Cabell in an\n            attempt to persuade the men to re-enlist. After commanding\n            the soldiers to line up, the Colonel ordered that the\n            Colors (the flags of the regiment) be borne to the front\n            and asked \"all who wer determen to be freemen to step out\n            on the line with the cullars and all who wer willen to be\n            slaves for thare enemyes to stand fast\" (March 1, 1864).\n            Angry that he hadn't yet received a furlough, and convinced\n            that re-enlisting would only encourage the Southern\n            leadership to continue the war, John Booker rejected the\n            Colonel's challenge that he re-enlist; two-thirds of the\n            soldiers stood back with him. As he explains, \"I dideant\n            inten to reinlist nor I wes not willen to be a Slave for my\n            enemyes and I dident go on line with the reinlisted, and I\n            dideant wish to bee in eather line\" (March 1, 1864).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cscopecontent\u003e\n            \u003chead\u003eReligion\u003c/head\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e\n            \u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e\n         \u003c/scopecontent\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhereas John Booker responded to terrible conditions by\n            getting angry, his brother James turned to religion as a\n            way of making sense of his suffering and connecting with\n            home. As he writes of his homesickness, James Booker\n            occasionally expresses his desire to join his relatives at\n            the religious revivals held at Mount Hermon Baptist Church\n            near Danville, Virginia (August 3, 1862). But he reassures\n            his cousin that revivals often take place in the camp and\n            that many soldiers have been converted. According to James,\n            a sense of gratitude in war-time motivates many of the men\n            to convert: \"I think it is time for them to turn after\n            being blesed so plainley as they have bin in the past\n            battles\" (October 17, 1862). Likewise, James' faith seems\n            to have strengthened him and given him hope of returning\n            home, whether to Pittsylvania County or to Heaven. In a\n            letter written on New Years Day of 1864, James includes two\n            quotations about coming home to and through God. Quoting\n            from the third stanza of \"Amazing Grace,\" James writes, \n            \u003cblockquote\u003e\n                  \u003cp\u003eTis grace that brought me safe thus far And grace\n               will lead me home.\u003c/p\u003e\n               \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n            \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March of 1864, however, James believed that he might\n            not arrive home safely, at least not home to Pittsylvania,\n            since the spring campaign would soon open and \"then we poor\n            soldiers will see a hard time\" (March 16, 1864). But James\n            embraced a spirit of Christian fatalism, contending that\n            his life was in God's hands: \"If it is the will of [my]\n            maker for me to be cut down in this war I dont ask to be\n            spared for I beleave that he will do what is the best for\n            me, thare is but few things that I would ask to stay in\n            this trouble some world for\" (March 16, 1864). After\n            writing this letter, James Booker lived for almost sixty\n            more years, but his twin John died five months later of\n            wounds he received at Drewry's Bluff.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOptimistic at the beginning of the war, James\n                  Booker praises the \"elegant water,\" \"beautiful young\n                  Ladies,\" and \"most beautiful country\" he finds at the\n                  38th's camp at Winchester. But he notes that one\n                  member of the regiment accidentally shot another\n                  member from his hometown and now feel terrible. He\n                  warns that \"cowardly boys\" who are avoiding service\n                  should beware, since they are likely to be drafted or\n                  made to put up breastworks. After salutations and\n                  greetings, James indicates where letters should be\n                  sent. A. Blair, a relative of James' and possibly\n                  Chloe Blair's brother, writes a short note to be\n                  included. Blair indicates that he is including a\n                  letter that \"brother William\" received from\n                  \"brother,\" who was expecting to go to Manassas. Blair\n                  finishes by saying that all are well.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker complains of not hearing from his\n                  family. He mentions being too ill to serve and that\n                  he, consequently, works in the hospital. He talks\n                  about patients suffering from jaundice and yellow\n                  fever and mentions the poor health of James May, Hugh\n                  Norton and Josiah Burnett, as well as the death of\n                  Billy Pruett from eating \"too much beef liver.\" In\n                  spite of their complaints, he notes that the health\n                  of the men in camp is improving. He alludes to having\n                  received bad news from Texas, and then states that he\n                  will probably not come home as long as he is healthy\n                  or until peace is declared. The postscript states\n                  that James will try to send for things via any\n                  returning soldiers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that his company is healthier\n                  than it has been for some time. He has heard about\n                  fighting at Falls Church the day before, and reports\n                  a conversation with a man from the Danville Grays,\n                  who told him that the Yankees are within four miles\n                  of his company at Fairfax Court House. From this\n                  information, James Booker predicts that a \"hard\n                  battle\" will soon take place. He mentions getting a\n                  letter from Addie (perhaps Drury Addison Blair),\n                  whose condition is improving.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis letter is a reply to one or more letters that\n                  James had received from his cousin and \"sweethearts\"\n                  a few days earlier. He has just heard that his\n                  regiment is about to move into their winter quarters\n                  in Gainesville. He will join it when the winter\n                  quarters are ready. Meanwhile, the work in his\n                  current quarters is lighter and the pay better. He\n                  believes the fighting in Centreville will not\n                  continue past winter. He mentions meeting a man who\n                  had been captured by the Union and who was recently\n                  released. According to this man, there are 60,000\n                  sick Yankees in Washington. He also adds that he has\n                  heard that two men in Centreville were shot for\n                  trying to kill their commanding officer. James closes\n                  the letter by asking to be remembered to cousin Eliza\n                  Ann Williams and to all the \"ladies\" at Christmas\n                  time.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting from the company's winter quarters near\n                  the battlefield of First Manassas, John Booker\n                  describes his brother James' sickness, which has left\n                  him weak and without an appetite. Other soldiers,\n                  including Nathaniel Robertson and Neal Gilbert, have\n                  struggled with illness; one, Josiah Burnett, has\n                  died. Booker ends his letter by expressing his\n                  pleasure at having received his cousin Unity's letter\n                  and apologizing that his brother James was unable to\n                  write.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker explains why he has been so long in\n                  answering Unity's latest letters, stating that he has\n                  been in hospital, too ill to write. He had hoped to\n                  come home on furlough, but has been separated from\n                  his regiment and could not obtain leave. He asks that\n                  Unity write to him with the location of his regiment.\n                  He also complains about the quality of the food and\n                  mentions seeing many acquaintances on their way to\n                  the front. He closes by asking his cousin to direct\n                  her replies to Greaner's Hospital, care of Surgeon R.\n                  G. Banks.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes to inform his cousin of the\n                  location of his regiment. He indicates that they have\n                  been shot at but infrequently hit. He mentions that a\n                  man named Tucker, who was wounded in the chin, was\n                  the only man from his regiment (he was attached to\n                  Captain Carter's Company F) to have been shot. He\n                  also notes that many men, mainly Yankees, were killed\n                  at last Wednesday's battle and that this evening the\n                  Yankees flew a truce flag in order to safely bury\n                  their dead. He feels that, because the best of both\n                  armies are here, the war will be settled here. He\n                  closes by asking that Unity write soon, and direct\n                  her letters to him at Yorktown. He also asks her to\n                  notify \"sister Mary\" that Pickney has not yet\n                  arrived.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes a new posting and notes\n                  that, since leaving the Orange Court House, the\n                  troops are living without tents. They stay in the\n                  entrenchments every other day and night, and are\n                  under constant bombardment by the Yankees. He\n                  mentions that there is a good deal of sickness and\n                  many are being wounded. Also, he notes that they have\n                  elected officers for the next two years. John closes\n                  by asking Unity to direct her letter to him at\n                  Yorktown.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames begins by apologizing for the tardiness of\n                  his letter: he explains that he has been ill. He then\n                  discusses the practice of substitution (arranging for\n                  a replacement in the army), concluding that it is\n                  having a bad effect on the Confederate Army. He also\n                  discusses his work assignment and his health. In a\n                  separate letter on the same paper, John tells his\n                  cousin about his cold and sore throat. He also states\n                  that there is currently no fighting, but he can hear\n                  the Yankees firing cannonade \"down on the river.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker writes that he and his brother John\n                  are in good health. They have been marching hard but\n                  usually have not gotten enough to eat. Booker reports\n                  that the general feeling in the camp is that peace\n                  will come soon. Four sick conscripts have arrived\n                  (and are named). James complains of having to march\n                  in wet clothing after crossing bridge-less streams.\n                  He also notes that the sick and wounded have been\n                  ordered from Winchester to Staunton and thinks that\n                  everyone else will be going to Richmond soon. James\n                  looks forward to going there since he has not heard\n                  from home since leaving Richmond. He greets other\n                  family members and mentions that John will write\n                  soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eClaiming that he would be able to \"stand\" being a\n                  soldier if he received enough to eat, James Booker\n                  notes that recently the supply of food has been\n                  adequate, but that the men have not gotten enough\n                  salt. James Booker notes the illnesses of two men in\n                  camp, Bage Pritchett and John Hundley. He compares\n                  the entrepreneurship of the Yankees with the more\n                  whimsical quality of the Quakers' mercantilism and\n                  notes the use of Confederate money and specie to buy\n                  provisions. He also describes a month-long religious\n                  revival meeting underway in camp.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter reporting that he and his brother John are\n                  well, James Booker writes that the company has been\n                  marching for the past four days and has finally\n                  arrived at its camp near Fredericksburg. Many Union\n                  soldiers are nearby, and he predicts that the Union\n                  troops will soon begin shelling the Confederates. He\n                  expects a \"hard\" battle to commence soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting on the Sabbath, James Booker tells his\n                  cousin that both he and his brother are well. The\n                  members of Company D marched for the past ten days,\n                  and they expect to march again the next day, since\n                  they are following the movements of the Union troops.\n                  A few days previously, the Union had surprised the\n                  Confederate cavalry, but the Confederates managed to\n                  drive their enemies across the river and take several\n                  hundred prisoners. Complaining that \"the Yankees is\n                  getting too mean to live,\" James Booker writes that\n                  they steal and destroy Southern property, such as\n                  meat, corn, and horses. He notes, \"I still live in\n                  hope of peace soon though I may not live to see it.\"\n                  He observes that at a \"very interesting\" camp meeting\n                  several men, including Captain Herndon, were\n                  converted.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker reports that he and his brother John\n                  are well. He mentions that local residents seem\n                  fearful of the army and that General Robert E. Lee\n                  has ordered his troops to respect private property.\n                  He describes the flourishing condition of\n                  Pennsylvania farms, noting that this part of the\n                  country has not yet felt the effects of the war.\n                  James perceives disunity in the people's attitude\n                  toward the war, comments on the abolitionists'\n                  motives, and mentions that he is boarding at a\n                  private house for free in return for guarding the\n                  owner's property. He closes by asking that Unity\n                  write soon, for he the last letter he received was\n                  dated the 13th.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWriting a few days after Gettysburg, James Booker\n                  describes the heavy losses suffered by his division\n                  during Pickett's Charge; most of the regiment's\n                  officers and many of the enlisted men were killed,\n                  wounded, or captured during the assault. James and\n                  John Booker escaped harm, though they were nearly\n                  taken prisoner by the Union forces. His division has\n                  been assigned to escort 5000-6000 Union prisoners to\n                  the South. He reports hearing daily of small battles\n                  and expects another major battle imminently, although\n                  he does not expect his division to be involved\n                  because it is on guard in Williamsport, a city where\n                  most of the citizens appear to favor the North.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker writes that he is happy that Chloe\n                  enjoyed the revival meeting at Hermon (perhaps the\n                  Mount Hermon Baptist Church near Danville), then\n                  notes that there is \"good preaching\" at the camp. He\n                  contends that \"the prosspect for peece is very gloomy\n                  now,\" given that both sides are preparing for war\n                  with more intensity than ever. He reports that,\n                  despite rumors, Pickett's division will remain in\n                  Virginia. The troops are elated at this news, even\n                  though they have little more to do than guard camp\n                  and drill three times a day. In a postscript, James\n                  Booker asks Chloe Unity Blair to send his letter to\n                  his sister soon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eApparently upset that he did not receive a\n                  furlough, James Booker wishes for the warmth and\n                  comforts of home, writing, \"there is none of them\n                  that knows how to appreciate a blessing until they\n                  are deprived of it.\" Still, he admits, in wartime he\n                  should find satisfaction simply in having enough to\n                  eat and enjoying good health; but he cannot be\n                  satisfied when speculators sell food to women and\n                  children at inflated prices. He observes that the\n                  married soldiers have sent for their wives and were\n                  boarding them at the homes of local citizens. He\n                  observes that General Corse's Brigade had been at the\n                  camp near Petersburg, but that they were sent to\n                  Tennessee. He also mentions writing to his sister\n                  Mary, telling her that he did not need clothing, as\n                  he received the box that \"you all\" sent him. The\n                  letter closes with a one-page postscript stating that\n                  John made a potato pie, and Cousin Tom ate with the\n                  two of them. He sends his regards to Cousin Pollie\n                  Ann and mentions that Cousin William Blair and Luther\n                  are stationed nearby but will be leaving for\n                  Chatanooga, Tennessee, within the next two days. He\n                  closes asking for Unity to return his \"soldier\n                  likeness\" to him so he can exchange it for a new\n                  one.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter observing that letters from home bring him\n                  great pleasure, John Booker chastises his cousin for\n                  not writing sooner. He notes that \"Flem\" Gregory has\n                  been ill, but is recuperating. Then he launches into\n                  a complaint that energizes the letter: Captain John\n                  Herndon is too \"lazy\" to grant the soldiers in his\n                  company furloughs, even though it is Christmas time,\n                  and even though the men are not doing anything, not\n                  even picket duty. So discontented are the soldiers\n                  that many say they will not re-enlist. John Booker\n                  claims that he opposes desertion, but that the\n                  wealthier men who paid substitutes to serve in the\n                  army should have to join, while veteran soldiers\n                  should receive furloughs. Angered at the inequality,\n                  John exclaims, \"this is a rich mans war an a poor\n                  mans fight.\" He ends his letter by observing that\n                  Memory Inman, another member of the D Company, is\n                  heading home to get married.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBooker reports that although his regiment had\n                  begun to march to meet the Yankees in battle, the\n                  Union had attacked --and been defeated by --another\n                  group of Confederate soldiers thirty-five miles away.\n                  He reports that the winter has been fairly pleasant\n                  and that food is cheap and plentiful. Despite such\n                  abundance, he notes, soldiers have been stealing food\n                  from local residents. He mentions a serious theft of\n                  $18,000 from the Quarter Master; soldiers are\n                  suspected of the deed. James expresses concern over\n                  General Barton's attitude towards the Regiment.\n                  (Barton has said his men come from \"rags and\n                  thieves.\") James complains that after three years of\n                  service he has still not received a furlough. He\n                  closes the letter with a stanza from \"Amazing\n                  Grace.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJohn Booker describes the attempt by Virginia\n                  Governor William \"Extra Billy\" Smith and Colonel\n                  [Joseph Robert] Cabell to make the men of the 38th\n                  Regiment re-enlist. He deplores the strategies they\n                  used: calling the men to stand before the \"Colors,\"\n                  declaring that any man who wanted to be a slave to\n                  the enemy should not re-enlist. John fears that his\n                  leaders want to continue to fight at all costs,\n                  rather than press for peace; and as long as men\n                  re-enlist the war will go on. John also expresses his\n                  dissatisfaction with the administration of the\n                  Regiment: only the men who re-enlist are granted\n                  furloughs, and John has still not received the\n                  furlough owed to him in 1862. He mentions that the\n                  two new recrutes to Company D are receiving their\n                  furloughs ahead of him. Changing the subject, John\n                  writes of nearby Union activity and says that they\n                  have been expecting a raid. Finally, he writes of\n                  Memory Inman's court martial and Captain John\n                  Herndon's marriage. He closes the letter by\n                  apologizing for its angry tone, writing, \"I have bin\n                  mad all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker informs his cousin of his and his\n                  brother's good health. He discusses the treatment of\n                  prisoners of war, the unavailability of certain types\n                  of foodstuffs and the deprivations of civilians due\n                  to the war. He further comments on the weather and\n                  his coming duty in the field. He laments the lack of\n                  correspondence from home and closes his\n                  correspondence with salutations and wishes for his\n                  family's good health He apologizes for his poor\n                  writing, attributing it to having to finish the\n                  letter by firelight.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJames Booker replies to Unity's letters of the\n                  17th and 24th. He mentions that his company has been\n                  fishing about 20 miles away and that the Yankees are\n                  getting closer and are expected to drive the men out\n                  of the fishery. He states that the Yankees are\n                  believed to be heading for Richmond. James hopes that\n                  \"this cruel war\" may end soon and \"in our favor.\" He\n                  closes with a quotation from \n                  \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003e1 John\u003c/emph\u003e. The postscript,\n                  written on April 30th, states that the rumor that the\n                  Yankees are coming may be false.\u003c/p\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01838_c01_c18"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"George Mason University","value":"George Mason University","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=George+Mason+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","value":"The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","hits":10},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=The+George+Washington+Presidential+Library+at+Mount+Vernon"}},{"attributes":{"label":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","value":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","hits":33},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}}]},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863"}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Anna Maria Hickman Otis Mead Chalmers family papers","value":"Anna Maria Hickman Otis Mead Chalmers family papers","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Baccess%5D%5B%5D=online\u0026f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Anna+Maria+Hickman+Otis+Mead+Chalmers+family+papers\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1863"}},{"attributes":{"label":"C. 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